AN  "ANATOMY"
       OF RISK
                          ;;

                           APR 1 G 1975
                        "ATEUORICAL PROGRAMS DIVISION
                           CPA RFQIONV
              March  1975
U.S. Environmental Protection Agency
           Washington, D.C.

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     AN "ANATOMY"  OF  RISK
               by


           W. D. Rowe
           March 1975
Environmental Protection Agency
        Washington, D.C.
                  U.S. Environmental Protection  Agency
                  Region V, Library
                  230 South Dearborn Street
                  Chicago, minors  60604

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                             FOREWORD

    This study on risk represents a personal technical effort which I
have undertaken in my spare time, what little there is of if, over the
last six months.   As such,  it in no way represents any policy of the
Environmental Protection Agency as of this writing.

    Risk acceptability is a concept of considerable concern in
developing policy for undertaking new technological activities and
in regulatory processes involving the establishment of standards and
regulations.  Unfortunately, the concept of risk is not well under-
stood and its use is often mis-stated, resulting in erroneous use of
risk concepts.  Clarification and better understanding of the concepts
involved in risk assessment are necessary.  The purpose of this trea-
tise, while by no means the last word on risk assessment, is to pro-
vide further insight into risk and risk evaluation.

    The purpose in making this study available at this time is to
subject it to peer review and critique prior to its finalization.  I
look forward to receiving comments and criticism, since I feel a wide
forum for discussing risk,  its complexities, and acceptable levels
of risk are, indeed, necessary.

    I would have preferred, as a professional, to postpone publication
until all parts of the document are completed and researched to my
satisfaction.  However, the timeliness of the subject and the need
for open discussion have forced me to publish now, although I am
personally aware of its preliminary nature.

    There are still a number of gaps in Chapter VIII and additional
data on societal behavior are being sought so that it may be included
in subsequent versions of the report.  The assessments in Chapter IX
are only for illustration purposes, and need considerable refinement
to be anything else.  Nevertheless, there inevitably will be those
who use the evaluations in a manner different than intended.  I know
of no other way to illustrate the method than by example, and I exhort
those who would use the results as conclusive, not to do so.

    I would like to acknowledge the help of Lambrose Lois for aiding
in gathering data on vaccination and mining for Chapter VIII and his
helpful comments and editing.  Floyd Galpin and Courtney Riordan were
extremely helpful in providing deatiled criticisms of the drafts.  I
also must acknowledge Ms. Dolores Young and Ms. Johnnie Jones who had
to transcribe my scribbles and tapes into intelligible material, and
Ms. Jean Maguire who typed and footnoted the final copy.
                                  W. D. Rowe
                                 11

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                        TABLE OF CONTENTS

                                                                 Page

FOREWORD	   ii

LIST OF TABLES	viii

LIST OF FIGURES	    x

Chapter
    I.  INTRODUCTION 	    1

        A.   OBJECTIVES	    1
        B.   RISK ANALYSIS	    2
        C.   EXISTING APPROACHES TO RISK	    4
        D.   STRUCTURE OF THE STUDY	    6

   II.  COMPOSITION OF RISK	    7

        A.   INTRODUCTION 	    7
        B.   DESCRIPTIVE DEFINITION OF RISK 	    7
            1.  Event Space Domain 	    8
            2.  Probability-Consequence Domain 	    8
            3.  Consequence-Value Domain	    9
            4.  Risk Definition	   10
        C.   CONSEQUENCE EVALUATION MEASUREMENT PROBLEMS  ....   10
            1.  Valuing Agents and Risk Evaluators	   10
            2.  Measurement Scales 	   13
            3.  Some Other Selected Problems in Value
                  Assignment	   16
            4.  Squawk Potential and Credibility 	   17
        D.   RISK INEQUITIES AND RISK ACCEPTANCE LEVELS'	   20
            1.  Societal Cost/Benefit Balances and Resultant
                  Inequities	   20
            2.  Risk Acceptance Levels	   23
            3.  Analysis of Societal Behavioral Decisions  ...   31

  III.  A STRUCTURAL VIEW OF RISK	   35

        A.   OVERVIEW	   35
        B.   EVENT SPACE DOMAIN 	   35
            1.  Continuously Occurring Events  	   36
            2.  Uncertainty in Event Space 	   38
        C.   PROBABILITY-CONSEQUENCE DOMAIN 	   39
                                111

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                                IV

Chapter                                                          Page

        D.   CONSEQUENCE-VALUE DOMAIN 	    40
            1.   Valuing Agents and Risk Evaluators	    42
        E.   RISK IN TERMS OF THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN PROBA-
              BILITY AND CONSEQUENCE VALUE 	    44

   IV.  MEASUREMENT PROBLEMS IN THE ASSIGNMENT OF VALUE TO
          RISK CONSEQUENCES	    47

        A.   OVERVIEW	    47
        B.   RISK EVALUATOR BIAS	    47
            1.   The "Author" as a Risk Evaluator	    47
            2.   Risk Valuing Conditions	    48
            3.   The "Test Valuing Agent" Approach  	    49
            4.   Individual Experience Versus Social
                  Experiments	    49
            5.   Risk Evaluator Roles	    49
        C.   THE MEANING OF VALUE AND UTILITY	    50
            1.   Value and Utility	    50
            2.   Value Groups	    51
            3.   Value Scales and Goals	    53
            4.   Scales of Value and Utility	    54
        D.   PROBLEMS IN THE MEASUREMENT OF TANGIBLE AND
              INTANGIBLE VALUES  	    59
            1.   Magnitude of Consequence Values  	    59
            2.   Non-Linear Utility of Consequence Value
                  with Magnitude	    60
            3.   Scales for Tangible and Intangible
                  Consequences 	    63
            4.   Assigning Cardinal Values to Consequences  ...    66
        E.   OTHER PROBLEMS IN VALUE ASSIGNMENT 	    69
            1.   Situation Dynamics 	    69
            2.   Individual versus Group Values 	    70
            3.   Balancing Risks and Benefits 	    71
            4.   Measures of Value of a Life	    73
        F.   OTHER RISK FACTORS	    75

    V.  FACTORS IN RISK EVALUATION	    76

        A.   INTRODUCTION	    76
        B.   FACTORS INVOLVING THE TYPES OF CONSEQUENCES  ....    76
            1.   Voluntary and Involuntary Risks  	    77
            2.   Avoidability of Risks and Risk Alternatives  .  .    81
            3.   Discounting in Time	    82

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Chapter                                                          Page

            4.   Spatial Distribution and Discounting of Rates  .    83
            5.   Controllability of Risks	    85
        C.   FACTORS INVOLVING THE MAGNITUDE OF PROBABILITY OF
              OCCURRENCE OF AN EVENT	    89
            1.   Low Probability Levels and Thresholds  	    89
            2.   Spatial Distribution of Risks and High
                  Probability of Risks 	    90
            3.   Risk Acceptance and Propensity for Risk Taking .    91
        D.   FACTORS INVOLVING THE NATURE OF CONSEQUENCES ....    93
            1.   Hierarchy of Consequences  	    94
            2.   Motivation and Needs	    94
            3.   Common versus Catastrophic Risks 	    94
            4.   National Defense as Separate Value System  ...    96
        E.   CONCLUSIONS	    96

   VI.   PROPENSITY TO TAKE RISKS	    98

        A.   RISK PROPENSITY	    98
        B.   CLASSIFICATION OF GAMBLES  	    98
        C.   VALUE OF STATUS QUO AS A MEASURE OF PROPENSITY FOR
              RISK TAKING	102
        D.   INVOLUNTARY RISKS  	   104
            1.   Avoidability of Involuntary Risks  	   104
            2.   Involuntary Risks as Threats to the Status Quo .   105
        E.   RISK PROPENSITY OF DIFFERENT VALUE GROUPS  	   108

  VII.   RISK RATES AND DATA BASES	109

        A.   OBJECTIVE	109
        B.   CALCULATION OF RISK RATES	109
        C.   DATA BASES	114

 VIII.   ESTIMATION OF RISK FACTOR EFFECTS FROM EXAMINATION OF
          SOCIETAL EXPERIENCE  	   127

        A.   OBJECTIVE	127
        B.   FACTORS INVOLVING THE NATURE OF RISKS  	   127
            1.   Classes of Consequences	127
            2.   Common versus Catastrophic Risks 	   129
            3.   Military versus Societal Risk Bases  	   131
        C.   FACTORS INVOLVING TYPES OF RISKS 	   133
            1.   Voluntary versus Involuntary Risks 	   133
            2.   Avoidability of Risks and Alternatives to
                  Risks	137
            3.   Discounting in Time	140

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                                VI

Chapter                                                          Page

            4.   Spatial Distribution of Risks  	   148
            5.   Controllability of Risks	149
        F.   SUMMARY OF RISK FACTORS	153
            1.   Risk Factor Interrelationships 	   155
            2.   Numerical Summary of Societal Risk Experience  .   155

   IX.  DETERMINATION OF ACCEPTABLE LEVELS OF SOCIETAL RISK  .  .   164

        A.   INTRODUCTION	164
        B.   REGULATORY IMPLICATIONS  	   164
        C.   METHODOLOGY FOR DETERMINING ACCEPTABLE LEVELS OF
              SOCIETAL RISKS 	   164
            1.   Balancing Costs and Benefits 	   165
            2.   Achieving "As Low As Practicable" Risk Levels  .   165
            3.   Reconciling Identified Risk Inequities 	   166
            4.   Determining Degree of Systemic Control 	   167
            5.   Risk Acceptability	168
        D.   JUSTIFICATION OF THE VALUE JUDGMENTS 	   169
            1.   Risk Proportionality Factor  	   169
            2.   Degree of Control Factor	170
            3.   Societal Value Judgments 	   170
        E.   SUMMARY OF THE METHODOLOGY	171
        F.   ACCEPTABLE LEVELS OF RISK FOR NUCLEAR POWER PLANT
              CATASTROPHES 	   172
            1.   Background	172
            2.   Implementation	172
            3.   Comparison with Calculated Risk	173
            4.   Sensitivity Analysis - An Optimistic Case  . .  .   175
        G.   ACCEPTABLE LEVELS OF RISK FOR LIQUIFIED NATURAL GAS
              (LNG) AND LIQUID PROPANE GAS TRANSPORT (LPG) ...   177
            1.   Background Information on LNG and LPG Trans-
                  portation  	177
            2.   Implementing the Methodology for LNG and LPG
                  Risks	179
            3.   Risk of Fatalities from LNG and LPG Accidents  .   183
            4.   Comparison Risk Rates with Risk Acceptance
                  Levels	185
        H.   EXTENDED USE OF THE METHODOLOGY	188

    X.  CONCLUSIONS	189

APPENDIX A	191

APPENDIX B	195

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                                vi i




                                                                 Page




APPENDIX C	197




GLOSSARY	198




BIBLIOGRAPHY 	  201

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                          LIST OF TABLES

Table                                                            Page

 2-1   HIERARCHY OF RISK CONSEQUENCES	    15

 2-2   CATEGORIES OF LOSS-GAIN BALANCES  	    22

 4-1   HIERARCHY OF RISK CONSEQUENCES	    67

 4-2   HIERARCHY OF RISK CONSEQUENCES AND SOME ILLUSTRATIVE
         SCALES OF MANAGEMENT	    68

 5-1   DEFINITION OF VOLUNTARY AND INVOLUNTARY RISKS 	    79

 6-1   FORM OF VOLUNTARY GAMBLES FOR VARYING CONSEQUENCES FOR
         A NAUGHT SUM PAY OFF	100

 6-2   TYPES OF VOLUNTARY GAMBLES  	   101

 7-1   COMPARISON OF DEATH RATES FROM NATURAL AND MAN-MADE
         MAJOR CATASTROPHIC EVENTS 	   116

 7-2   NUMBER OF FATALITIES BY YEAR AND SOURCE FOR CATASTROPHIC
         EVENTS IN THE U.S. FOR YEARS 1953-1973	118

 7-3   NUMBER OF CATASTROPHIC EVENTS IN THE U.S. BY SOURCE
         FOR YEARS 1953-1973	119

 7-4   NUMBER OF INVOLUNTARY FATALITIES BY YEAR AND SOURCE FOR
         CATASTROPHIC EVENTS IN THE U.S. FOR YEARS 1953-1973 .  .   120

 7-5   NUMBER OF INJURIES BY YEAR AND SOURCE FOR CATASTROPHIC
         EVENTS IN THE U.S. FOR YEARS 1953-1973	122

 7-6   NUMBER OF INVOLUNTARY INJURIES BY YEAR AND SOURCE FOR
         CATASTROPHIC EVENTS IN THE U.S. FOR YEARS 1953-1973 .  .   123

 7-7   PROPERTY DAMAGE REPORTED BY YEAR AND SOURCE FOR CATAS-
         TROPHIC EVENTS  IN THE U.S. FOR YEARS 1953-1973  ....   124

 7-8   PROPERTY DAMAGE REPORTED IN ASSOCIATION WITH CATASTRO-
         PHIC EVENTS INVOLVING INVOLUNTARY DEATH OR INJURIES
         IN THE U.S. BY YEAR AND SOURCE FOR YEARS 1953-1973  .  .   125

 7-9   SUMMARY OF RISK RATES FOR MAN-MADE NON-MILITARY CATAS-
         TROPHIC EVENT CONSEQUENCES FOR THE U.S. BASED UPON
         CONSAD DATA	126
                                Vlll

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                                IX

Table                                                            Page

 8-1   SUMMARY OF RISK FACTORS	128

 8-2   DEATH RATES BY SOURCE	130

 8-3   COMPARISON OF DEATH RATE FOR COMMERCIAL AND MILITARY AIR
         CRASHES FOR YEARS 1970-1972 	   132

 8-4   DISCOUNT TABLE FOR EFFECTING DISCOUNT RATES FOR SMOKERS
         SHOWING POSSIBLE RANGES 	   145

 8-5   DEGREE OF CONTROL FOR ACCIDENT CATEGORIES BY "LEARNING
         TRENDS"	154

 8-6   INTERRELATIONSHIPS AMONG RISK FACTORS 	   156

 8-7   RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN RISK STRUCTURE AND RISK FACTORS
         (HOW RISK FACTORS CAN ALTER RISK EVALUATION)	158

 8-8   PROPERTY DAMAGE FROM NATURAL DISASTERS  	   161

 8-9   SOCIETAL EXPERIENCE RISK NUMBERS FOR DIFFERENT  TYPES
         OF RISKS	163

 9-1   MEASURED RISK RATES AND ACCEPTABLE LEVELS OF RISK FOR
         100 NUCLEAR POWER PLANTS  	   176

 9-2   MEASURED RISK RATES AND ACCEPTABLE LEVELS OF RISK FOR
         1,000 "POSTULATED NO-PROBLEM" NUCLEAR POWER PLANTS  .  .   178

 9-3   LNG AND LPG RISK ESTIMATES	184

 9-4   SUMMARY OF LNG AND LPG RISK ESTIMATES	186

 9-5   MEASURED RISK LEVELS AND RISK ACCEPTANCE LEVELS FOR
         FATALITIES FROM LNG AND LPG ACCIDENTS	187

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                         LIST OF FIGURES

Figure                                                           Page

 2-1    RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN RISK EXPOSURE AND RISK	    25

 2-2    COST-EFFECTIVENESS OF RISK REDUCTION ORDERED RELATION-
          SHIP FOR DISCRETE ACTIONS S^Sg	    28

 2-3    SOME CRITERIA FOR ACCEPTANCE LEVELS OF COST-EFFECTIVE-
          NESS OF RISK REDUCTION	    29

 3-1    EVENT SPACE RELEVANCE TREE	    37

 3-2    PROBABILITY-CONSEQUENCE DOMAIN RELEVANCE TREE  	    41

 3-3    VALUE-CONSEQUENCE DOMAIN (INCLUDING EVENT SPACE FOR
          THREE VALUING AGENTS)	    43

 4-1    VALUES AND GOALS FOR A VARIABLE RELATED THROUGH A
          VALUE SCALE	    55

 4-2    SOME POSSIBLE SCALE INTERPRETATIONS FOR ECONOMIC AND
          NON-ECONOMIC PARAMETERS  	    56

 4-3    NONLINEAR UTILITY OF MONETARY GAMBLES  	    62

 5-1    DISCOUNT PHENOMENON  	    84

 5-2A   "LEARNING CURVE" FOR CATASTROPHIC ACCIDENT DEATHS PER
          AIR MILE FOR U.S. COMMERCIAL AIRCRAFT FROM
          1953-1973 (JET-PROP) 	    87

 5-2B   "LEARNING CURVE" FOR CATASTROPHIC ACCIDENT DEATHS FOR
          U.S. COMMERCIAL AIRCRAFT FROM 1957-1973 (JET-PROP)  . .    87

 5-3    ABSENCE OF "LEARNING CURVE" FOR CATASTROPHIC ACCIDENT
          DEATHS IN U.S. BUILDING AND STRUCTURES FROM
          1953-1973	    88
 5-4    RISK ACCEPTANCE UTILITY FUNCTIONS FOR AN INDIVIDUAL
          VALUING AGENT BASED UPON PROBABILITY AND VALUE
          OF CONSEQUENCES	   92

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                                XI

Figure                                                           Page

 6-1    QUALITATIVE PRESENTATION OF THE INVERSE FUNCTIONAL
          RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN PERCEPTION OF DEGREE OF SATIS-
          FACTION OF THE STATUS QUO AND THE PROPENSITY FOR
          TAKING RISKS ALONG WITH RANGES FOR DIFFERENT TYPES
          OF GAMBLES	103

 6-2    QUALITATIVE RELATIONSHIP AMONG THE CHARACTER AND MAGNI-
          TUDE OF AN INVOLUNTARY RISK AND THE DEGREE OF SATIS-
          FACTION WITH THE STATUS QUO TO ACCEPT,  FIGHT OR FLEE  .   107

 8-1    SUMMARY OF RISK FACTORS	135

 8-2    FORM OF VARIOUS DISCOUNT RATE CURVES	142

 8-3    FREQUENCY OF TOTAL NATURAL AND MAN-MADE EVENTS WITH
          FATALITIES GREATER THAN N	150

 9-1    LP - GAS PRODUCTION AND DEATHS VS TIME	181

 A-l    HISTOGRAM OF MAGNITUDE OF U.S.  HURRICANES (1900-1972)
          IN TERMS OF NUMBER OF FATALITIES (N)  ON A
          LOGARITHMIC SCALE  	   192

 A-2    FREQUENCIES OF METEORS WITH CONSEQUENCES  GREATER
          THAN N	193

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                            CHAPTER I

                           INTRODUCTION

A.  OBJECTIVES

    Risk is the potential for realization of unwanted, negative
consequences of an event or combination of events to individual
groups of people or to physical and biological systems.  Generally,
when one talks about risk it is considered as a monolithic concept
which considers only the probability and consequence of events.

