ENVIRONMENTAL ANTHROPOLOGY &-*.*' Vjh-X _ , :.;> ' Community Participation in Watershed Management If environmental problems were simply the result of technical failure, we could count on technological improvements to make human activities efficient, non-polluting, and sustainable. But environmental problems are more than technical problems. They reflect human choices made both in the past and present, by households and governments, nationally as well as globally. These choices are shaped by particular values. Environmental values reflect the varied ways people experience, understand, and care for the world around them. If community members feel that water protection projects reflect their values and address their concerns, they are more, likely to get involved with and provide much needed support for these projects. In recognition of the importance of stakeholder involvement to project sustainability, the United States Environmental Protection Agency has promoted community-based environmental protection and watershed protec- tion. This Review highlights some general guidelines for community participa- tion strategies, using examples from projects sponsored through a coopera- tive agreement between the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency and the Society for Applied Anthropology. What is a "Community"? Developing successful community participation strategies - strategies that have a positive effect on project outcomes - takes careful plan- ning and analysis. The first question concerns the meaning of "com- munity." Is this a community of place, based on life in a shared geographic setting? Or is this a community of interest, based on shared values? In either case, "community" implies shared action. Without this, community is reduced to a social category, a class of persons sharing certain attributes and interests. Community, strictly speaking, refers to persons who not only share place and interests, but who also act collectively to further those interests. ------- ENVIRONMENTAL ANTHROPOLOGY SfAA environmental anthropology internship projects emphasized a variety of techniques to give voice to local perspectives in watershed management planning and implementation. >Morro Bay Estuary Community involvement in estuary planning £ management Chesapeake Bay^v Watershed mgmnt includes multiple -^ perspectives Anacostja Community values & restoration planning Broad River Watershed planning includes local knowledge Procedural Fairness Community participation efforts can influence whether environmental programs are perceived as fair. When people say that environmental management programs are unfair, they are really talking about two different, often difficult to separate, dimensions of fairness. One dimension involves outcomes - is the distribution of benefits and burdens "fair"? Several different distribution principles may be applied: e.g., "equal" - where every stakeholder receives exactly the same measure of benefit and burden, regardless of size; or "proportional" where each stakeholder receives ben- efits and burdens in proportion to their size, need, or other relevant factor The other dimension involves procedure—is the process by which decisions have been reached considered fair? A process is considered fair according to some or all of the following attributes: • Accessibility to decision-making process • Diversity of views represented • Opportunities to participate meaningfully • Integration of concerns. Accessibility to decision-making process! Is the process open to all stakeholders, or just a limited few? By what criteria are access and eligibility to participate limited, either directly or indirectly? In most cases, there are no explicit criteria that limit public participation. However, outreach efforts tend to focus on stakeholders who are the most vocal, the most organized, or who wield the most obvious influence in promoting or blocking environmental protection. Unless other strategic efforts are made, minority or low-income populations are not represented among these groups. ------- Community Participation in Watershed Management For example, in Alabama and Georgia, Environmental Anthropology Project intern Sandra Crismon attended county fairs and hosted information booths where she distributed outreach material on watershed planning efforts. She came into contact with a cross- section of the population and elicited their perceptions of watershed conditions and needs. Through these and other methods, racial minority stakeholder groups and a wide range of other stakeholders were identified who had been unrecognized in previous outreach efforts. Diversity of views represented: To what extent does stakeholder involvement identify and select participants who represent the widest possible range of interests, positions, and values? The Broad River is one of the last free flowing rivers in Georgia and is critical to the health and economic well being of the region's popula- tion. As in most watershed protection efforts, the challenge here was to determine how to get residents actively to support river conserva- tion efforts. In other words, what could transform a "community of place" into a "community of joint action?" To help