    The intent of this paper is to show that risk is indeed complex,
and that oversimplification is a temptation that can often result
in misrepresentation of risk evaluation.  A common pitfall of over-
simplification involves comparison of all risks on a supposedly
equitable basis.  It will be shown that different kinds of risks
must be treated differently, and that different kinds of risks are
not generally directly comparable, without the use of weighting
factors to put them on a more or less equitable basis.  Further,
that once risks are properly identified, it is possible through
the use of visible, value judgments to determine acceptable levels
of risk for society to undertake based upon previous societal
behavior toward risks, the degree of control in reducing risks, and
the benefits to be had by the undertakings which involve new risks.
Although all such methods involve subjective value judgments, the
display of these value judgments and their open debate can lead to
a better understanding of risk, risk inequities, and resultant
decisions that do impose involuntary risks for the greater benefit
of society.

    Often, the probability and the value of the consequence for
various events are combined to provide a statistical expected value
which is used as a means of evaluating the risk of an undertaking.1
However, risk is a much more complex subject,  having many parameters,
and can only be understood better through a structured analysis of
the risk parameters.
Ifioth subjective (Bayesian) and objective probabilities are expressed
 in the form of expected value, depending on the degree of a priori
 information and the number of observations made.

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B.  RISK ANALYSIS

    Everybody faces risks on a continual basis throughout their
lives, and learns to accept some of these risks and to avoid others
through empirical decisions without resorting to detailed analytical
methods.  However, new technical innovations, such as nuclear energy,
carcinogenic industrial pollutants, and contamination and reduction
of the stratospheric ozone layer, impose potential threats that are
so widespread that they can no longer be addressed on a cavalier or
emotional basis.  As a result, one of the major problems facing
society today is how to determine acceptable levels of risks for
new or existing activities once these risks are reasonably defined.
Although this problem exists for voluntary risk situations, the pri-
mary concern here is the treatment of involuntary risks imposed
inequitably upon groups in society who either knowledgeably or
unknowledgeably do not reap the benefits of the activity causing
the risk.  It is the responsibility of representative government
to assure that such inequities are minimized.  Although the Congress
and Judiciary are involved in ameliorating inequities through legis-
lative and judicial actions, the major role in addressing these
inequities is given to regulatory agencies in the Executive Branch.
Public utility laws, the National Environmental Policy Act, the
Federal Trade Act, the Consumer Protection Act, are all examples
of this process in action.  The question raised above may then be
narrowed to how does a regulatory agency fairly determine acceptable
levels of risk in a visible, reportable manner in the best interest
of the public it serves.

    The difficulty of addressing this type of problem lies in the
imprecise nature of intrinsic human values upon which decisions
are based.  The resulting decisions are often expressed in explicit,
objective terms which belie the subjective nature of the value
judgments employed in reaching these decisions.

    A regulatory agency involved in setting standards of acceptability
for society has the responsibility of making the required value
judgments for society, but has the responsibility to do so in a pro-
cedural manner that assures that all affected parties are heard from,
that expert testimony and available technical information are used
to the extent possible, and that the value judgments made are done
so in a visible, reportable manner for all to question and revisit
if necessary.

    Such value judgments fall into three classes:  (1) technical,
(2) societal, and (3) managerial value judgments.  Technical value
judgments are made by experts in the absence of hard technical
information when faced with the difficulties in obtaining further

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information.  Scientific bodies, such as the National Academy of
Sciences, usually make technical judgments on the basis of consensus.
The recent "BEIR Report"-'- on low-level ionizing radiation and the
recent report on ambient air pollution hazards2 are examples.

    The societal value judgment involves balancing benefits, costs,
risks, and attempting to minimize inequities in benefit-cost
imbalances.  It is important to realize that scientists or techni-
cal experts have no more expertise in this area than any other
knowledgeable,3 interested citizen.  Uninterested citizens who
choose not to participate disenfranchise themselves.4

    The managerial value judgment involves interpretation and modi-
fication of the societal value judgment in order that the societal
expression may be implemented and enforced.  The State Implementation
Plans required by the Clean Air Act are a reasonable example of mana-
gerial value judgments.   Here, technicians once again are involved;
however, lawyers, law enforcement personnel, scientists, engineers,
and many others are involved also.
l"The Effects on Populations of Exposure to Low Levels of Ionizing
 Radiation," Report of the Advisory Committee on the Biological
 Effects of Ionizing Radiation (BEIR), Division of Medical Sciences,
 National Academy of Sciences, National Research Council, Washington,
 B.C.  20006, November 1972.

2"Air Quality and Automobile Emission Control," National Academy of
 Sciences, Washington, B.C.  20006, September 1974.
      assumes that the required knowledge is easily available to
 the citizens who want it.

 A glaring example of intrusion of the technician into the societal
 area is in the area of economics.  The Galbraiths, McCrackens,
 Steins, Sammuelsons , each in trying to put forth his own theory
 of economics, attempts to influence the economic decisions of the
 Government and the nation, resulting in devastating oscillations
 as each makes his "profound" judgment to the press.  They seem  more
 concerned with propounding their pet theories than with the health
 of the economy.   More properly, a body of economic experts should
 properly examine and review the theories of all proponents, illus-
 trating the pros and cons of each method, synthesizing new approaches
 as required and presenting this information for the Government  to make
 the systemic value judgments involving the following of different
 paths.

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    In this paper, the author will attempt to deal with the first
two types of value judgments, technical and societal.   First,  the
author will provide a conceptual approach to risk that utilizes
parts from several different risk models that presently exist.
The resulting conceptual structure is by no means complete, but
provides insight to many of the problems involving the need to set
risk acceptance levels.  Secondly, a methodology for setting accept-
able levels of risk, based upon visible value judgments, is presented
along with an example that is quite pertinent in this area.

    Before proceeding, it is worthwhile to briefly review some
previous work on risk evaluation.

C.  EXISTING APPROACHES TO RISK

    A great deal has been published on game theory formulations of
risk which differentiate between decisions involving risk  (proba-
bilities of all alternatives are known and given) and decisions
under uncertainty (probabilities not known).  These statistical
decision theory approaches, which are well documented by
Schlaifferl and Luce and Raiffa^ depend upon subjective probability
functions in the form of expected value or expected utility of
various outcomes.  The process, once utility values are assigned to
outcomes, is mechanistic.

    Approaches that depend more on psychological processes follow
the works of Edwards,3 Coombs and Pruitt,^ Pruitt,5 Lichstenstein,^
^Robert Schlaiffer, Analysis of Decisions Under Uncertainty.  New
 York:  McGraw-Hill (1969)

^R. Duncan Luce and Howard Raiffa, Games and Decisions:  Introduction
 and Critical Survey.  New York:  Wiley & Sons (1917)

3W. Edwards, "Subjective Probability in Decision Theories," Psycho-
 logical Review.   (1969)  79, pp. 109-135.

^C. H. Coombs and D. C. Pruitt, "Components of Risk in Decision
 Making:  Probability and Variance Preferences," Journal of Experi-
 mental Psychology.  (1960)  60, pp. 265-277.

5D. C. Pruitt, "Pattern and Level of Risk Taking in Gambling
 Decisions," Psychological Review.  (1962)  69, pp. 187-201.

65. Lichtenstein,  "Bases for Preferences Among Three Outcome Bets,"
 Journal of Experimental Psychology.  (1965)  69, pp. 162-169.

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Kogan and Wallach,1 and Van der Meer^ where decision making involving
risk is seen as a process in which an individual or a group maximizes
a combination of subjective probability and utility where alterna-
tives exhibiting higher potential gain or loss (more variance) are
deemed as more risky.  These decisions always involve the probability
of loss.^

    Finally, there are the approaches to risk which develop monetary
equivalents of premature death, etc., by examining what people
actually seem to do in society.  This effort has been led by Starr,^
Libby,5 Siccama,^ and Sagan.?
IN. Kogan and M. A. Wallach, Risk Taking:  A Study in Cognition and
 Personality.  New York:  Rineburt and Winston (1967)

^H. C. Van der Meer, "Decision Making:  The Influence of Probability
 Preference, Variance Preferences, and Expected Value on Strategy
 in Gambling," Acta Psychologica.  (1963)  21, pp. 231-259.

^Siegfried Streufort and Eugene A. Taylor, "Objective Risk Levels
 and Subjective Risk Perception," Purdue University Technical Report
 No. 40.  Lafayette, Ind.  August 1921.

^Chauncey Starr, "Social Benefit versus Technological Risk," Science,
 Vol. 165, No. 3899, September 19, 1969, pp. 1232-1238.

^L. M. Libby, Technological Risk versus Natural Catastrophe.  Santa
 Monica, Cal., The Rand Corporation.   March 1971.   p. 4602.

^E. H. Siccama, "The Environmental Risk Arising from the Bulk
 Storage of Dangerous Chemicals:  Paper presented  at the Conference
 on Hazard Evaluation and Risk Analysis," Houston, Texas, August 18-
 19, 1971.

^L. A. Sagan, "The Human Costs of Nuclear Power,  Science, Vol.  177,
 No. 4048, August 11, 1972.  pp. 487-493.

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D.  STRUCTURE OF THE STUDY

    This study is aimed simultaneously at two types of readers.
First, we have the reader who is not involved directly as a profes-
sional in evaluating risk situations from a purely analytical and,
perhaps, academic point of view.  This non-initiated reader may, how-
ever, be involved in making decisions on risk acceptance in which
risk parameters have to be weighed, and therefore will be deeply
interested in the content of this study.  However, they do not need
to be bogged down with all the technical details as long as the main
points are made evident.  This reader will be referred to as the
Track A reader.

    At the same time, the serious professional will want to under-
stand all of the analytical aspects that have been studied and used
to reach the conclusions given in this treatise.  This reader is
called the Track B reader, and the total material in this study is
contained in Track B.  The Track B reader may find some small
amount of redundancy in Chapter II and in other places throughout,
but an attempt has been made to keep this redundancy to a minimum.
Those Chapters marked with Track A and Track B are so marked such
that the Track A reader need only read these, but may want to refer
casually to those marked Track B as well.

    Chapter II on the composition of risk is aimed primarily at the
Track A reader, but has some new ideas such that the Track B reader
will not find it a waste of time.  Chapter III and Chapter IV are
aimed primarily at the Track B reader.  Chapter III develops a
structured approach to risk, and Chapter IV discusses in detail
some of the measurement problems in the assignment of value to
risk consequences.  Chapter V provides a qualitative look at the
factors that are involved in risk evaluation and Chapter VI looks
at an individual's propensity to take risks.  Chapter VII, which is
aimed primarily at Track B readers, reviews existing data bases
that can be used for risk evaluation, and examines the manner in
which risk rates may be calculated from historical societal experi-
ence.  In Chapter VIII quantitative estimations of risk factors
and their effects, which are developed from examination of societal
experience in facing risks, are discussed.  Chapter IX derives a
methodology for acceptable levels of risk for new technologies and
tests this methodology out using several technologies as test cases.
The general conclusions developed in this treatise are shown in the
final chapter.

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                                                         TRACK A & B
                            CHAPTER II

                       COMPOSITION OF RISK

A.  INTRODUCTION

    Everyone is constantly subject to an array of risks at all times,
both as an individual and as a member of various societal groups.
Generally, these risks were accepted and even questioned and delib-
erated in a qualitative manner rather than analyzed in a quantitative
fashion.  The few cases where risks are quantitatively assessed are
usually restricted to classic gambling games, e.g., playing the odds
at craps, business and insurance decisions, and some Government regu-
latory actions.   Realms of data on risks are published annually by
various institutions in this country and throughout the world.  How-
ever, these data are usually descriptive of risks experienced by
segments of the population, rather than an analysis of risk decisions.
The manner in which society adapts to risks tends to make the concept
of risk appear to be simple, while in reality it is a very complex
subject.  As a result, analysis of risk data for evaluation of risk
decisions is not easily accomplished.

    The intent of this document is to examine the structure of risk
and its complexities to provide a degree of insight, and an analytical
framework for risk evaluation.  In this chapter, a descriptive defini-
tion of risk structure will be provided in conjunction with a dis-
cussion of the problems associated with measurement of value of risk
consequences.  Both of these discussions will be aimed at the reader
who has had limited experience in risk analysis in order to pro :ide
an orientation and introduction to subsequent chapters, without the
necessity to consider or read Chapters III and IV.  Chapter III on the
structure of risk involves a more detailed consideration of the risk
structure along with a mathematical description of the structure and
its use.  Chapter IV examines the problems of measurement in assign-
ment of value to risk consequences and is also aimed at the more
experienced practitioner.

B.  DESCRIPTIVE DEFINITION OF_ RISK

    Everybody experiences risk on a continuous basis from many sources,
and man has learned to deal with many of these risks on an empirical
basis.  When one begins to consciously address problems involving risk
on an intellectual basis, what may initially seem a simple concept,
in reality turns out to be a complex subject involving a diversity of
factors.  As is the case for most oversimplification of concepts, the

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use of simplified definitions of risk not only clouds the issues, but
is often misleading.

    In order to provide an ordered definition, three separate domains^
will be used to describe the structure of risk decisions.  These are:
(1) event space domain, (2) probability-consequence domain, and
(3) consequence-value domain.  All three domains taken together are
necessary to define risk.   Chapter III deals with each of these domains
and their combinations in more detail.

    1.  Event Space Domain

        Risk always involves the occurrence or potential occurrence
of some event or an array of events.  The event is defined by its com-
plete description, such as:   the number 00 coming up on a roulette
wheel, an automobile accident occurring under given circumstances, a
meteorite hitting a space vehicle, etc.  Each of these events has a
probability of occurring,  expressed as a dimensionless number ranging
between zero and unity.  Zero represents no chance of occurrence of
the event and unity represents certain occurrence.  Fractional values
express the degree of uncertainty between these two extremes in a
rigid mathematical sense.   Classical probability2 treats probability
values and events in a formal, mathematical manner, and this treat-
ment can be used to describe the event space domain.

    2.  Probability-Consequence Domain

        For each event that occurs, there are a variety of consequences
that can occur.  For example, for the event involving the occurrence
of a motor vehicle accident, the consequences range from death, through
a variety of injuries, through property damage, to no noticeable
affect.  Each consequence has its own description and may result from
more than one event, i.e., death can occur from a range of events not
just the automobile accident.  For each event with multiple conse-
quences, there is a probability associated with occurrence of a speci-
fic consequence based upon the condition that the event occurs.  Thus,
the probability of a consequence occurring depends on the probability
^Domain is used here in the sense of defined, bounded area of interest.

^Leonard Savage, The Foundation of Statistics, New York, Wiley & Sons
  (1954).

-------
of an event occurring, the probability of a specific consequence
occurring if the event takes place, and the aggregation of these com-
pound probabilities from all events that lead to the specified conse-
quence.  The resultant probability of a given consequence occurring
forms the probability-consequence domain, and this domain provides a
broader description of the problem addressed.  For example, instead
of asking "what is the chance of 00 coming up at roulette?" the broader
question of "what is the probability of winning at roulette when
betting on any single number or groups of numbers?" can be addressed.

        The consequences can be made more specific, for example, pay-
offs of 36 to 1, 8 to 1, 2 to 1, loss of bet, etc.  That is, the
consequence can be stated in terms of the result and the magnitude
of the result.  Functional relations between the magnitude of the
consequence and the probability of occurrence can be used to express
payoff ratios where the magnitudes are measured on cardinall scales.
The product of the probability and magnitude of the consequence are
one such function and are called the "expectation" of the result.

        A common misconception is that the probability-consequence
domain expresses risk.  It does not, as will be shown subsequently.