answer this question, Environmental Anthropology Project intern Stephanie Paladino collected data from residents of Madison County about environmental values, public knowledge, interests, and concerns involving land use management and river conservation. Not surprisingly, real estate developers, business owners, wage laborers, farmers, and civil servants expressed a variety of priorities, ranging from building roads and facilitating population growth to keeping the area rural and limiting housing developments. In spite of these differences, residents shared a strong sense of community and attachment to the land they called home. Residents placed a high value on individual rights, but they also recognized the importance of collective rights and the necessity of laws to help keep the balance between the two. Taking care of the environment was associated with both collective rights and the idea of being a good neighbor. Photo: Stephanie Paladino Nearly everyone cares about the environment. However, people disagree enormously about how best to act for its protection. Environmental Justice Environmental justice has at its core the notion that environmental burdens and benefits should be evenly distributed, and that the process by which decisions are made should be fair. The Environmental Justice movement in the United States grew out of the 1960s Civil Rights movement as advocates argued that minority communities were not offered equal protection under the law for all environmental statutes and regulations. Activists generally point to three different kinds of inequity: Procedural - are governing rules, regulations, and evaluation criteria applied uniformly? Geographical - why do some neighbor- hoods, communities, and regions receive direct benefits, such as jobs and tax revenues, from industrial production while the costs, such as the burdens of waste disposal, are sent elsewhere? Social - environmental decisions often mirror the power arrangements of the larger society and result in overloading minority and low-income communities with noxious facilities. In response to mounting pressure from the Environmental Justice movement, President Clinton signed Executive Order 12898, directing all federal agencies to adopt strategies to pay special attention to burdens placed on low-income and minority communities. The United States Environmental Protection Agency has responded by making environmental justice concerns key components of environmental impact statements prepared under the authority of the National Environmental Policy Act. Environmental justice should play a key role in the scoping analysis, that is, the identification and definition of the range of actions, alternatives, and impacts that will be considered in an environmental impact statement. Environmental justice analysis must consider the cumulative impacts of multiple actions along with impacts from a single proposed project. For example, a project that will result in a permitted discharge to nearby surface waters may be of concern to populations who rely on fishing and who already get their drinking water through lead pipes; the cumulative effects of both the projected discharge and the existing lead pipes must be taken into account. Adequate public participa- tion is crucial to incorporating ehviron- rnental justice considerations into the United States environmental Protection Agency's actions, both to enhance the quality of the analyses and to ensure that potential affected parties are not over- looked and excluded from the process. For additional information, see: http:// www.eDa.gov/swerosps/ei ------- ENVIRONMENTAL ANTHROPOLOGY Environmental Values Environmental planners want their preservation, enhancement, and restoration plans to serve the public interest, and need long-term public support for their efforts. Anthropologists suggest that lasting environmental policy solutions are best grounded in public value orientations, not opinions. While opinions tend to be ever-shifting and subject to manipulation by marketing and advertising campaigns, value orientations tend to be more deep- seated, change more gradually, and are less susceptible to purposeful manipulation. In thinking about the role of values in environmental policy-making, the following three questions are Important: (1) How can we learn about public values? Ethnographic (qualitative) research is a productive complement to surveys as a systematic data collection method. Values are variable across a population, not mono- lithic, and surveys help us understand this variability. Qualitative research helps us understand the richly textured meanings of any particular position along a distribution of values. (2) What values matter, in the context of environmental planning and management? Rather than talk about attitudes and opinions - "How strongly do you feel about the environment? How much would you be willing to pay to keep salmon from extinc- tion?" -environmental planners and managers should consider a more encompassing set of values, having to do with "consent," "liability," "equity," and "time." Consent; What sort of collective agreement forms the basis of management decisions? Does support for a decision have to be unanimous, or does a principle of majority rule apply? Does agreement have to be explicitly spelled out in a formal, legally binding document, or is business done more informally, "by a handshake." In this project, the data collection activities themselves supported outreach and education efforts, and stimulated broader participation in public hearings and planning processes. The research findings helped project planners think more broadly about ways to frame outreach efforts so as to focus on the commonalities that would support watershed protection efforts rather than highlight differences among individual perspectives. Opportunities to participate meaningfully: Does the process allow participants to tell their stories clearly and fully or represent their viewpoints in ways that are meaningful to them? Is there evidence that their interests and concerns have registered? Public documentation is important so that when participants offer their views, something is not lost in translation. Developing appropriate public outreach messages is an important means of letting community members know they've been heard. On the other hand, trying to engage the public with images that do not ring true, or emphasizing priorities that are not shared by local communities can alienate or even antagonize much needed collaborators. The importance of registering participant viewpoints is well-illustrated by Environmental Anthropology Project intern Michael Kronthal's work with residents in three different neighborhoods located east of the Anacostia River, in Washington, DC. Kronthal attended community meetings and public events, interviewed local residents to document use patterns associ- ated with current river conditions, and identified varied interests and views concerning watershed improvement projects. Most residents voiced negative sentiments concerning the river, its condition, and restoration plans. They thought of the river in terms of the surrounding overgrown lots, high grass, trees, and underbrush that provided opportuni- ties for drug dealing and other criminal activity that threatened their personal safety. Residents were also concerned that the river was polluted and an environmental health risk. While some informants reported calming feelings when visiting or observing the river, they also noted disappointment, sadness, and anger at the river's decline, and the loss of a perceived time when the river was not polluted and their neighborhoods were relatively safe. Community perceptions of river space as a setting for negative social experience contrasted with the values and visions of project planners, who viewed the natural features of river habitat as a social good. To encourage broader community support for river restoration efforts, outreach messages needed to acknowledge these negative realities. Restoration plans needed to include steps to transform a local hazard into a setting that encouraged healthy, pleasurable experiences. Without acknowledging and addressing neighborhood resident concerns associated with the river, outreach efforts would have little chance of success. 4 ------- Community Participation in Watershed Management Photo: Monica Hunter Volunteers assist with estuary habitat assessment in Morro Bay. Integration of concerns: To what extent do the ultimate decision-making authorities report back to participants on how decisions are responsive to interests and concerns, or why they have not been? In Morro Bay, California, a coalition of community groups and residents documented the unique characteristics of a local estuary, monitored conditions, developed the means to fund conservation efforts, and developed the political support to secure State and National Estuary Program (NEP) status. However, once national program status was achieved, conflict erupted. Bird hunters and bird watchers, economic development interests and anti-growth advocates, habitat preservationists and recreational tourism proponents, citizen activists and environmental professionals: all had their own ideas of how the estuary should be managed. This was especially problematic since the long-term plans for monitoring and implementing habitat protection depended on broad-based support of community volunteers. Environmental Values continued... Liability: Who is considered responsible for environmental problems? When the salmon population declines precipitously, do all people in the watershed see themselves as partly responsible, or do they feel it is somebody else's fault? Do they assign themselves responsibility for making the changes necessary to restore the habitat that supports the fishery, or do they see this as someone else's obligation? Equity. Consider the different principles of fairness that might be at work, including both distributive (outcome) fairness and procedural fairness discussed earlier. Time: There are social and cultural variations in ideas about how far into the future today's actions have important consequences. (3) Under what conditions do values change, and why? As we try to involve the potentially affected public - to gain insights about their values - we are bound to hear people voice concerns about threats to traditional values. While we know