    3.  Consequence-Value Domain

        It is not the magnitude of consequence that is meaningful to
risk takers, but the value of the consequence and its magnitude.
The consequence and the magnitude are merely descriptions.  The mea-
sure of value of that description to the risk taker is the important
criterion and is usually of a subjective nature.  Different valuing
agents2 will assign different values to the same consequence under
many circumstances.  The derivation of consequence values is one of
the major parameters in understanding risk, and along with definition
of probabilities of occurrence, cannot always be specified with
certainty.  Much of the subsequent material in this treatise will
address the factors that affect the determination of consequence
values.
 See Glossary for definition.

 A specified risk taker will be referred to as a valuing agent, i.e.,
 as one who places his own value on a particular consequence  he may
 be exposed to.

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                                10

    4.  Risk Definition

        Risk is the functional combination of the probability of
occurrence o£ a consequence and its value to the risk taker.   Risks
from different consequences and combinations of events may be com-
pared and evaluated to analyze risk situations where a spectrum of
risks exists.

        The functional relationship is seldom simple since the value
of the consequence to a valuing agent is often a function of  the mag-
nitude of the probability of occurrence and the nature and magnitude
of the consequence itself.  Such concepts as "expected value," the
product of the probability of occurrence, and the value (or utility)!
of the consequence, are limited to cases where the value is not a
function of probability magnitude or nature or magnitude of the conse-
quence; and even in these cases works over limited ranges of  proba-
bilities and consequence values.  Expected value analysis falls short
for high consequence value, low probability conditions, such  as those
that are involved in catastrophic accident conditions.  Thus, other
functional relationships as well as the individual components are of
interest.

        Considerable effort^ has been expended in addressing  the
problem of determining the probabilities of consequences, although
much remains to be accomplished.  On the other hand, correspondingly
less attention has been focused upon the problem of measuring the
value of consequences.  The focus of most of the effort in this
treatise is on this latter problem.

C.  CONSEQUENCE EVALUATION MEASUREMENT PROBLEMS

    The evaluation of consequences is a highly subjective process.  As
a result, the evaluation process is fraught with measurement  difficul-
ties.  Although these measurement problems are discussed in detail in
Chapter VI, an overview will be presented here.

    1.  Valuing Agents and Risk Evaluators

        The scope of risk is made more complex than the preceding
definition infers when there are many risk takers involved, each with
l-See Chapter IV for a discussion of the difference between utility
 and value.
     whole body of statistics and probability theory attempts to
 address this problem.

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                                11

his own set of subjective values and relationships to externalities.
Further, the assignment of risk often involves an evaluating agent
making a judgment for a valuing agent, when all of the individual
judgments cannot be polled or reconciled.  A Government agency inter-
preting the needs and values of people in setting a regulation is an
example of an evaluating agent as opposed to the valuing agents,
namely the people affected by the regulation.  A risk evaluator in
making such judgments is always subject to question in terms of his
knowledge and ability to make such judgments, the effect of his own
personal biases, and his fairness in making such judgments.  Often
the risk evaluator attempts to determine criteria for public accept-
ability of risk by historically looking at similar kinds of risks to
see what levels have been accepted by society.

        Thus, one can define a "valuing agent" as a person or group
of persons who directly evaluates the consequence of risk to which
he is subjected, and a "risk evaluator" as a person, group, or insti-
tution that seeks to make an interpretation of a valuing agent's risk
for some particular purpose.

        a.  Regulatory Agencies Ajs Risk Evaluators

            When risks to various groups in society are deemed
excessive in relation to the benefits derived from an activity, Govern-
ment regulatory agencies often intervene to protect these groups.
Although this intervention generally involves involuntary risks im-
posed upon these groups, such as exposure to hazardous pollutants and
radiation, it also applies to voluntary risks which have involuntary
aspects, such as cigarette smoking in public buildings, occupational
health and safety laws, and restrictions on the sale and use of fire-
works.  In some cases, it can even involve purely voluntary concerns,
such as proposed laws to require a driver to fasten his seat belt on
a mandatory basis.

            There seems to be little question about the appropriate-
ness of regulatory agencies to regulate imposed involuntary implica-
tions.  However, the regulation of purely voluntary risks is another
matter.   This is a constantly evolving situation and some perspective
on this matter is useful.

        b.  Bureaucratic Evolution of the Risk Evaluator Role

            In the last hundred years in the United States, the
development and growth of Government regulatory agencies have evolved
the concept of the bureaucratic risk evaluator.  Historically, the

-------
                                12

legislative mechanism in this country has and still is enamored by an
array of self-interest lobbies pursuing their own gain and seeking to
preserve or improve those gains.   The development of regulatory legis-
lation and regulating agencies resulted from the gross inequities that
existed until public pressure forced Congressional action.  The Sherman
Anti-Trust legislation is a good  example of reaction to gross inequi-
ties of financial control by a few through cartels and restraint of
trade.  Subsequently, regulatory  agencies were formed to regulate
particular industries where monopoly or oligopoly were thought to be
in the best interest of society because of the efficiencies involved.
Over the years, many of these regulatory agencies became captive to
the industry they were trying to  regulate.

            In the last 20 or so  years, the concerns of individual
citizens upon whom inequities have been placed have become of
increasing concern.  This is due  not only to the imposition of new
kinds of risks involving new technologies, but the increasing com-
plexity of our society, as well as the rapid spread of information
through instantaneous, total coverage by the press.  These have led
to the evolution and implementation of restrictive regulatory agencies
as compared to the permissive regulatory agenciesl of the past which
were set up to permit an industry to operate under monopoly condi-
tions.  The restrictive regulatory agency is aimed primarily at
protecting the public from gross  inequities imposed upon the public
involving diverse problems, such  as consumer protection, environ-
mental protection, and health and safety in both the general popula-
tion and work environs.
IA permissive regulator is defined here to be a regulatory agency or
 part of an agency which enables an industry to operate and issue per-
 mits or licenses, or rate structures in a manner to allow (permit)
 that industry to operate.  Examples are the Nuclear Regulatory Com-
 mission, the Federal Power Commission, the Interstate Commerce Com-
 mission, and the Federal Communications Commission, to name a few.

 On the other hand, the restrictive regulator is aimed at preventing
 undue risks to certain groups in society or society as a whole.
 Parts of the Environmental Protection Agency, the Department of
 Health, Education, and Welfare, the Consumer Protection Agency,  and
 the Department of Labor's Occupational Safety and Health Administra-
 tion are examples of such restrictive regulators.

 It should be noted that some agencies perform both functions within
 their authority, but, generally, divisions within the agency separate
 these functions into different divisions of effort.  Each type of
 regulator has its role, and it is important that these roles not be
 confused with one another.

-------
                                13

            The restrictive regulatory agency has become the risk
evaluator for society in many instances.   The role is not an easy one
since it is couched with the recognition that all inequities cannot
always be resolved, and that the general good of the total population
must also be preserved.  However,  it is desirable that the implemen-
tation of risk evaluation decisions be made in a visible, traceable
manner where input from all concerned is seriously considered and
weighed in the decision.

            Under what condition is a regulatory agency empowered by
Congress to act as a risk evaluator in particular areas?  While there
is no explicit answer to this question, it is evident that when groups
in society feel they have been treated to gross inequities they
attempt to seek relief through the courts, through public opinion,
and sometimes with violent action.  As individuals in the legislative
body perceive the possibility of effects on their constituency and
potential constituencies, the problems are focused and addressed, and
legislative solutions are initiated.  Usually the Executive Branch is
empowered to carry out these mandates in a general manner, but some-
times Congress has specified the detailed mechanisms of implementation
such as in the Water Quality Act of 1972.1  In any case, the role of
the risk evaluator in the restrictive regulatory sense should be one
of balancing inequities where possible, and to assure that the risks
which are to be undertaken are spread on a reasonable basis.

    2.  Measurement Scales

        When assigning value to risk consequences, difficulties
arise since the values themselves  are often intangible in nature.
Unfortunately, most operational techniques for dealing with decision
theory2>3 require cardinal^ values to be assigned to consequences in
the form of utility functions.
     Federal Water Quality Act of 1972 expressly directs that water
 discharge control shall meet the requirements of "best practicable
 technology" by 1977 and "best available technology" by 1983.

^Schlaiffer, Robert.  Analysis of Decisions Under Uncertainty.   New
 York, McGraw-Hill, 1969.
     Neumann, John and Morgenstern, Oskar.   Theory of Games and
 Economic Behavior.  March 1953.

 See Glossary for definition.

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                                14

        While the use of cardinal utility leads to elegant mathema-
tical solutions of expected utility and expected value,  decision
theory solutions are limited to those few problems where cardinal
utility may be assigned.  Unfortunately, the real problems of
interest in risk deal with intangibles and these problems are not
so easily handled by decision theory techniques because  of great
uncertainties in converting intangible value scales to cardinal ones.
It is this author's contention, as documented in Chapter IV,  that in
conversion from intangible values to cardinal scales, there is a
limited, intrinsic level of precision that is meaningful to the
valuer.  As a result, there is always uncertainty in such valuation,
and that uncertainty must be made visible and examined in any
valuing process.

        One cardinal scale that is often used for valuing consequences
is dollars.  However, it has been well demonstrated by many authors,
such as Friedman and Savage^, that while dollars may be  linear on a
measurement scale, the utility of money is quite non-linear.   As a
result, dollar scales are limited in use to economic problems as a
general rule, and further, even the utility of money is  often
inadequately applied in such problems.

        There is a wide variety of different kinds of consequences,
many of these intangible.  Identification of different kinds of risk
consequences is necessary along with some estimation of  the kinds of
scales that may be used.  In order to address this problem, the
author has developed a hierarchy of risk consequences based upon a
conceptual hierarchy of needs as developed by Abraham Maslow.2  Here
the highest priority need is survival, which this author has broken
down into premature death, avoidable illness, and other  survival
factors, etc. , as shown in Table 2-1.  Each major category of need
is dominant over those below it as long as the level at  that need
remains unfulfilled.  Once it is fulfilled, the lower level needs
become dominant in turn, although higher level needs can pre-empt
lower level needs at any given time.  The hierarchy continues through
exhaustible resources (survival and security factors), physical
security, belonging, egocentric needs, and self-actualization.  In
this case, self-actualization refers to such things as the quality
of life and the desire for "the good life," as well as doing things
for the sake of doing them.  At each level for the risk consequence
ISavage, op. cit.

r\
 Maslow, Abraham.  Motivation and Personality.  Harper and Row,.  1954.

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                                16

as shown in the table,  different variables and measurement scales
are possible.   Although Chapter IV addresses scales for these in
some further detail,  here it should be noted that,  for those needs
at the middle of the  scale,  dollars or the utility  of money are
particularly useful;  but at  either end of the scale, dollars or the
utility of money become inappropriate.  At the high end of the scale,
death and injury are  involved.   Since life and health can essentially
not be "bought," dollars by  themselves are an ineffective and incom-
plete measure of the  value of a life.l  At the other end of the
scale are factors which affect  the quality of life, and again these
factors are difficult to put in monetary terms.  How much is a scenic
vista or the potential of being able to look at a scenic vista if it
were available worth  to an individual?

        In spite of this, it is sometimes necessary to use cardinal
scales to represent these intangibles.  In doing so, the author
maintains that this can only be done with a finite  level of precision,
and the uncertainty is, therefore, great, but can be specified
explicitly.

    3.  Some Other Selected  Problems in Value Assignment

        There is no question that it is difficult to measure values
of risk consequences  when the more intangible values in terms of
value of life or the  quality of life are concerned.  There are
several other factors that must be considered in making such measure-
ments and understanding the  level of uncertainty that exist for
these measurements.  In any  case, it is important to specify the
uncertainty and learn how to use it as a parameter.

        a.  Situation Dynamics

            Values change as situations change, and situations change
dynamically.

        b.  Individual Versus Group Values

            There are differences between an individual's own
behavior and the influence of groups to which an individual belongs
in valuing consequences.
 Actuarial measure are for the benefit of insurance companies, not
 individual risk takers, directly.

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                                17

            (1)  Levels of Acceptable Risk for Value Groups

                 Different value groups will arrive at different
levels of risk, which they will consider acceptable.  Many factors
affect the way different value groups look at risk.

            (2)  The "Squawk" Potential

                 One value group may attempt to influence other value
groups when an issue can be promoted into one of national public con-
cern.  Our system of instantaneous communication and total press
coverage makes a potentially controversial issue subject to being
blown up out of proportion to its importance.  However, it provides
a vehicle for one group to sway others.  This is a particularly
critical condition in present society and will be addressed in a
separate section.

        c.  J3aljm£ing_ Risks and. Benefits

            Those who undertake the activities to receive benefits
are not always those who receive the risks.   As a result, involun-
tary risks are often transferred to others who receive no direct
benefits.  Furthermore, many of the activities that society undertakes
to achieve short-term benefits impose risks that have long-term impact.
In fact, in some cases, the benefits sought for one generation impose
risks and costs on subsequent generations.  The exhaustive use of
fossil fuels by our present generation is a case in point.

        d.  Other Risk Factors

            There are a number of other risk factors that may be con-
sidered when valuing risk consequences.  One set of these involves
the type of consequence and the magnitude of probability of occurrence
as observable from societal behavior.  Another set involves the more
subjective problem of individual propensity to take risks.  Subse-
quent chapters will explore these factors in greater detail.

    4.  Squawk Potential and Credibility

        Certain kinds of risk consequences have the potential to be
valued on an emotional basis rather than a rational one.  This be-
comes particularly evident when one value group in society is against
the imposition of specific voluntary or involuntary risk consequences
imposed upon them, and seek to influence others to prevent it from
occurring by making it a major public issue, often involving unsub-
stantiated claims for impending disaster.

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                                18

        The "squawk potential" refers to a condition for an issue
which a particular value group finds distasteful or unacceptable to
be potentially blown up to a major issue through dire predictions of
what will occur based primarily upon half-truths, but flamed by a
press and media looking for headlines in order to sell papers and
air time.  The objective is to stir up public opinion and other value
groups to the point of view of the original value group and generate
enough concern and perhaps hysteria to affect elective Governmental
bodies, regulatory agencies, and the courts.  By this basis, any
issue has a potential for becoming a major "squawk."

        Value groups in society have always had the opportunity to
effectively lobby out of proportion to their representation in
society as a result of the inaction and disinterest of the so-called
"silent majority."  However, in today's world, where instantaneous
communication media have created an insatiable demand for news, and
intermedia and intramedia competition for advertising dollars vie
for the consumer's attention, the manufacturing of news and/or magni-
fying existing issues out of proportion to their importance, and
resorting to the unusual story or human interest items have become
standard procedure.  Further, dire predictions, exposes, and "bad
news" seem to have more capacity to "sell papers" than good news.
The news and communication climate is, indeed, ripe for the minority
value group to evoke a major issue out of almost anything, legiti-
mately or not, with very little expenditure of resources.

        While one may fault the media for seeking profit and
competitive advantage over strict reporting of information in a
relatively straightforward manner, the major blame lies elsewhere.
The media could not "sell" squawks if the public were not interested
in hearing about them, and further the squawks would not survive
very long if there were credible institutions to evaluate and respond
to the squawks in a manner reasonably acceptable to the public.  The
condition is even worse in times when the whole credibility of the
Government is at question, such as the present situation in the post-
Watergate period, and is often aggravated by the squawk potential
being used not by value groups with legitimate squawks but by others
who seek to use this mechanism to their own personal advantage.
This includes the politician running for office trying to make an
issue, the lawyer trying to generate a case so that he can generate
income, the press making headlines when none exist to sell papers or
time, and finally those who are looking for publicity for its own
sake either to enhance one's worth on the marketplace or to appease
one's own ego.

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                                19

        While squawks of this type provide an opportunity for value
groups suffering inequitable imposition of risks to have a means of
having their case heard where they might not otherwise, it places a
heavy burden on society.  The generation of exaggerated claims to
initiate squawks to get the attention of the public and the press
generally involve half-truths that have some basis for consideration,
but are often exaggerated out of all proportion to their probable
impact.  Unfortunately, the burden of proof is not upon the value
group making such predictions, but on the Government or other agencies
to disprove the claims, or better yet evaluate the claims in a
rational, studied manner.  To do this latter evaluation often requires
considerable resources and sometimes years of effort.  For example,
it is only now, three years later, that the evidence of the SST con-
taminating the upper atmosphere seems to have been put aside as a
negative premise.  On the other hand, if the Government "pooh-poohs"
the claims or tries to disprove them without giving them due consid-
eration, the credibility of the Government suffers.

        What can be done about this?  One cannot or should not
prevent a value group with a legitimate squawk from being heard.
However, half-truths must be nipped in the bud, and to the extent
that such a value group has been able to rationally explain its case,
resources may be necessarily made available to them for that purpose,
although there is no guarantee that these resources would be used
properly.  When squawks are made by one value group, an opposing
value group will attempt to counter it with its own half-truths
unless a credible rational case can be made by the opposition.
Unfortunately, two half-truths do not make a whole truth.

        On the other hand, Government cannot resolve these issues
when its credibility is suspect.  However, it seems likely that
credibility can be restored by making all actions, deliberations,
and value judgments visible and traceable.  One may not agree with a
value judgment or a decision, but if there is some assurance that all
issues have been heard and dealt with fairly in making the decision,
credibility will no longer be suspect, only judgment.