that values are more stable than opinions, we also know that long-held values do change. They change as a result of commodification (a market being created for goods and services that formerly were not for buying and selling) and as a result of globaliza- tion (a demand for local goods and services from distant places). Value changes tend to occur rapidly through immigration and contact between different ethnic groups and social classes, and via incorporation into regional/global markets. ------- ENVIRONMENTAL ANTHROPOLOGY After analyzing the history of community involvement in the estuary project, environmental anthropologist Monica Hunter discovered that one underlying source of the conflict was that community members felt disenfranchised by the decision-making authorities. Community-based volunteers who had been essential research partners in the formative planning stages of the national estuary now felt relegated to the more passive role of the informed "public." To counter this effect, and to strengthen volunteer participation during the transitional period, Hunter worked with a coalition of groups and residents to publish an estuary newsletter. This project brought volun- teers and NEP staff together to identify and work with diverse stakehold- ers. The newsletter also created a public arena for local voices and sustained community interest as the roles and duties of community volunteers evolved from activist/advocate to stewards of the estuary. The importance of integrating community knowledge and concerns into the project design is highlighted in a study of community responses to Pfiesteria, a toxic microorganism responsible for fish kills in Chesapeake Bay. As part of a project sponsored by the Environmental Protection Agency, the Society for Applied Anthropology and the Pocomoke River Alliance, environmental anthropologist Shawn Maloney conducted participant observation with Pocomoke River watershed residents, scientists, and policy makers. One of the project's objectives was to communicate local interests and concerns about nutrient management, environmental protection/restora- tion, and Pfiesteria to state and federal decision-making bodies, in order to strengthen the role of local resource users in preventing further outbreaks of Pfiesteria. The project succeeded in documenting local knowledge and concerns, strengthened local awareness of the issues, and increased involvement in community-based organizations. However, efforts to include the local community voice at the level of regional politics were less successful. In terms of procedural fairness, participants devoted time and energy to sharing their viewpoints and concerns, but saw no evidence that their efforts had any impact. ------- Community Participation in Watershed Management Summing Up To be successful in achieving environmental goals, public participa- tion strategies must begin with a clear definition of "community" and inclusive identification of stakeholders. Projects must then adhere to the steps of procedural fairness outlined above. Photo: Ed Liebow Widely promoting community participation without a strategic plan grounded in local realities, or without attention to procedural fairness, leads to community burn out. Repeated calls for public participation results in apathetic or distrustful responses to outreach efforts if community members believe their work is in vain. For community participation to contribute to the success of environmental goals, environmental planners must depart from scripted notions of what participation entails. Meaningful community participation implies giving local people the opportunity to help define the problems, develop and prioritize remedies, and implement changes in ways that they perceive as being beneficial and that will contribute to equitable and sustainable environmental practices. For additional information: Community Based Environmental Protection http://www.epa.gov ecocommunity/ Crismon's report on Participation and Environmental Justice Issues in EPA Region 4 Watershed Projects http://www.sfaa.net/eap/ crismon.html Paladino's report on Perceptions of a Changing Environment in Madison County http://www.sfaa.net/eap/paladino/ paladino.html Kronthal's report on Local Residents, the Anacostia River and "Community" http://www.sfaa.net/eap/kronthal/ kronthal.pdf Hunter's report on community participation and Friends of the Morro Bay Estuary http://www.sfaa.net/eap/hunter/ hunter.pdf Maloney's report on the Pfiesteria project in the Chesapeake Bay http://www.sfaa.net/eap/maloney/ malonevfinal.pdf and http://www.sfaa.net/eap/malonev/ maionev.html For more information about the Pfiesteria controversy in the Chesapeake Bay, please see the article by: Michael Paolisso and Erve Chambers (2001), Culture, Politics, and Toxic Dinoflagellate Blooms: The Anthropology of Pfiesteria. Human Organization: ------- •*y Skagit River Jt Cower Elwha Klallam Tribe w Colunnlia Plateau ^* Clark Fork * Umatilla River - The Society for Applied Anthropology Niagara Fails ^^Tuscarora Nation * Morro Bay Estuary Pocomoke River A Bloomimjton * ^* Hamilton County *Zunl Pueblo ~~\ Cherokee Nation Environmental Anthropology Projects focused on community-based