        Societal risks are one of the subjects for which squawks
are often generated.  Information and judgment must often be qualita-
tive and subjective in this area, but the process of making decisions
can be made visible and traceable.  The purpose of this effort is to
aid in this process.

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                                20

D•   RISK INEQUITIES AND RISK ACCEPTANCE! LEVELS

    As indicated in the previous section, the role of a risk evaluator
is to ameliorate risk inequities in society often in a regulatory
setting.   The amelioration of these risk inequities by regulatory
bodies implies the existence of some acceptable levels of risk.   Risk
inequities are only one possible aspect of inequitable distribution
of costs and benefits within society.  As a result, the nature of the
inequities is best understood through consideration of the overall
balancing of societal costs and benefits.

    1.  Societal Cost/Benefit Balances and Resultant Inequities

        a.  Cost/Benefit Overview

            Societal costs and benefits are defined here in the
broadest sense as implying gains and losses to society as a whole
or to specific groups within society as opposed to more restrictive
definitions such as minimizing environmental pollution or reduction
of threats.  For this reason and to avoid confusion, broad societal
costs and benefits will be referred to as societal gains and losses.
These gains and losses are not always financial and the hierarchical
scale discussed in the previous section provides one nomenclature
for identification of different gains and losses.  The scales for
gains and losses can be identical in the sense that any parameter can
sustain a gain or loss.

            Risk is usually considered in terms of a probable loss in
one of these parameters.  This arises because risk generally has a
negative connotation.  However, in theory there is no reason why the
probability of beneficial occurrences might not be called positive
risks.  However, to prevent confusion they will be referred to here
as probable gains.  Thus, an event with some probability of occurrence
and a negative value of a consequence is termed a risk, while a
probable occurrence of a consequence with a positive value is termed
a probable gain.

            When applying the same nominal identifying scales to both
gains and losses, one would assume that the scales would be identical
in all respects.  This is not true, however, when one consideres the
difference between direct and indirect benefits, and direct and
indirect costs in terms of gains and losses.  Direct gains or benefits
are defined as those which are explicitly identified as being received
as a direct result of the activity involved.  For example, people
living in a community with a nuclear power station within its borders
receive direct benefits from the property taxes paid by the utility.

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                                21

On the other hand, a neighboring community may potentially benefit
from a nearby source of low cost power, but this is an indirect
benefit as the power could come from many individual sources, and
there is no assurance that the particular power plant will provide
advantages.  In this latter case, the benefits are indirect.

            Direct costs, on the other hand, are those which are
explicitly exposed and may not be voluntarily avoided once the activity
is undertaken.  For example, a nuclear power plant may expose members
of the population to a low, but unavoidable, level of radiation.  This
is a direct cost to those exposed.   The same plant may have a cooling
pond with a slight level of radioactivity which is available for
recreational use on a voluntary basis.  Assuming that the knowledge
of the risk is available to people who make use of the pond, the
risk taker can avoid the exposure if he so chooses, and the cost,
which in this case is the increased risk of possible cancer, is
indirect.

        b.   Balancing Gains and Losses

            When gains and losses are balanced, both direct and
indirect gains and direct and indirect losses must be included in
the balance.  The direct gains must be balanced against the direct
losses and in a similar manner the indirect gains must be balanced
against the indirect losses.  When this is done, four categories of
loss/gain balances result.  These are shown in Table 2-2.

            (1)  No Contest Cases

                 The first two cases are referred to as "no contest"
cases since the decisions are decisviely acceptable or unacceptable.
In Case 1,  the direct losses exceed the direct gains and the indirect
losses exceed the indirect gains.  On this basis, the activity is
completely unacceptable.

                 In Case 2, the reverse is true.  Both the direct and
indirect gains exceed the direct and indirect losses, respectively,
and the decision is decisively acceptable.  These cases are relatively
straightforward in terms of decisions to be made and are of minimal
concern.

            (2)  Subsidy Case

                 In Case 3, the direct losses exceed the direct gains,
but, on the other hand, the indirect gains exceed the indirect losses.
Here, those who receive the direct benefits would be unwilling to

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                                22
CASE
 DIRECT
BALANCE
INDIRECT
BALANCE
                                         NATURE OF THE BALANCE
        GDLD
                                      DECISIVELY
                                 ACCEPTABLE ACTIVITY
         GDLI
                 UNACCEPTABLE UNLESS
               THE ACTIVITY IS SUBSIDIZED
         GD>LD
               GI

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                                    23
    
    undertake the activity where the losses may exceed the gains.  However,
    if the indirect societal benefits are greater than the indirect
    societal losses, the activity may well be undertaken for the benefit
    of society as a whole.  As a result, those directly seeking gains for
    the activity may have to be underwritten in terms of a subsidy.  When
    the indirect benefits are worth having in spite of the direct gain/
    loss imbalance, the Government often subsidizes the activity.  A case
    in point, for example, is the undertaking of the development of a
    cure for cancer.  The cost of research is overwhelmingly large, so
    much so that the pay-offs for any discoverer of such a cure would pre-
    clude recuperation of the investment.  On the other hand, the pay-offs
    of such a cure to society as a whole are very great indeed, and, there-
    fore, the Government chooses to subsidize the researchers in cancer
    research.  The researcher receives the direct benefits of such a
    subsidy and resultant research activity, but society receives indirect
    benefits which are thought to outweigh the direct costs of subsidy.
    
                (3)  The Inequity Case
    
                     Case 4 is the condition where the direct gain exceeds
    the direct loss, but society as a whole has losses imposed upon them
    which exceed any indirect gains that might be had.  This is a case of
    gain/loss inequity, and the inequities must be either ameliorated or
    accepted before such an activity is warranted.
    
                     The inequity case illustrates the need for Govern-
    ment regulation.  It implies the necessity for some means of equi-
    tably spreading the costs, especially the indirect costs, on a fair
    basis; or when these inequities cannot be resolved, to determine
    acceptable levels for inequitable losses.  This task, involving risks,
    is a major role of regulatory agencies.  In the case in point here,
    the development of acceptable levels of risk implies the existence
    of inequitable probable losses.  The major question then is how do
    regulatory agencies, or society for that matter, develop acceptable
    risk levels.
    
        2.  Risk Acceptance Levels
    
            There are many different approaches to setting risk acceptance
    levels.  These approaches depend first upon the relationships between
    the exposure of populations to risk and the actual levels of risk
    experienced as a result of the exposure.
    
            a.  Risk Exposure and Risk Level Relationships
    
                When one is exposed to some risk condition, a probability
    of experiencing a consequence from that exposure results.  The rela-
    tionship between the risk exposure and risk can have many forms.  Some
    

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                                    24
    
    of the general forms are shown in Figure 2-1.   In this case,  the
    abscissa represents increasing exposure to risk conditions and the
    ordinate represents the increasing risk resulting from that exposure.1
    For reference, a case in point might be the relationship between an
    exposure to a toxic effluent and the resultant health effects from
    that exposure.
    
                (1)  Threshold relationship
    
                     Curve 1 illustrates a threshold condition where, even
    though exposure may take place, there is no risk unless the particular
    threshold is exceeded.  This is illustrated by the point where Curve 1
    leaves the abscissa.  Curve 1 is shown as linear above the threshold,
    but is may be some other shape.
    
                (2)  Breakpoint Relationship
    
                     Curve 2 illustrates a non-threshold case, but there
    is a distinct breakpoint in the relationship of exposure to risk.
    While the curves are shown as linear below and above the breakpoint,
    they may again be of some other form.
    
                (3)  Linear/Non-Threshold Relationship
    
                     Curve 3 is the classical linear exposure/risk
    relationship when no threshold exists.  Zero risk occurs only at
    zero exposure.  This is the condition that is assumed to exist for
    exposure from radiation for regulatory purposes.  It is obtained by
    extrapolation from data at high levels of exposure and measures risks
    down to low levels of exposure and risk.
    
                (4)  Non-Threshold/Lowered Sensitivity Relationship
    
                     Curve 4 is a non-threshold relationship which shows
    lower sensitivity to risk at lower exposure levels.
    
                (5)  Non-Threshold High Sensitivity Relationship
    
                     Curve 5 shows the reverse of Curve 4 where there is
    increasing sensitivity at lower levels of risk exposure.  Curve 5 is
     Exposure implies the probability of an event that may occur, the risk
     is the probability that a consequence of a specified value will occur
     if the first event occurs.  See Chapter III for a more detailed
     explanation.
    

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                                   25
             EXPOSURE TO RISK CONDITION
    -INCREASING
         Figure 2-1. RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN RISK EXPOSURE AND RISK
    *By definition, a function of probability of occurrence and consequence
     value (and/or description).
    

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                                    26
    
    illustrative of the condition when there are more sensitive members
    of a population affected by risk exposure conditions.
    
            b.  Internal Criteria for Risk Acceptance
    
                Curves 1 and 2 above represent conditions  whereby criteria
    for acceptable levels of risk may be determined by considering only
    those risk parameters which are internal to the system,  that is,  one
    can set acceptable levels by considering only risk by  itself.
    
                (1)  Risk Thresholds
    
                     Curve 1 allows one to set a threshold based upon no
    risk to exposed populations as long as the exposure is kept below
    the threshold.  Therefore, the threshold, with possibly some safety
    factor built in, provides an acceptable level  of risk based upon
    risk considerations alone.
    
                (2)  Breakpoints
    
                     Curve 2 represents the case where the lower level of
    risk below the breakpoint may or may not be acceptable.   However, in
    any case, levels set below the breakpoint are more effective in
    minimizing risk than levels set above it.  The acceptability of risk
    below the breakpoint must be treated similarly to the  remaining
    curves.  The breakpoint does provide a rationale for setting accept-
    able risk levels based oaly upon risk in many cases.
    
            c.  External Criteria for Risk Acceptance
    
                When the exposure/risk relationship is continuous through
    the origin, acceptable levels of risk cannot be set using risk cri-
    teria by themselves.  It is necessary to use outside references to
    establish risk acceptance levels.  There are a number  of different
    paradigms-'- that may be used.
    
                (1)  Cost-Effectiveness in Risk Reduction  Paradigm
    
                     The cost-effectiveness of risk reduction is a para-
    digm that has many aspects.  It is often called cost-benefit analysis
    IA paradigm is a structured set of concepts, definitions, classifica-
     tions, axioms, and assumptions used in providing a conceptual frame-
     work for studying a given problem.
    

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                                    27
    
    in a narrow sense since the benefit considered is that of risk reduc-
    tion.  Various actions to reduce risk may be ordered on the basis of
    the ratio of the magnitude of risk reduced and the magnitude of the
    cost of risk reduction.  The resultant curve when smoothed is concave
    upward as shown in Figure 2-2.  From the curve, it can be seen that
    the problem of assigning risk has simply been transferred to a new
    parameter, the cost-effectiveness of risk reduction.  However, both
    internal and external criteria must still be used to determine the
    acceptable level of cost-effectiveness.
    
                     (a)  Internal Criteria - those associated with the
    shape of the curve.
    
                          J1.  Breakpoints - discontinuities can provide a
    rationale for selection of cost-effectiveness acceptance levels.
    
                          2^  Unit slope - the scales for each axis can
    be normalized so that the scales are identical.  When the slope of
    the curve is equal to unity, then the marginal cost of increased
    reduction is equal to the marginal benefit of the risk reduction.
    
                     (b)  External Criteria - require some external
    referent.  A number of these are shown in Figure 2-3.
    
                          31.  No risk reduction - a point on the curve
    where no funds are spent for risk reduction.
    
                          2^.  Zero risk - a point on the curve which is
    dependent upon the definition of zero risk but represents, generally,
    a very high cost solution.  A "zero risk" definition is shown as
    compared with actual zero risk.
    
                          _3_.  As low as practicable - there are a number
    of definitions for this concept.  The first definition implies a
    relative level of acceptance based upon societal risk as a whole.  In
    this case, when the incremental cost per risk averted is equivalent
    to similar costs for similar risks to society, the system will be as
    low as practicable.  An alternate definition implies a relative risk
    for the particular activity in question, such that when the incremental
    cost per risk averted is such that a very large expenditure must be
    made for a relatively small decrease in risk as compared to previous
    risk reduction steps, then the activity causing the risk is as low as
    practicable.
    

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                                  28
    to
                          ORDERED BY VALUE OF
                           SMOOTHED COST-EFFECTIVENESS CURVE
                      COST OF RISK REDUCTION
       Figure 2-2. COST-EFFECTIVENESS OF RISK REDUCTION ORDERED
       RELATIONSHIP FOR DISCRETE ACTIONS Sj - S6
    

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                                          29
                NO RISK REDUCTION
           oo
    Defined "0"
     Actual "0"
                                                   AS LOW AS PRACTICABLE RANGE
     BEST PRACTICABLE TECHNOLOGY (BPT)
         BEST AVAILABLE TECHNOLOGY (BAT)
                  ZERO RISK
    	Z.
    Can Overlap
                             COST OF RISK REDUCTION
                       Figure 2-3.  SOME CRITERIA FOR ACCEPTANCE LEVELS
                       OF COST-EFFECTIVENESS OF RISK REDUCTION
    

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                                    30
    
                          i^.   Best practicable technology - another
    acceptance level of the same type is called best practicable tech-
    nology as is used in the Water Quality Act, PL 92-500.  In this case,
    best practicable technology involves finding the average practice of
    the best industry processes for effluent or risk control.
    
                          _5_.   Best available technology - best available
    technology is somewhere further out on the curve and involves the
    fact that a particular process has at least been demonstrated.
    
                     In all cases for cost-effectiveness of risk reduction,
    a referent is required, either internal or external, to set acceptable
    levels of cost-effectiveness of risk reduction.   As a result, this
    paradigm faces the same types of problems as risk acceptance levels
    do except that risk is not considered directly.   Economic considera-
    tions are added since the cost-effectiveness of  risk reduction is
    used as the primary parameter.
    
                (2)  Natural Risk Levels as Thresholds for a Risk Value
    Referent
    
                     Another paradigm utilizes an absolute risk reference
    which is derived from an examination of the natural risks that society
    is subjected to and which cannot be avoided.  Examples are the pro-
    bability that the sun may explode in one's lifetime and the risk of
    being hit by a meteor on the earth.  These risks are unavoidable and
    uncontrollable, at least with present technology, and, therefore, must
    be accepted by society and, as such, are generally ignored.  Thresholds
    set from such risks are very low, but certainly acceptable.
    
                     Another variety of natural risk is directly controll-
    able, such as that from lightning where lightning rod technology is
    extremely effective in avoiding lightning strikes.  Another set of
    natural risks have conditions where exposure to risks are avoidable,
    such as not choosing to live in an area which is particularly subject
    to floods or hurricanes.  Certain aspects of risk from natural back-
    ground radiation fall into this category.  While thresholds may be
    derived from these levels, these are perhaps less useful than those
    of the absolute risks for which man is faced.  Basically, the paradigm
    assumes that there are levels of risk that man experiences which are
    acceptable, since they are completely "acts of God."  One learns how
    to live with risks one cannot avoid or control.
    
                     A referent value is not, itself, an acceptable level
    of risk, but only a reference.  This is particularly true in this case
    since natural risks are considered as "acts of God" and are valued
    differently than man-originated risks.   Subsequent chapters will treat
    this difference in more detail.
    

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                                    31
    
                (3)  Societal Behavior as a Risk Value Referent
    
                     The behavior of society as a whole provides another
    paradigm for use as a risk value referent.  The basic premise is
    "society is as what society does."  This implies that societal
    behavior is acceptable, regardless of whether it is "right" or "good."
    At any given time, it is possible to measure what society is doing or
    has done on an aggregated basis through the use of statistical
    measures.  This is standard statistical practice and sets of this
    type of data are more fully discussed and described in Chapter VII.
    
                     However, since society is dynamic and has a variety
    of explicit and implicit goals, a static measure at a given point in
    time is inadequate to describe acceptable "behavior" by itself.  A
    combination of actual trends from historical data and identified
    goals (in the broadest sense) to determine where society is heading
    is needed to provide a more meaningful definition of societal behavior.
    As a general rule, society is attempting to minimize loss at the high
    end of scale hierarchy  shown in Table 2-1 and attempting to maximize
    gains at the low end.  Thus, threats to premature death are to be
    minimized, while gains in the quality of life (self-actualization)
    are to be maximized.
    
                     There are no absolute referents here, and different
    societies will have different norms of behavior, resulting in dif-
    ferent value systems.  Further, sub-groups in society may be at odds
    with overall societal values in part or in toto.  However, the poli-
    tical process provides a means for change, and change resulting from
    this process is reflected in changes in societal behavior.
    
                     Societal behavioral systems are the result of the
    collective behavior of all the individuals in the population acting
    individually, in a variety of groupings, and reacting continuously
    to new pressures.   Analysis is indeed difficult, and while some
    effort has been made in analysis of individual behavior, the behavior
    and influence of groups, and the aggregate behavior of society, there
    is an absence of significant progress in these areas and in their
    interrelationships, at least, in comparison with progress in the
    harder sciences.  Nevertheless, analysis of societal behavior and
    analysis of decisions resulting from such efforts are possible within
    limitations, and can provide useful results without precise inputs.
    
        3.   Analysis of Societal Behavioral Decisions
    
            Social decisions are most often made on an intuitive basis
    rather than on an analyzed, objective study.  A body of personal
    experience has been built into individuals from birth so that many
    

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                                    32
    
    decisions are automatic as a result of previous trial and error
    situations, other learning experiences, and personal capabilities.
    As a result, most real decisions are made without benefit of formal
    analysis.  For example, a decision to take up smoking for the first
    time by a young person usually involves some aspect of seeking a
    guise of maturity at a time of actual immaturity without regard to
    the risks of smoking.  The short-term importance of this goal makes
    analysis of the risks, including habit-forming tendencies, inappro-
    priate to the risk agent under these conditions.
    
            Another reason for the difficulty in analyzing such decisions
    lies in the problem of measuring decision parameters.  Most of the
    parameters involved are related to intuitive concepts, such as values,
    and cannot be measured in an objective sense.  The subjective scales
    needed to provide such measurements are, by necessity, limited in
    precision.  The scales can be no more precise than is meaningful.
    The imprecision of language to express small differences in a meaning-
    ful way is generally not the fault of the language, but the inability
    of individuals to assign any real meaning to the differences.  For
    example, it is sufficient to say:  "I like ham sandwiches a whole lot
    better than cheese sandwiches."  Conversely, to say "I like ham sand-
    wiches 2.95432 times more than I like cheese sandwiches," is not only
    an overstatement of the condition, but may more often than not be
    false.1
    
            System analysis techniques, such as operations research,
    decision theory, and probability theory, are often ineffective in
    addressing real problems with imprecise scales.  These techniques
    are aimed at the manipulation of numbers, often in elegant fashion,
    and require infinitely precise scales for such manipulation to be
    meaningful.  Real problems with imprecise scales are often constrained
    to doable problems, but as a result of the applied constraints, no
    longer represent real ones.  As a result, "system analysis" may be
    characterized as "a set of solutions looking for problems which it
    can solve."  Most behavioral problems are not in the "soluble" class.
    Pragmatism rather than elegance is needed in these cases.
     If the actual precision is one significant figure, i.e., three times
     better, then there are 10,000 possibilities that exist at the pre-
     scribed precision of six significant figures of which only one is
     assumed correct.
    

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                                    33
    
            a.  Value Judgments as Gross Measures
    
                If behavioral scales are imprecise,  one convenient
    method of providing measures is through subjective value judgments.
    Since meaning is in the eye of the beholder,  all individual value
    judgments are "true" ones.   Only when value judgments of one person
    are to be compared to others and used as a consensus does the "correct-
    ness" of a value judgment become of concern.   The determination of
    "collective" value judgments is, thus, of primary concern.   Such value
    judgments impinge on society in every aspect  of  life.   The agreement
    on the result of empirical observation of a physical parameter measure-
    ment is a value judgment since the interpretation of the observation
    is personal, although the "collective variance"  may be small.   On the
    other extreme are value judgments based solely upon emotional experi-
    ences.  Somewhere between these two extremes  are value judgments
    which involve acceptance of society of certain types of risks.   These
    can be used by regulatory agencies, among other  users, to provide
    some guidance in making equitable decisions.   However, at best, these
    value judgments only provide gross measures of aggregate behavior,
    are relatively imprecise, and have use only when described in a
    manner agreeable to all who are party to the  value judgment.
    
                The precision of such judgments is limited and the
    description of judgment conditions is as important as the measure
    itself when cost-benefit (gain-loss) evaluations are involved.   The
    scale must be precise and explicitly described well enough so that
    all involved understand the scale, but must be gross enough to
    reasonably resemble the aggregation errors involved in scale genera-
    tion.  For example, gross statements, such a  "benefits far outweigh
    costs," "benefits marginally outweigh costs," etc., may be as precise
    as one can be in gaining acceptance of such value judgments in a
    meaningful way.
    
            D-  Analysis with Gro_ss Value Judgments
    
                As long as value judgment scales  are meaningful to those
    affected and are universally interpreted, they are useful in analyzing
    decisions affecting society.  However, the analysis, while sometimes
    resulting in decisive answers, is no more precise than the inputs.
    The objective is to get decisive answers that are generally acceptable,
    regardless of the precision involved.
    
                Results of such analyses are valid only in the sense that
    a sizable portion of society accepts them knowingly.  The ability to
    display the analysis in an open, visible, traceable, repeatable manner
    is a requirement of a valid analysis.  The types of value judgments
    

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                                    34
    
    made and the actual values assigned, both must be exposed,  discussed,
    and argued.
    
                Under these conditions, decisions resulting from such
    analyses are never "right," only "accepted."
    
            c.  Utilization of Societal Behavior Referents in this Study
    
                This study relies heavily on the use of value judgments
    and measure of societal behavior as a referent for determination of
    acceptable levels of risk.  Chapter VIII seeks to provide some measure-
    ment of what society is presently experiencing in terms of  specific
    risk factors.  Chapter IX develops and demonstrates a methodology for
    determining acceptable levels of risk for new activities based upon
    societal behavior as a referent and gross value judgments as an
    expression of acceptable societal behavior.
    

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                                                                   TRACK B
                               CHAPTER III
    
                        A STRUCTURAL VIEW OF RISK
    
    A.  OVERVIEW
    
        In order to examine the concept of risk in detail, a structure
    for considering risk in a definitive form has been developed.  First
    it is assumed that risk only is meaningful when associated with the
    occurrence of an event or set of events with a non-zero probability
    of realization, i.e., a probabilistic event.  The description of the
    event and its probability distribution form a classical probability-
    event space based on ordinary probability theory.  However, should
    the event occur as described, there are a number of different conse-
    quences that can result with differing probabilities.
    
        Each consequence has assigned to it a value for that consequence
    which is meaningful to a particular valuer (valuing agent) who may
    potentially experience the consequence.  There will be (a) different
    values for a given consequence for differing valuing agents, and
    (b) different values for a given consequence which are dependent on
    external circumstances involving time and situational conditions
    for the same valuing agent.  Further, a given value of a consequence
    is not independent of the (1) probability of an event, (2) the
    description of an event, (3) the probability of a consequence of an
    event, or (4) the magnitude of the consequence.
    
        For this reason, we shall consider an event space domain, a
    probability-consequence domain, a consequence-value domain, and
    then a relationship among these domains to express risk.
    
    B.  EVENT SPACED DOMAIN
    
        Risk always involves the occurrence or potential occurrence of
    some event.   For the purposes of risk definition, the event is
    defined by its complete description and the probability of its
    occurrence.   The sum of the probability of the occurrence of an event
    and the probability of its non-occurrence, which may imply the occur-
    rence of alternate events, must equal unity be definition of the con-
    cept of probability.  Thus, a given event, denoted by the symbol E±
    where i is an index indicating different events, is determined by its
    description, D± , and its probability of occurrence, p± .
                                 . -  [D., P.]                        (3-D
    
                                    35
    

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                                    36
    
    If E^ is the only event to be considered,  then the event space
    involved is made of the universe,  U,  which is sum total of the event
    occurring or not occurring, as shown  in the following equation:
                   U = E.
    -'0]
    where D^ represents the negative (complement)  of the event or  its
    description.  As the number of possible events increases,  the  classi-
    cal probability theory provides a structure for consideration  of  more
    complex event spaces and their analysis.
    
        All of the events defined in an event space must be mutually
    exclusive and collectively exhaustive, i.e., the descriptions  of
    the events involved must meet these conditions.
    
        Thus, for the set of events that encompasses all types of  automo-
    bile accidents, definitions, such as "head on collision at forty-five
    miler per hour with car one weighing two tons and car two  weighing
    three tons," must be set up such that the descriptions cover the
    totality of accidents, but must have no ambiguity as to which  event
    a particular accident definition refers.   Since the probability for
    each event is sometimes difficult to measure or estimate at the
    finest granularity of events, a hierarchal tree structure  can  be
    developed using relevance tree techniques.  Succeeding events  may
    be dependent on preceding ones, but the final outcomes should  all
    be independent of one another.  A simple example is shown  in
    Figure 3-1.
    
        Five final events derived from three preceding events  are  shown.
    The description of a preceding event must be identical to  the
    succeeding events so that the total set of five events is  mutually
    exclusive and collectively exhaustive.
    
        1.  Continuously Occurring Events
    
            There is a class of events whose description involves  the
    specification of an event continuing over all time of interest
    instead of over a short time interval.  The planned continuous
    release of pollutants to the environment from a polluting source
    as opposed to an accident spill of pollutants are examples of  two
    different types of descriptions.
    
            The description of the event may specify a time dependent
    relationship for the magnitude of the event descriptive parameters.
    

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                                  37
                              '11
                              J12
                              J21
                             (1)
                                           =  [D1T
                                       E12  =  [D12'  P!21 Pi]
                     21
                                          =  [D21>
                                               22
                                          =   D'
                              Figure 3-1
    
                      EVENT SPACE RELEVANCE TREE
    Where D, =
               D21, °22
         i.e., component descriptions
         must be contained in the overall
         description.
          p, + p? + p., = 1 i.e.,  the  sum  of  the  probabilities
                           equals unity.
            1    22
          Pll   P22
    is the probability of p   conditional
    on the probability p .
    

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                                    38
    
    That is, the description allows a planned pollution release to change
    over time by some varying function, which is the usual real world
    case.  The specification of a continuously occurring event may be
    denoted by:
                              Ei =  D(t) ' P                        (3"3)
    
    
    where D^(t) implies a time dependent event description and probability
    of occurrence may be unity within the total time period in question,
    but uncertainty with respect to the occurrence at any given time, and
    the magnitude of the occurrence is expressed by a time dependent
    description.!  The probability may be less than unity if the time of
    the event is not certain.
    
            The specification of such time dependent functions is often
    difficult, and simplifying assumptions are often made whereby the
    integral of the magnitude over the period involved is assumed as a
    single event in time.  A variety of other possibilities exist for
    simplifying descriptions.  In general, one often sacrifices precision
    in expressing parameters for simplification of use and manipulation.
    However, the loss of precision and resultant inaccuracy must be
    understood.
    
        2.  Uncertainty in Event Space
    
            The specification of an event space includes uncertainty in
    both the assignment of a probability of occurrence and in the descrip-
    tion of the event.  It is necessary that the degree of uncertainty be
    specified.  The maximum uncertainty is expressed by a uniform distri-
    bution of the range of uncertainty for both probability assignments
    and event descriptions.  The substitution of specific probability
    distributions in place of uniform distributions is a direct means for
    reducing uncertainty by adding more information.  The total event
    uncertainty is expressed by:
    !±  ±  e. =  [D. + d., p. ± b.]
                                                                    (3-4)
     •'•I.e., the accumulated probability may be known, but the instantaneous
     probability can be expressed only by some probabilistic function.
    

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                                    39
    
    where
                               e± = f  (dlfb±)                         (3-5)
                                           = 1                       (3-6)
    where e^, d^, bi represent error ranges on E^ , D-^ , p^, respectively. 1
    The functional relationship between d^ and b^ cannot be determined in
    the event space alone.  This will become clear when the consequence
    value domain is discussed.  Equation 3-6 acknowledges the need for
    the total event space to be constrained to unity when specific values
    are assigned to p-^ within the ranges on uncertainty.
    
            The purpose of introducing uncertainty at this point is to
    acknowledge its existence - not to quantify it.
    
    C.  PROBABILITY-CONSEQUENCE DOMAIN
    
        Should an event occur pursuant to its description, there will be
    a set or spectrum of consequences that can occur.  If the event is a
    head on collision between two automobiles of given weight at a given
    speed, the human health consequences of the event range from no effect
    through total fatal results to all drivers and passengers.  Like an
    event, a consequence is dependent on its description.  The set of
    consequences for a particular event must also be mutually exclusive
    and collectively exhaustive.
    
        For each event there is a series of consequences, C j , each with
    probability, a-j_ j , such that the probability of a consequence event,
    El , is probability, pi j , conditional upon the probability of the
    event occurring.
                               P±j(C)  = a.j  |  P±                     (3-7)
    
    
    Where pij (C) is probability of the j th consequence occurring for the
    ith event, and
    ^Alternatively,  one can deal with expected values such that
    

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                                 j
        Each event has its own set of consequences.   Many of these may
    be identical from event to event.  For example,  a fatality can occur
    from an auto accident and a plane accident.   This concept is illus-
    trated in Figure 3-2.  Two possible events have  sets of consequences
    which overlap for two cases, GI and C-j.   The probability of a given
    consequence is denoted by P(Cj) such that a complete set of conse-
    quences and the probabilities of occurrence form a probability-conse-
    quence domain.  All probability paths that lead  to a given consequence
    must be totalled to provide the probability of the consequence
                                                                 (3~9)
    As a result, the description of the consequence and its compound
    probability form a probability-consequence space made up of proba-
    bilities and descriptions of consequences.
                                  j
    This universe is a closed system of mutually exclusive, collectively
    exhaustive consequences, but can have uncertainty in probability of
    consequence as well as its description.  The uncertainty can be
    described as
    Since uncertainty in the probability of event, as well as in the
    consequences, must be taken into account, and GJ is the range in
    uncertainty of the description of the consequence, C j .
    
    D.  CONSEQUENCE-VALUE DOMAIN
    
        Each consequence is valued by those who may be affected by the
    consequence.  It is not the consequence itself which is meaningful
    since it is merely a description.  Of concern is the measure of value
    of the consequence occurrence to the risk-taker.  Different groups in
    society as well as individuals may assign differing values to the same
    consequence.
    

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                   41
                         etc.
               Figure 3-2
    
    PROBABILITY-CONSEQUENCE DOMAIN
            RELEVANCE TREE
    

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                                    42
    
        The value of a given consequence to a particular valuing agent
    will be represented by the symbol, Vj^., which is the value of the j th
    consequence to the kth valuing agent.   The value,  vjk,  is not neces-
    sarily a constant and may vary over time and situation, even for an
    individual, and may even be a function of the probability magnitude
    for the consequence occurrence and the magnitude of the consequence
    itself.  Assignment of value to a consequence is highly subjective,
    and is, along with uncertainty of probability assignment, a source
    of major uncertainty in evaluating the value of risk.
    
        Figure 3-3 illustrates the consequence-value domain for three
    valuing agents, along with the event space generating the consequences.
    The meaning of the Vj^ will be made clear below.
    
        1.  Valuing Agents and Risk Evaluators
    
            The scope of risk is made more complex by the fact that there
    are many risk takers involved, each with his own set of subjective
    values and relationships to externalities.  Further, the assignment
    of risk often involves an evaluating agent making a judgment for a
    valuing agent.  A Government agency interpreting the needs and values
    of people in setting a regulation is an example of an evaluating
    agent as opposed to the valuing agents, namely the people affected
    by the regulation.  In this case, the y's functions, as shown in the
    previous section, provide for an interpretation of a valuing agent's
    assessment of risk by the risk evaluator.  The risk evaluator, in
    making such judgments, is always subject to questions in terms of his
    knowledge and ability to make such judgments, the effect of his own
    personal biases, and his fairness in making such judgments.  Often
    the risk evaluator attempts to determine criteria for public accepta-
    bility of risk by historically looking at similar kinds of risks to
    see what levels have been acceptable to society.
    
            Thus, we define a "valuing agent" as a person,  or group of
    persons, who directly evaluates the consequence of risk to which he
    is subjected, and a "risk evaluator" as a person, group, or institu-
    tion that seeks to make an interpretation of a valuing agent's risk.
    
            A factor, Yjk» nas been shown for each Vjk relationship of
    consequence to valuing agent in Figure 3-3 for this purpose.  This
    represents only one of a variety of methods that a risk evaluator
    might use to assign varying relevance to differing groups of valuing
    agents.  For example, the Yjk's might represent the fraction of the
    total population involved, indicating that the risk evaluator might
    favor the value of large groups over small.  Alternately, the assign-
    ment might be the political judgment of the evaluator as to which
    group should be favored.
    

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                43
    Cj
                                    vjk
            Figure 3-3
    
    VALUE-CONSEQUENCE DOMAIN
     (INCLUDING EVENT SPACE
    FOR THREE VALUING AGENTS)
    

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                                    44
    
            The object of the separate notation is to differentiate
    between the value assigned to a consequence by a valuing agent and
    the importance of that agent to the evaluator involved in making a
    decision on risk assessment.  For example, an ecologist acting as a
    valuing agent might place high negative value on a consequence that
    results in destruction of an aesthetic natural resource, while a
    decision maker may make a value judgment that the ecologist's value
    may have little weight, since many others may have assigned a low
    negative value to the same consequence.  In this way, the y's serve
    as interpretive modifiers of the valuing agent's judgment.
    
            An alternate notation that may be used is that the symbol,
    Vjk, will always refer to the k1-" valuing agent, and the symbol,
    V-jk(y), will represent a risk evaluator's interpretation of the
    valuing agent's judgment.  A subscript applied to gamma may be used
    to identify different risk evaluators.
    