approaches to environmental protection throughout the U.S. Environmental anthropologists analyze and resolve human and ecological problems posed by energy extraction and use; agriculture, forestry, fisheries, mining, and other resource development; pesticide exposure, toxic waste disposal, and other environmental health issues; environmental restoration; tourism, public lands, and cultural resource management; the protection of traditional knowledge, values, and resource rights; and environmental education The Society for Applied Anthropology was incorporated in 1941, with the mission of promoting the scientific investigation of "the principles controlling the relations of human beings to one another" and the wide application of those principles to practical problems." In 1996 the Society established the Environmental Anthropology Project, funded through a five-year cooperative agreement with the U.S. Environmen- tal Protection Agency. The aims of the project were to provide technical support for community- based approaches to environmental protection and to improve the understanding of how cultural values and social behavior affect environmental management decisions. Theresa Trainor served as EPA's project officer from the project's inception. Barbara Rose Johnston directed the project for its first four years'; Robert Winthrop served as director for the final year of the project. The Review series was produced by Barbara Rose Johnston, and Gabrielle O'Malley and Edward Liebow of the Environmental Health and Social Policy Center. The Reviews solely reflect the views of their authors, not those of the Environmental Protection Agency. Society officers (including Jean Schensul, John Young, Linda Bennett, and Noel Chrisman) and a project advisory group provided oversight during the course of the agreement. Many Society members served as mentors for the project's interns and fellows, and as reviewers for its reports and publications. The Society for Applied Anthropology is grateful for the financial support and professional coopera- tion of the Environmental Protection Agency and its staff. For more information on the Society and the Environmental Anthropology Project, please see our web site: www.sfaa.net. Society for Applied Anthropology PO Box 2436 . Oklahoma City, OK 73101-2436 Non Profit Organization US Postage PAID Oklahoma City, OK Permit No. 1010 © 2001 Society for Applied Anthropology. This Review has been prepared by the Society for Applied Anthropology, and does not imply any official EPA endorsement of or responsibility for the opinions, ideas, data or products presented in the Review. ------- The Society for Applied Anthropology President NOEL J. CHRISMAN Past-President LINDA A. BENNETT Secretary WILLIE L. BASER Treasurer THOMAS A. ARCURY Editor, HO DONALD D. STULL Editor, PA ALEXANDER M. ERVIN Editor, Newsletter MICHAEL WHITEFORD 20.02 Annual Meeting Program Chair BENJAMIN BLOUNT Board Of Directors SUSAN L. ANDREATTA E. PAUL DURRENBEROER , SUE ESTROFF STANLEY E. HYLAND EDWARD B. LIEBOW KRISTIN V. LUNDBERG NANCY J. PAREZO SFAA Office P.O. Box 2436 OKLAHOMA CITY, OK 73101-2436 (405)843-5113 (405)843-8'553-FAX ; E-MAIL: INFO@SFAA.NET WEB PAGE: WWW.SFAA.NET Publications HUMAN ORGANIZATION PRACTICING ANTHROPOLOGY SpAA NEWSLETTER Dear SfAA Colleagues: AUG 2 3 2002 In 1996 the Environmental Protection Agency and the Society for Applied Anthropology entered into a five-year cooperative agreement establishing the Environmental Anthropology Project. Its aim: to increase the access of communities and policy makers to anthropological expertise in the solution of environmental problems. In all, thirty fellows and interns received funding under this agreement. While working with EPA staff and community organizations, they applied their anthropological skills and insights to a wide range of environmental challenges, from minimizing the human costs of ecological restoration in south Florida, and analyzing the implications of a habitat conservation program for Washington state farmers, to mapping the perceptions of risk in communities surrounding a nuclear power plant in Michigan. More information about the Environmental Anthropology Project is available on the SfAA web site: http ://www. sfaa.net/eap/abouteap.html. Many SfAA members contributed to the project's success as director, members of its advisory committee, mentors for project interns, and editors for the project's reports and publications. Enclosed is a final product of the Environmental Anthropology Project, a series of five Reviews highlighting themes and issues in environmental anthropology, primarily illustrated by work conducted under this project. These include: (I) Human Dimensions of Environmental Policy; (2) Community Participation in Watershed Management, (3) Restoring the Florida Everglades: Social Impacts; (4) Environmental Stewardship in Indian Country; and (5) Making a Difference in the World: Applied Anthropology' Internships. The five Reviews are available as a set for classroom use at a modest cost from the Society office. With warm regards, Noel Chrisman SfAA President Theresa Trainor EPA Project Officer Rob Winthrop Director, Environmental Anthropology Project ------- ------- |