    E.  RISK JEN TERMS OF THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN PROBABILITY AND CONSE-
        QUENCE VALUE "
    
        Risk of a particular undertaking, R, is evaluated by examining the
    values of consequences and the probabilities of consequence occurrence
    for that undertaking.  Thus, the risk is a function of the value of a
    consequence, v, and its probability of occurrence, p.-*-
                                 R  =  f(p,v)                         (3-12)
    One function often used to express the risk of an undertaking is the
    Bayesian concept of expected value.  The products of the probability
    and consequence values are summed to provide an expected value of
    the risk of the undertaking, which may be compared with the expected
    value of alternative undertakings, including no action.  For an under-
    taking with n consequences, expected value of risk (EVR) computed by
                                EVR =       v                        (3-13)
                                          n n
                                      n
    The variances or standard deviations of the measure, based upon
    historical or a_ priori information, are measures of the dispersion
         Greek letter rho  (p) is used to indicate the compound probability
     of occurrence of a consequence with a given value.
    

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                                    45
    
    around the central value.  For the same expected value, a risk
    averter would prefer lower values of the standard deviation over
    higher values.
    
        This concept assumes that pn and vn are independent of each other.
    It will be shown subsequently that this seldom, if ever, is the case.
    As a result, the concept of expected value of risk has limited appli-
    cation.  The selection of a useful risk function is a key problem in
    risk analysis and will be examined in further detail in a later part
    of this paper.
    
        The consideration of event, consequence, and value domain provides
    a means to examine the risk relationship in detail to understand the
    factors involved in establishing risk.
                            R-fl[P(Cj)'V
                                          jkj                      ^
    
    represents a first level detailing of a consequence value by a valuing
    agent and its probability of occurrence, irrespective of the events
    involved.  Should a risk evaluator be involved, the above equation
    would take one of two alternate forms, depending on notation used:
    Where a risk evaluator 's bias or value concept is added on, or:
    where the indication is that the risk is interpreted in the eyes of
    the risk evaluator, not the risk taker.
    
        If lower levels of detail are considered (the consideration of a
    risk evaluator is omitted for simplicity in this further detail) ,
    It is this chain of events, consequences, and value assignments that
    must be preserved in consideration of risk determination.   This is
    

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    particularly true in the case that  the  assignment  of value  to a
    consequence by a valuing agent is  functionally dependent on the
    assignment of probabilities and description  of consequences.  In
    this case
    R
                     =fi[aij I  V V (air v cij)]            (3'18)
    the uncertainty in expressing risk thus  lies  in  the  determination of
    probabilities, event and consequence descriptions, and  the assignment
    of value to a consequence by a valuing agent.  The assignment of
    value is subjective and probably has a wider  range of uncertainty
    than the other parameters.   For this reason,  the problem of assigning
    value must be considered in depth.
    

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                                                                  TRACK B
                                CHAPTER IV
    
                  MEASUREMENT PROBLEMS IN THE ASSIGNMENT
                       OF VALUE TO RISK CONSEQUENCES
    A.  OVERVIEW
        The assignment of value to consequences involves some basic
    problems in measurement that must be considered in depth prior to
    considering the factors that directly influence the valuation of
    risk.  These problems of measurement may be classified into several
    main categories, as follows:
    
        1.  Who evaluates risk, why, and what biases are introduced?
    
        2.  What is meant by value and utility?
    
        3.  Can consequence values and utility be assigned to both
    tangible and intangible consequences?
    
        4.  How do cultural, situational, and dynamic considerations
    affect consequence value assignment?
    
        5.  What factors affect the assignment of value?
    
    Exploration of these questions will provide insight to the problems
    of measurement, and will allow an evaluation of various methods to
    overcome these problems.
    
    B.  RISK EVALUATOR BIAS
    
        In the previous chapter, the distinction between a "valuing agent"
    and a "risk evaluator" was presented.  The understanding of this dis-
    tinction and the problem of communicating values among people bring
    up a number of epistemological questions that must be investigated.
    A means for the author to communicate certain value concepts to the
    reader without causing a value conflict is an example of the communi-
    cation problem.  Finally, what is the proper role of a "risk evaluator"?
    
        All of these problems are of an epistemological nature, and are
    directly related to biases in valuing consequences.
    
        1.  The "Author" as a Risk Evaluator
    
            It is important to realize that any judgments made by the
    author pertaining to actual assignment of value to consequences falls
    
                                    47
    

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                                    48
    
    into one of two categories:  (1)  the value of a consequence to the
    author as a valuing agent, or (2) the value assigned by the author
    in the role of a risk evaluator.   The first category is,  indeed,
    limited for this kind of study;  and the author must take the preroga-
    tive of a risk evaluator in order to generalize about the subjective
    nature of assignment of value.   However, in this role the author
    makes no claim as to the validity of values assigned, but seeks to
    develop insight into the valuing process.
    
            Another problem in examining the valuation of consequences
    is the subjective nature of valuation.  Every reader may have a
    different reaction to a subjective condition.  To take this problem
    into account, the person or group at risk will often be represented
    by the reader and referred to in the first or third person personal
    sense.  Ranges and alternatives  will be described so that the reader
    and the author will not find themselves locked in an argument of the
    subjective value of a situation,  but can hopefully agree that the
    methodology is at least valid or appropriate.
    
            The objective is to be able to present concepts involving
    risk values to the reader, not necessarily to make value judgments
    on acceptability of different assumptions.  The author and the
    reader are certain to differ on the latter, but this should not
    stand in the way of conceptual agreements and disagreements.
    
        2.  Risk Valuing Conditions
    
            The conditions under which a valuing agent or a risk evaluator
    exist establish the manner in which value is assigned to a particular
    consequence.  The conditions may be categorized under three general
    headings:   (1) internal system factors, (2) external system factors,
    and (3) subjective valuing agent factors.   This categorization is
    far from perfect, but provides a means to discuss risk evaluation
    conditions in an orderly fashion.
    
            The internal system factors involve only the magnitude of
    probabilities and consequences in the establishment of consequence
    values by a valuing agent.  While the value assignments may well be
    subjective, the focus is on the manner that changes in probability
    and consequence description magnitudes alter the general value assign-
    ments.  To investigate these changes, the nature and magnitude of
    consequences and probabilities must be considered.
    
            External system factors involve societal factors in which a
    valuing agent or risk evaluator is imbedded.  One can examine
    different societies and cultures, and different groups within these
    to determine how group behavior affects assignment of value to
    consequences.
    

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                                    49
    
            Subjective valuing agent factors involve the unique manner
    in which individuals approach life, and are much like external system
    factors, but these factors address individuals and their differences
    in evaluating consequences as opposed to group behavior.
    
        3.  The "Test Valuing Agent" Approach
    
            In order to assess the effect of changes in conditions
    (internally, externally, or subjectively) in the valuation of a
    consequence, a "test valuing agent" is required.  This individual is
    neither real not typical, but provides a means to test the variability
    of value assignments.  Both the author and the reader can assume the
    role of test valuing agent in a variety of conditions which express
    ranges of differences, in population or society.  When possible,
    these ranges will be examined.  However, the concept of a "test
    valuing agent" provides a means to simultaneously act as valuing
    agent and risk evaluator; the first to examine one's own value, and
    the second to estimate group and societal behavior in determining
    value.
    
        4.  Individual Experience Versus Social Experiments
    
            Many of the concepts that are put forth by the author in
    this paper are the results of individual observations of the author,
    or his interpretation and evaluation of societal behavior from data
    developed by others.  The author has not carried out any social
    experiments, as such, so there is no proof of these concepts in the
    formal sense.  In this area of societal behavior and intangible
    parameter, generalizations for better conceptual understanding of
    the problems may be as much as is realistically possible.
    
        5.  Risk Evaluator Roles
    
            A major question arises from the interpretation of the role
    of the risk evaluator.  Since the risk evaluator is making intrinsic
    decisions for others, there are conditions when this action is valid;
    and, of course, improper conditions.  Two particular conditions seem
    to justify a proper role for a risk evaluator:  (1) conditions when a
    problem is so complex that special expertise in a technical sense is
    required to analyze and evaluate the situation, and (2) conditions
    when inequities are caused by imposition of risks, and recognition and
    rectification of these inequities are required.
    
            A good example of the first condition is technological fore-
    casting and assessment.  The future impact of present actions is
    examined in terms of technological development to determine the
    

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                                    50
    
    positive and negative impact on society.   The development of  these
    forecasts and assessments are indeed complex.  However,  when  the
    technical phase is complete, the decisions to be made in determining
    if the societal impact and the balancing  of benefits and costs  are
    acceptable is a societal decision, not a  technical one.
    
            Societal decisions are examples of the second condition if
    inequities exist in the balancing of cost and benefits.   It is  the
    rule of Government, both the Executive and Legislative Branches, to
    assure that analyses are made on a technical basis, and that  the
    public is protected from unwarranted inequities.  Congress has  just
    set up an Office of Technology Assessment for addressing the  first
    condition and the National Environmental  Policy Act of 1969,  requiring
    environmental impact statements for all projects with potential
    environmental impact, has achieved a high degree of such analysis
    in the Executive Branch.
    
            The regulatory agencies, such as  Federal Trade Commission,
    Environmental Protection Agency, Food and Drug Administration,  and
    Occupational Health and Safety Administration, are examples of  Federal
    agencies who attempt to balance inequitable assignment of costs and
    risks.  It would seem that those "restrictive regulatory" agencies
    play a proper role as risk evaluators as  opposed to "permissive
    regulators," such as the Federal Power Commission, the Atomic Energy
    Commission, the Interstate Commerce Commission, etc.; their role has
    been to promote and regulate on industry.
    
            In any case, when one plays the role of risk evaluator,
    justification for the validity of such action must be made available.
    
    C.  THE MEANING OF VALUE AND UTILITY1
    
        1.  Value and Utility
    
            The meanings of the terms value and utility are often used
    interchangeably.  However, there are differences which must be  made
    explicit.
    -"-The material for the first five sections of this discussion is taken
     directly in verbatim form from W. D. Rowe, "Decision Making with
     Uncertain Utility Functions," Doctoral Thesis:  American University,
     Washington, D.C. (1973) pp. 27-33.
    

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                                    51
    
            The term utility, which is often used in economic and statis-
    tical decision theory, is used to denote the rational behavior of
    people in satisfying their needs and wants.  As shown by von Neumann
    and Morgenstern,  utility can be quantified, but this must always be
    done in terms of rational economic behavior.  The whole concept of
    rational economic man is one that pervades economic theory and gen-
    erally limits its application to situations where rational behavior
    is thought to exist.
    
            The concept of value, used to express the satisfaction of
    man's desires and wants, is not constrained to the concept of
    rationality.   Intangible factors, such as the fulfillment of emo-
    tional, aesthetic, and ethical needs, are also included.  Axiologists,
    such as Hartman,2 have attempted to find definitions of "goodness" and
    "badness" in terms other than economic concepts.  Thus, value attempts
    to measure total behavior, including aspects which are not necessarily
    rational.
    
            The perception of both utility and value is for a specific
    agent at a specific time.  Each agent has his own set of utility
    factors and value factors which change with time and with situations.
    It is one thing to measure utility or value for an individual agent
    at a particular time for a particular situation, but to be able to
    handle large numbers of agents for which the perceptions of many
    individuals must all be taken into account is extremely difficult,
    although perhaps technically feasible.  Practically, it is desirable
    to construct scales of utility or value against which the perception
    of many agents may be interpreted.  These scales form a syntax for
    the communication of the perceived utility and value functions among
    individuals,  and carry all the intrinsic error involved in attempting
    to quantify intangibles.
    
        2.  Value Groups
    
            Within society, each individual has a number of wants which
    he wishes to satisfy.   Based upon these wants, the individual seeks
    to obtain maximum satisfaction at a given time.
     von Neumann and Morgenstern, op. cit.
    
    ^Robert S. Hartman, The Structure of Value:  Foundations of Scientific
     Axiology, (Carbondale, Illinois:  Southern Illinois University Press,
     1967).
    

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                                    52
    
            According to von Neumann and Morgenstern,! these wants may
    be considered as variables, and the maximum of satisfaction can be
    expressed as the maximization of a numerical utility function.  These
    variables or parameters can be tangible or intangible in nature and
    can be enumerated for a given individual.   Each individual in society
    has a similar set of variables, although the magnitude of wants that
    are represented by these variables are different, von Neumann and
    Morgenstern^ termed the set of variables for an individual a "partial
    set of variables."  The partial sets of all participants in society
    constitute the total set of variables.  The total number of variables
    is determined by both the number of partial sets and the number of
    variables in every partial set.  For a society of a single individual,
    the partial set of that individual and the total set coincide.  In
    addition, the variables of any one partial set may be treated as a
    single variable which represents a scale of value for the particular
    individual involved and corresponds to this partial set.
    
            Technically, it is possible to handle the large number of
    variables that exist within a total population, but it is economically
    impractical.  There are two simplifying assumptions that allow the
    problem to be brought into a more manageable scope.  The first of
    these is to select a finite set of parameters for each partial set
    which are identical for all partial sets in the total set.  That is,
    if one has n parameters represented by x-^, •K.^I •  • • to x  for one
    partial set, one shall have the same set of parameters for any other
    partial set, although the magnitudes or values assigned to these
    variables will differ among sets.  The second assumption is that some
    partial sets have magnitudes of values which are nearly identical
    with each other.  Partial sets with close identity may be grouped
    together and called value groups.  As the allowable difference in
    exact identity among partial sets within a value group is increased,
    the number of value groups is decreased.  Thus, a trade off between
    the accuracy of representation of a partial set to an individual's
    set of values may be traded off against the number of value groups,
    i.e., partial sets that have to be considered in the problem.
    the
    is
        These assumptions allow one to compromise the accuracy of
    representation of individual values to achieve a situation that
    lanageable in a practical sense.  It allows many different partial
    -'-von Neumann and Morgenstern, op. cit., p. 10.  All aspects of this
     paragraph are from this reference.
    
    o
     von Neumann and Morgenstern, op. cit.
    

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                                    53
    
    sets to be considered, allowing the values of major conflicting groups
    within society or the population as a whole to be considered, as dis-
    tinguished from a single monolithic set of values for the total
    population involved.
    
            If the actual values or the parameters identified could be
    determined for each individual, then value groups could be determined
    statistically.  The allowed distance between the means of various
    groups as well as their variances could be used to determine the
    accuracy of the representation of the value groups and the number of
    value groups necessary.  The number of samples that must be taken and
    the difficulty of measuring such values precludes such an approach on
    practical terms.   Other less exact means for determining the composi-
    tion and structure of value groups must be considered.
    
        3.  Value Scales and Goals
    
            a.  Value _Scale_s
    
                A scale of measurement for a particular variable to which
    a scale of values is associated can be defined.  This scale measures
    the degree of "goodness" or "badness" in achieving the concept of
    value involved.  Hartman-'- defines "goodness" axiomatically as follows:
    "A thing is good if it fulfills the definition of its concept."  In
    this manner, the ultimate "good" of a value scale may be defined and
    its complement, "nongood," can be, of course, related to the other
    limit of the scale, namely "badness."2  Thus, a value scale can be
    associated with each variable to which a value is attached.
    
                A value scale implies the existence of a goal.  This
    implies that value scales should be ordinal and preferably cardinal
    in terms of measurement scales.  Nominal scales may be made ordinal
    by ranking scale members preferentially.  Transivity and consideration
    of weakly and strongly ordered sets are important considerations in
    developing useful ordinal scales from nominal scales,-^ since the
    1-Hartman, op. cit.
    r)
     Essentially, if a thing achieves its goal (concept),  it is defined
     as "goodness."  If a thing has an evil goal and achieves it, then
     the thing is a "good" evil thing.  "Good" is fulfilling one's goal,
     "bad" is the converse.
    
    •3
     Peter C. Fishburn, "Utility Theory with Inexact Preferences and
     Degrees of Preference," Syntheses 21 (1970), pp. 204-221.
    

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                                    54
    
    determination of preferences may be inexact.   Conversion of an ordinal
    scale to a cardinal scale implies inexact degrees of preference^ and
    this impreciseness makes it very difficult to determine cardinal
    utility.  However, this in no way invalidates the assignment of a
    value to a variable.
    
            b.  Goal
    
                A goal is a point on a value scale for a particular
    variable for which achievement is desired and sought.   Thus, a goal
    is an assigned value on the value scale which may or may not corres-
    pond with the maximum of the value scale.  The maximum value on a
    value scale may indeed be an ultimate level or idea which is unob-
    tainable.  Therefore, a realistic goal can be set below this level.
    This is illustrated in Figure 4-1.
    
            c.  Baseline
    
                A baseline on a value scale is that level of value which
    exists at a given time.  Essentially, this designates a starting
    point from which one works to achieve a goal in terms of the value
    for the particular variable involved.
    
            d.  Degree of Goal Attainment
    
                Having set a goal and a baseline on a value scale, the
    actual measure of the degree of attainment of that goal lies between
    the baseline and the goal.
    
        4.  Scales of Value and Utility
    
            The assignment of utility or value scales to particular
    parameters covers a wide variety of measures.  In keeping with pre-
    vious definitions, scales which are associated with monetary values
    fall into the area of utility measurements.  This split is illus-
    trated in Figure 4-2.
    
            a.  Interpretation of Utility
    
                In economics, utility is most often defined in terms of
    dollars.  However, the meaning of dollars to an individual is depen-
    dent upon the magnitude of dollars involved as shown originally by
    ipishburn, op. cit. , p. 221.
    

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                              55
                 "Good"
    Value scale-
     Ultimate goal
    
    
    
    .Achievable goal
                                       Degrees of positive
                                         goal attainment
                                       Baseline
                                       Degrees of negative
                                        goal attainment
                 "Bad"
              (Non-good)
                          Figure 4-1
                VALUES AND GOALS FOR A VARIABLE
                 RELATED THROUGH A VALUE SCALE
    

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                                 56
                            Figure 4-2
    
                SOME POSSIBLE SCALE INTERPRETATIONS
                   FOR ECONOMIC AND NON-ECONOMIC
                            PARAMETERS
                               Scale.
               Kcpno;.i_LC_
        (Utility")
               Dollars
                  I
    Non-Linear Utility
                  (Value)
    
        Performance.
      /  Ef f ecuivcne.ss
    
    /  /     I
    / .  Benefits
                                 >
    
                               Pov.'er
                                      //   Infoim.ntion
    
                                        X      I
                                  /''/    Other Parai.ieters
                                S i v. e
                                  I
                             Influence
                                  1
                           No. of People
    
                                Etc
    

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                                    57
    
    Bernoulli,  as well as the risk involved to the user,2  In these
    cases, utility is measured in dollars, but then converted to a non-
    linear scale of utility for the particular agent involved.  These
    concepts are well covered in the literature, and will not be repeated
    here.
    
            b.  Non-Monetary Scales
    
                A wide variety of non-monetary scales is shown in Figure
    4-2; however, at least four areas are worth significant mention.
    These areas are value of performance, value of effectiveness, value
    of benefits, and value of information.
    
                (1)  Value of Performance
    
                     The relative performance of different systems to
    meet specified objectives can be evaluated against each other or
    the performance of a standard (or idealized) system.  The contest
    of performance implied here is that of a physical system, such as
    the relative performance of different automotive systems to provide
    transportation with maximum efficiency and minimal environmental
    impact.  The quantities measured are usually extrinsic, but could be
    intrinsic, such as measures of aesthetic performance.
    
                (2)  Value of Effectiveness
    
                     The relative evaluation of value systems against
    bounded, user-determined scales of effectiveness for the user's
    particular purposes involves the idea of effectiveness.  The per-
    formance scale of value discussed above is peculiar to the system
    under evaluation.  Effectiveness is peculiar to the wants and desires
    of a particular user or class of users in the manner that they want
    a given system to act.   Therefore, the effectiveness is bounded by
    the user's desires and wants.
     Daniel Bernoulli, "Specimen Theoriae Novae de Mensura Sortis,"
     1738, as referenced by David W.  Miller and Martin K.  Starr, The
     Structure of Human Decision, (Englewood Cliffs,  New Jersey:  Prin-
     tice-Hall, 1967).
    
    2Ralph 0. Swelm, "Utility Theory-Insights into Risk Taking," Harvard
     Business Review, (November-December 1966), pp.  132-36.
    

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                                    58
    
                (3)  Value of Benefits
    
                     The relative evaluation of different systems against
    an unbounded scale is made up of parameters that are not necessarily
    constrained to user goals, but are directed toward the total goals
    of one or more value groups.   Here, the user must not only account
    for his own wants and desires, but also for others in society.
    
                (4)  Value of Information
    
                     Information has value to the user or others in soci-
    ety.   This information value can be measured in terms of performance,
    effectiveness, benefits, and other parameters; but, once the value of
    information is ascertained, it becomes a useful scale.  For example,
    cost-effective strategies for gathering data and information are
    immediately available when the marginal cost of obtaining new infor-
    mation is measured against the marginal value of the information
    obtained.  When the cost of acquiring information equals the marginal
    value, further effort for obtaining information should be curtailed.
    
                     There are other parameters which have non-economic
    scales, such as aesthetic value, self-satisfaction, self-actualiza-
    tion, and so forth, that might be considered.
    
                (5)  An Ultimate Value Scale
    
                     There are many who say that an ultimate value scale
    must be measured in terms of power, personal or otherwise.  For this
    reason, Figure 4-2 shows a conversion of dollars and utility, as
    well as non-economic parameters, into power.  Some of the possible
    components of power, such as size, influence, number of people, etc.,
    are also shown.  Whether this assumption is valid is not debated
    here, but the implications of investigating the real meaning of
    power in terms other than monetary become immediately apparent.
    
            c.  Scale Measures
    
                The measures of these scales may be nominal, ordinal, or
    cardinal.  However, value judgments are often made in the nominal
    and ordinal sense.  In the first case, people are capable of making
    value judgments in terms of classifications.-'-  The result is a nominal
    scale with a finite or infinite set of members.  In the second case,
     A martini drinker, who believes he can identify the brand of gin he
     is  tasting, is an example.
    

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                                    59
    
    people are able to order members of a set by preference to form an
    ordinal scale.1  Value judgments may also be made on a cardinal scale
    as well.^
    
                Cardinal numerical values may only be assigned to values
    on a cardinal scale.  Therefore, members of a nominal scale must be
    ranked to an ordinal scale, and members of an ordinal scale must be
    assigned values to form a cardinal scale.  The valuation of scales
    to higher levels is in itself a value judgment and involves error
    and uncertainty.
    
    D.  PROBLEMS IN THE MEASUREMENT OF TANGIBLE AND INTANGIBLE VALUES
    
        When assigning value to risk consequences, problems arise in the
    assignment of value magnitudes from intrinsic measurement difficulties
    in dealing with value and utility.  These difficulties arise from the
    need to assign cardinal magnitudes for tangible values and utilities
    which may be highly non-linear, as well as for intangible values,
    which may only be assigned cardinal magnitudes with inherent impre-
    cision.
    
        A review of existing approaches to these problems and presentation
    of some new considerations is a prerequisite for dealing with valua-
    tion for those not familiar with the present state of the art.
    
        1.   Magnitude of Consequence Values
    
            von Neumann and Morgenstern^ and Friedman and Savage^ argue
    that measures of cardinal utility can be developed for all conse-
    quences by a series of "equivalent gambles" among ranked choices.
    Thus, if A is preferred to B, which is preferred to C, the cardinal
    utility of B may be determined by finding the equivalent gamble
    between A and C, for which a choice between the gamble and B
    -*-An ordered set of consumer preferences is an example.
    
    r\
    ^An assessor who places a dollar value on a piece of property is an
     example.
    
    O
    JJohn von Neumann and Osker Morgenstern.   Theory of Games and Economic
     Behavior, March 1953.
    
    Tlilton Friedman and L. J.  Savage.   Journal of Political Economy,
     Vol. LVI, 1948, pp. 279-304.
    

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                                    60
    
    represents indifference.   Schlaiffer  has emphasized that this gamble
    is made with infinite precision.   Rowe^ has demonstrated that such a
    gamble can only be generated with finite precision,  due to the
    uncertainty and accuracy in which an individual can  establish pre-
    ferences.  As a result, a dimension of uncertainty must be added to
    utility scales to cover uncertainty in cardinal assignment, especially
    for more intangible parameters.
    
            Based upon cardinal utility, whether precise or imprecise, the
    decision maker or risk taker attempts to maximize his expected utility.
    However, Rowe^ demonstrated that, with uncertain utility functions,
    adequate information is not always available to maximize utility,
    especially for intangible values.  In this case, the analysis breaks
    down and other factors must be considered.
    
            The non-linear utility of monetary consequence with magnitude,
    the implication of treating intangible values, and the development of
    scales for tangible and intangible values are important factors
    involved in evaluating consequence magnitude.
    
        2.  Non-Linear Utility of Consequence Value with Magnitude
    
            Consider a gamble where you are offered a chance to flip a
    fair coin.  If the flip comes up heads, the pay-off  is of magnitude
    M.  If the flip comes up tails,  the pay-off is zero.  The expected
    value is 1/2M for this single flip.  You are offered this gamble for
    a price, but may make only one gamble for a specified magnitude.
    
            In the first case, M is $100.00.  You are asked how much you
    will pay for the opportunity to gamble at the expected value of
    $50.00.  Anything less than a $50.00 price is statistically in your
    favor, but there is a 50-50 chance of your losing whatever you put
    up.  Perhaps $25.00 to $50.00 would be an acceptable price, depending
    on your propensity to take risk and the relative importance of losing
    $25.00 to $40.00, and winning $100.00 (a gain of from $60.00 to
    $75.00).  As a conservative gambler, you will not bet at the expected
    value level.  The expected value of the overall gamble for a $35.00
    price is
    
    
                     E(v) = 1/2($100) - $35 = $15.00                (4-1)
    -'-Schlaiffer, op. cit. , pp. 56-57.
    
    o
     Rowe, op. cit.
    
    ^Rowe, op. cit.
    

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                                    61
    
            Now consider the same gamble where the value of M is $1.00.
    For this gamble, you would still like to pay between $0.25 and $0.40,
    but since
                    E(v) = 1/2($1.00) - $0.35 = $0.15               (4-2)
    one may very well be willing to pay $0.50 or even $0.60 or more just
    for the sake of the gamble.
                    E(v) = 1/2($1.00) - $0.60 = $0.10               (4-3)
    In other words, the stakes are low enough that they are relatively
    meaningless and the value of the gamble or the act of the gamble
    exceeds the stakes.
    
            Consider now a case where M is $1,000,000.  You may not play
    even if $100,000 were an acceptable price to the "house" since you
    could neither raise $100,000 nor stand the 50-50 chance of its loss.
    
            This concept of the non-linear utility of money is shown in
    Figure 4-3, where the abscissa is the magnitude of the pay-off and
    the ordinate is the maximum price one must pay for the gamble.  (Note
    that the ordinate is one-half the scale of the abscissa.)  The curve
    shows that, at low values, one might value the act of the gamble
    more than its pay-off.  At higher values, one becomes conservative,
    and at very high values, may even be turned off from gambling, as
    shown by the dashed line.  This concept is well documented in the
    literature by writers as early as Bernoulli,! and recently by Howard,2
    and Swelm,3 and is based upon the concept of diminishing marginal
    utility.
    -"-Daniel Bernoulli, "Specimen Theoriae Novae de Mensura Sortis," 1738,
     as referenced by David W. Miller and Martin K. Starr, The Structure
     of Human Decision (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1967)
    
    ^R. A. Howard, "Decision Analysis:  Applied Decision Theory," Pro-
     ceedings 4th International Conference on Operational Research, Vol.
     SSC4, No. 3 (September 1968), pp. 211-219.
    o
     Ralph 0. Swelm, "Utility Theory Insights into Risk Taking," Harvard
     Business Review (November-December 1966), pp. 123-135.
    

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                                         62
     >
    
    j!
    O) "O
    •-  a>
    E  J£
    
    '*/,:"
           10-2
                              10°    101   102   103   104   105   106   107    108
    
    
                                    Magnitude of the Pay-off
    
                                          (Dollars?)
                                   Figure  4-3
    
    
                    NONLINEAR UTILITY OF MONETARY GAMBLES
    

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                                    63
    
            A variation of the gamble such that a series of gambles with
    smaller pay-offs illustrates the spreading of risk and pay-off over
    many trials.  Consider one gamble of $100.00 versus 10 gambles of
    $10.00 each.  In the first case, one might pay $40.00 for the single
    gamble and $4.00 each for 10 gambles.  In the first case, the chance
    of losing $40.00 (or winning a total of $100.00) is one chance in two.
    In the second case, the chance of losing $40.00 (or winning $100.00)
    is one in 1,024.  In fact, the chance of losing $40.00 or more is less
    than one in 128.  A greater number of flips assures closer statis-
    tical conformance with the expected value of the gamble and, therefore,
    one may be willing to pay more for the opportunity, approaching the
    expected value as a limit to the n number of trials increase (or
    something less than the limit if one wants a "sure thing").
    
            The smaller risks and pay-offs that result from this series
    of gambles may make it more attractive to some and less attractive
    to others, depending upon the risk taker's propensity to take risk.
    This concept, well documented by Swelm,1 will be covered subsequently.
    However, although the risks may be the same, there seems to be more
    concern for the problem of a crash of a large aircraft, such as a
    "747," and an equal number of fatalities from a number of crashes of
    smaller aircraft.  Examination of this concept must consider qualita-
    tive and intangible consequences, as well as quantitative and tangible
    ones.
    
        3.  Scales for Tangible and Intangible Consequences
    
            A slight variation of the previous gamble illustrates the
    complete breakdown of expected value as a measure of risk when
    intangible values are assigned to a consequence.  You are offered
    the gamble where the pay-off M is for you to immediately kill your-
    self.  If the outcome is tails, you live.  Now you are asked how
    much money you will accept to take this gamble.  In other words, one
    has moved from a quantitative to a qualitative value.   While most
    people would not even consider the gamble as proposed, acceptance is
    highly dependent upon particular situations.  Consider as an example
    the case where the valuing agent will soon die of cancer anyhow.
    
            Gambles of this sort are taken all the time, except that the
    odds are more favorable, say a million to one or greater, against
    death.  A highly hazardous occupation with premium pay is an example.
     Swelm, op. cit.
    

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                                    64
    
            However, the valuation of a consequence requires that at
    least an ordinal scale of value, if not a cardinal scale, be developed.
    Expected value is meaningful only with a cardinal scale however; and
    the general tendency has been to use dollars or other monetary values
    as a basic cardinal scale.   There are serious limitations in using
    monetary values for values except in limited economic situations.
    
            a.  Limitation of Monetary Scales for Tangible Consequence
    Values
    
                When the consequences of an event are tangible and monetary,
    a monetary value scale provides a directly measurable scale in physi-
    cal terms.  That is, the "beans" can be counted, weighed, and manipu-
    lated.  The case of manipulation often becomes a value in itself for
    each of accounting, budgeting, taxation, etc.  As a result, the "real"
    value scale is often hidden or ignored.  As shown in the previous
    section, there is a non-linear utility of money as expressed by the
    series of gambles.  This scale may be different for different people,
    but Swelml has generalized that the utility of money diminishes over
    a range of four orders of magnitude, two orders of magnitude on each
    side of a sum of money the valuing agent is used to dealing with.
    Thus, if one is used to dealing with a sum of $10,000.00, then sums
    outside the range of $100.00 to $1,000,000.00 have less meaning and
    value.  A millionaire's range might be sums of $10,000.00 to
    $100,000,000.00, etc.
    
                In other words, the utility of money is discounted by
    people when they deal with sums of money with which they are uncon-
    cerned or are uncomfortable.  A major question that does not seem to
    have been approaches visibly is "how much are we as a society willing
    to pay for 'order' in the form of precise record keeping systems as
    opposed to using the utility of money to individuals as a more meaning-
    ful value scale?"  In other words, are many of the decisions that are
    made for the convenience of "bean counters" as opposed to people for
    which the decisions are to serve?
    
                Using the utility of money as a cardinal value scale does
    not always insure better valuations of tangible consequence values.
    There are many cardinal scales of value where monetary values are not
    only meaningless, but their use is erroneous.  For example, one can
    count the number of cars entering our national parks and, by reference
    to the National Parks Service budget, develop a cardinal index of
     Swelm, op. cit.
    

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                                    65
    
    "dollars spent per car served."  This would be completely erroneous
    as an index if the object was to eliminate cars from overcrowded
    parks, since the index would act in the wrong direction.
    
                Economists! often argue that people will purchase or pay
    according to their preferences for particular items, and  that the
    choices among intangible, as well as tangible values, will be made.
    This may very well be true, but may be the "result" of people being
    forced to make a choice among limited alternatives with a gross,
    inaccurate, and possibly misleading, economic measure of  value.   The
    problem of establishing preferences is one measuring result, the prob-
    lem of determining values of risk consequences is one of  determining
    causal parameters when possible.
    
            b.  Sca_les for Intangible Consequence Values
    
                The use of monetary values for intangible values, such
    as the value of a life to an individual, is marginal at best.  Leder-
    berg makes a strong case in this area:
    
                By any rational argument, the health of ar-~
                individual is priceless good.  This does
                set its value at a mathematical infinity, so
                much as to point out that it is incommensurable
                with so called strictly pecuniary evaluations
                ... Pecuniary estimates are hardly to be
                taken seriously except to suggest the scale
                of a cost benefit analysis.   Many citizens
                may feel that they value their health and
                their lives more highly than does the multi-
                tude; and they may wish to maintain the volun-
                tary option to strike different bargains in
                areas that exercise their particular anxieties.
                It is one thing to advertise the merits of a
                transaction; it is another to impose it willy-
                                              f\
                nilly on the whole population.
    
                Two questions must be addressed for intangible value scales.
    First, what kind of scales should be used for what kind of values, and
    secondly, how may such scales be used effectively?  In order to address
     F. Y. Edgeworth, Irving Fisher, Vilfredo Pareto, for example.
    
    ^Joshua Lederberg, "Squaring an Infinite Circle," Bulletin of the
     Atomic Scientist, Vol.  27, No. 7 (September 1971), pp.  44-45.
    

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                                    66
    
    the first question, the author has developed a hierarchy of risk
    consequences based upon a conceptual hierarchy of needs as developed
    by Maslow.l  Here, the primary human need is survival,  which this
    author has broken down into premature death, avoidable  illness,  and
    other survival factors, etc.,  as shown in Table 4-1.  Each major
    category of need is dominant over those below it as long as that need
    remains unfulfilled.   Once it  is fulfilled,  the lower level needs
    become dominant in turn, although higher level needs can pre-empt
    lower level needs at any given time.  The hierarchy continues through
    exhaustible resources (as survival and security factors) ,  physical
    security, belonging,  egocentric needs, and self-actualization.   For
    each level of risk consequence, a number of  illustrative factors and
    variables are shown.   In Table 4-2, a listing of the kind  of value
    scales that might appropriately be used are  shown in terms of primary
    scales and derived scales for  each individual and collective groups.
    Primary scales are those that  measure the value directly and are
    subjective in nature, and derived scales are interpretive  and objec-
    tive.  The scales are illustrative and no claim is made as to their
    appropriateness, exhaustiveness, or importance.
    
                At either end of the hierarchy,  i.e., premature death
    or self-actualization, the value scale becomes more intangible than
    in the middle.  Thus, monetary scales may be quite appropriate in
    the middle of the hierarchy, but become less appropriate as one goes
    up or down the hierarchy.  In fact, the use  of a derived monetary
    scale for an intangible primary scale often  distorts the whole conse-
    quence valuation by assuming a precision and accuracy in assigning
    value that is not warranted.
    
        4.  Assigning Cardinal Values to Consequences
    
            There are cases when it is necessary to assign  cardinal scales
    to intangible values.  When this is done, it is important to retain
    the uncertainty in value assignment explicitly by assuring that the
    cardinal scale's precision is no greater than is meaningful to the
    valuing agent.  Further, when used, the inaccuracy of measurement
    must be retained.
    
            There are a variety of methods for accomplishing this, and
    it is beyond the scope of this paper to treat this in detail.  One
    method is described in a separate paper by the author entitled,
    "Decision Making with Uncertain Utility Functions."^
    ^Abraham Maslow, Motivation and Personality, Harper and Row (1954).
    
    o
     Rowe, op. cit.
    

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                                                                  67
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                                    69
    
            a.  Uncertainty from Subjective Thresholds of Meaning
    
                When attempting to assign cardinal value to a relatively
    intangible parameter, there is a subjective threshold of scale pre-
    cision above which more precise values have no meaning to the valuer.
    That is, the valuer may rank his appreciation of three different
    colors for his office walls in the order of desirability as blue,
    green, gray.  When using a cardinal scale of zero to one to value
    appreciation where blue is assigned one, and gray zero, it is most
    likely meaningless to the valuer to assign a value to green of .375
    (or any other value of three or a more significant figure) when all
    that is really meaningful is his statement that green lies closer to
    gray in his estimation than blue.  That is, its value lies in the
    bottom half of the scale and the precision of the estimate is less
    than one part in three.  There is no meaning to increased precision,
    and the range of precision defines the uncertainty of the estimate.
    Increased precision masks the uncertainty without an increase in
    subjective meaning, and it is improper to allow this masking.
    
    E.  OTHER PROBLEMS IN VALUE ASSIGNMENT
    
        There is no question that it is difficult to measure values of
    risk consequences when the more intangible values, in terms of value
    of life or the quality of life, are concerned.  There are several
    other factors that must be considered in making such measurements
    and understanding the level of uncertainty that exists for these
    measurements.  It is important to specify the uncertainty and to
    learn how to use it as a parameter.
    
        1.  Situation Dynamics
    
            Values change as situations change, and situations change
    dynamically.  For example, a person may place relatively little value
    on his health while he is in good health, but just before an accident
    or during a period of ill health, his value on good health may be
    his primary motivating force.   Changes in situations occur continu-
    ously so that classes of situations usually have to be addressed,
    such as "normal," "abnormal," or "threat" situations.
    
            It must further be recognized that it is not necessarily a
    new risk or a change in risk that is altered, but often only the
    knowledge or perception of risks that represents a situational change.
     lowe, op.  cit.
    

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                                    70
    
        2.  Individual versus Group Values
    
            It is well known by behavioral scientistsl>2 that there are
    great differences between individual behavior and the influences of
    groups to which he belongs on his behavior.   Thus, it is particularly
    important to differentiate individual values from values of groups to
    which the individual belongs, and to understand how they interact.
    Nevertheless, it is possible, within reasonable limits of accuracy,
    to identify individuals with similar values  and to group these indi-
    viduals into value groups^ for convenience.   A member of a value
    group belongs to a value group only to the extent that these values
    are similar to the values of other members.   There is no implied
    interaction among members since they are not identified to each
    other.  Thus, a value group is an arrangement for measurement of
    values as opposed to a group which influences member behavior and
    values.
    
            a.  Levels of Acceptable Risk for Value Groups
    
                Different value groups will accept different levels of
    risk which they consider acceptable, either  since the benefits they
    receive offset the voluntary risk, or their  status quo is such that
    they are indifferent to involuntary risks below a given magnitude.
    The determination of these levels of acceptability can only be
    determined by one of three techniques:  (1)  evaluation of historic
    data to determine levels of acceptability of existing risks, both
    voluntary and involuntary, (2) conducting experiments to measure the
    levels of acceptable risk for particular risks, and (3) introducing
    new risks and measuring the "squawk factor."^
    
                Of these methods, the first one is perhaps easiest since
    data are available and there is no bias inserted by overt action as
    required by the other two methods.  However, for new risks for which
    historic data are not available, combinations of all three are possible.
    In the first case, one attempts to compare the new risk with other
    •^George C. Homans, The Human Group, New York, Harcourt (1950).
    
    2H. A. Simon, Models of Man, Bailey, New York (1957).
    
    3Rowe, op. cit. , pp. 29-30.
    
     The "squawk factor" is the vocalized response in opposition, such as
     the number of  telephone calls, telegrams, letters, etc., received in
     response to activity or proposed action.
    

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                                    71
    
    societal risks that are of a similar nature.  This results in some
    degree of uncertainty for the risk in question; thus, the other two
    techniques can be used to reduce the uncertainty to some extent.
    
            A subsequent section will attempt to look at historic data
    to draw some conclusions about acceptable levels of risk for the
    United States population in toto as a value group.
    
        3.  Balancing Risks and Benefits
    
            There are a number of problems which arise when risks and
    benefits are to be balanced in an analytic manner as opposed to a
    subjective manner of a risk taker faced with an immediate decision.
    One may ask the question of why should an analytic balance be made
    in the first place as opposed to allowing each risk taker to make
    his own subjective judgment.  The answer lies in the unequal assump-
    tion of risks and benefits by different groups in the population and
    the imposition of involuntary risks.  If some action is to be taken
    to ameliorate imbalances, such as by Government control and regula-
    tion,! then such methods are necessary to allow regulatory value
    judgments to be made in a rational, visible, reconstructable manner.
    
            a.   Identification of Recipients
    
                Those who undertake activities to receive benefits are
    not always those who receive the risks.  As a result, involuntary
    risks are transferred to others who receive no direct benefit.
    Decisions allowing unequal sharing of risks and benefits for indi-
    viduals and groups essentially become societal decisions and must
    be made by some arbiter.  A good example is the "taking question"
    of the use of eminent domain.2  Here, the private ownership rights
    of an individual are usurped in the name of greater need of society
    with an attempt at compensation of the individual at risk.  However,
    compensation is the exception rather than the rule.  For example,
    those living on the approaches of airports that have since become
    jet aircraft approaches are not compensated for increased noise
    levels which may be high enough to impair health.
     The question of whether regulation should or should not be used is
     not addressed here; only that if it is used, then analytical methods
     are required.
    
    ^Fred Basselman, David Callies, John Banta.   The Taking Issue.  Presi-
     ident's Council on Environmental Quality (1973).  Superintendent of
     Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office,  Washington, D.C. 20402.
     Stock No.  4111-00017.
    

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                                    72
    
                In any case, identification of those who receive the
    benefits of an event and those who assume the risk must be made prior
    to any balancing.   When an imbalance exists, the problem of redistri-
    bution of risk through public choice must be faced.  Zeckhauserl has
    undertaken a study of this problem, especially the converse situation
    of how to spread risk and distribute it so that particular groups do
    not assume risks assymetrically.
    
                On the positive, side  of risk spreading, Zeckhauser
    indicates that it can improve planning when there are delays in
    settling uncertain situations, reduce anxiety through hedging for
    non-resolution of future uncertain situations, and achieve redis-
    tribution of future consequences  through immediate contractual rela-
    tionships among parties at risk,  such as insurance.  On the negative
    side, there are some risks that cannot be redistributed, such as
    intelligence and health, at any cost.  In other cases, such as deter-
    mining one's parents and birthrights, the consequences have already
    been adopted and past inequities  cannot be spread on a equitable
    basis.
    
                Zeckhauser has introduced time as a 'variable in assuming
    risks in that spreading of risks  is most useful in 'reducing anxiety
    due to future uncertainties requiring present action.  However, time
    enters into risk-benefit balancing in other ways as well.
    
            b.  Timing of Risks and Benefits
    
                It is becoming increasingly evident that many of the
    actions that society takes to achieve short-term benefits impose
    risks that have long-term impact.  In fact, the benefits sought for
    one generation impose risks and costs on subsequent generations.
    
                Unfortunately, techniques are presently unavailable to
    provide a means for discounting future risks in the same manner in
    which the future worth of a dollar is discounted.  Further, the
    societal rate of discount and private rates differ.  As one applies
    a discount rate to the value of a life, one must also take into
    consideration the fact that society's or an individual's value of
    life will change over time in a mgnner that can offset the discount.
    
                The reverse problem of short-term risks for long-term
    benefits is one which society is  more familiar, and depends upon
    •^-Richard Zeckhauser, "Risk Spreading and Distribution," in Redistri-
     bution through Public Choice, edited by Heckman and Peterson.
    

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    individual and societal propensity to recognize and accept deferred
    benefits.  It is worth noting that those who are satisfied with
    their status quo will recognize the concept of deferred benefits in
    a favorable light, while those who are dissatisfied have shorter
    views, especially when survival factors are involved.
    
        4.  Measures of Value of a Life
    
            Assigning value to premature death is a good example of
    attempting to assign value to an intangible situation.   One method
    is to try to find a dollar value for a life.
    
            a.  Dollars and Value of ja Life
    
                (1)  Cost of Premature Death
    
                     The cost of a premature death cannot be meaningfully
    determined.  In fact, initially one must define to whom the costs of
    premature death are attributable.  Is one referring to cost to
    society or cost to the individual family who is involved and survives
    a premature death in the family?  These are not the same and must be
    treated differently.
    
                     When considering cost to society, one must consider
    that in the United States we live in a less than full employment
    economy.  Should a death or serious health effect occur to an
    individual working in a particular job, one must assume that he is
    not expendable in that job and that there will be frictional-'- move-
    ment upward, replacing him and his earning power in a series of steps.
    The person best able to fill his position will move upward, leaving
    an opening which will be filled in the same manner when the occupant
    of this opening moves upward, and so on until an opening at the
    bottom of the chain occurs where someone is taken off the unemploy-
    ment rolls to occupy the open position.  If one assumes that the
    unemployed individual, who is now to be employed, was on welfare, then
    we must consider the action as a reduction in public cost due to the
    removal of a welfare participant.  There may be some adverse differ-
    ences in earning power because of experience, but one cannot consider
    total salary involved as a cost to society.  In this sense, the
    algebraic sum of wages lost due to frictional movement upward and
    reduction in welfare costs (a negative cost) must be used.
    ^Frictiona! is used in an economic sense to indicate a non-instan-
     taneous process.
    

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                                    74
    
                (2)  Cost of Preventing a Premature Death
    
                     A more meaningful measure which can often be explicit
    is the amount of money society and the substructure is willing to pay
    to prevent a premature death.   This can be observed by actually
    measuring what society pays for safety and antipollution measures.
    This is a derived measure.   It should also be recognized that there
    is a significant difference in how society regards a statistical
    premature death as opposed  to an individually identifiable case.
    
                     Discounting in space, i.e., spreading the risk from
    an individual to a statistical member of a group, reduces the value
    society places on premature death.  Society will spend millions to
    save an infant who has fallen into a well, but will spend at least
    an order of magnitude less  to prevent premature death on a statisti-
    cal basis.  Based upon studies of compensation, willingness to pay,
    etc.,  society seems willing to spend between $100,000 and $500,000
    to avert a single premature death on a statistical basis.1»2»3,4
    
            b.  Non-Dollar Measures
    
                There are some  non-economic measures that may be used to
    express the value of a life.  For a given situation, the risks of
    life shortening may be balanced against life extending benefits
    directly.  A case in point  is the use of x-rays for medical diagno-
    sis and therapy which can extend life when used properly, but
    involves radiation exposure than can increase somatic and genetic
    risks.
    
                Different cultures place different values on life.  When
    one is barely surviving in  an undeveloped nation, life is "cheap."
    This also may be true for different value groups in society.  If so,
    •^-Insurance Facts, 1966 edition.   Insurance Information Institute,
     New York, New York.
    
    %. J. Otway, "The Quantification of Social Values," Risk vs Benefit
     Solution or Dream, LA 4860-MS,  February 1972.
    
    -^R. Wilson, "Tax the Integrated Pollution Exposure," Science,
     Vol. 178, October 1972.
    
    ^J. Coates, Calculating the Social Costs of Automobile Pollution -
     An Exercise, Symposium on Risk vs Benefit, Los Alamos, November
     1971.
    

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                                    75
    
    then degree of satisfaction with the status quo may be gross means
    of indicating different magnitudes of life value.
    
                Finally, direct, weighted cardinal measures of value in
    the form of indices may provide useful measures as long as one is
    aware of the range of uncertainty and lack of precision of such
    techniques.1>2  Since the use of dollars as an index often masks
    inherent imprecision, such non-economic indices may well be preferred.
    
    F.  OTHER RISK FACTORS
    
        There are a number of other risk factors that  must be considered
    when valuing risk consequences.  One set of these  involves the types
    of consequences and the magnitudes of probabilities of occurrence,
    as observable from societal behavior.  Another set involves the
    more subjective problem of individual propensity to take risks.
    The next two chapters will explore these factors in detail.
    iRowe, op. cit.
    r\
     W. D. Rowe, "The Application of Structural Value Analysis  to  Models
     Using Value Judgments as a Data Source," Technical Report  M70-14,
     1970.  The Mitre Corporation, McLean,  Virginia.
    

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                                                              TRACK A & B
                                CHAPTER V
    
                        FACTORS IN RISK EVALUATION
    
    A.  INTRODUCTION
    
        Initial studies identified three sets of conditions that affect
    the valuation of risk consequences for specific valuing agents.   The
    first of these sets of conditions involves the internal system gen-
    erated by the probability-consequence space, i.e., assignment of a
    value to a consequence can be dependent upon the magnitude and nature
    of particular probabilities and/or consequences.
    
        The second set of conditions involves externalities to both the
    probability consequence space and the valuing agent himself.  These
    conditions involve (1) accepted maxims that are imbedded in the cul-
    ture, (2) the behavior of society and groups within society for
    different types of risk and risk factors, (3) time, in the sense that
    values change with time, and (4) situation, since values are dependent
    upon given situational conditions that can occur.
    
        Finally, we have the system that is internal to the valuing
    agent, namely, his own subjective judgment in the assignment of
    value, which includes his propensity as a risk taker and the shape
    of his utility curve for risk.
    
        In this chapter, those conditions that involve externalities and
    the internal probability-consequence system are analyzed.   The third
    condition, the system internal to the valuing agent, is explored in
    the succeeding chapter on the propensity to take risks.
    
        The external system is discussed in a section involving factors
    that consider the types of consequences involved in the risk situa-
    tion.  The internal probability-consequence system is explored in
    two areas:  (1) those factors involving the magnitude of probability
    of occurrence, and (2) those factors involving the nature of conse-
    quences.
    
    B.  FACTORS INVOLVING THE TYPES OF CONSEQUENCES
    
        The factors involving types of consequences are those identifiable
    conditions that directly influence the valuing of risks.  This influ-
    ence is observable from the manner in which societal and group be-
    havior responds to these different types of risk factors.   Five factors
    are considered to be of major importance, and are discussed qualita-
    tively in this section.  A subsequent chapter will attempt to quantify
    some of these factors.  These factors are:  (1) voluntary versus
    
                                    76
    

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    involuntary risks, (2) avoidability of risk and availability of
    alternatives, (3) discounting in time, (4) spatial distribution and
    discounting, and (5)  controllability of risks.
    
        1.  Voluntary and Involuntary Risks
    
            Considerable  confusion exists in the meaning of voluntary and
    involuntary risks.  In general, a voluntary risk usually involves
    some motivation for gain by the risk taker, while an involuntary risk
    is imposed on a risk taker without regard to his undue assessment of
    benefits or options.   In the latter case, the problem of avoidability
    of risk is often confused with the definition of voluntary and invol-
    untary risks.  This becomes particularly apparent when one considers
    a person who has an option to move away from the source of the risk
    if he so desires; for example, living near the approach runway of a
    busy airport.  Although the airport may have been constructed well
    after the person who  was living in that runway area settled there,
    the person at risk does have the option to move at any time at some
    cost.  Further, although the risk from a flood or a tidal condition
    may be natural in origin, there are people who live in these areas
    and are well aware of the risks.  One would ask if these risks are
    then voluntary.
    
            One approach to defining these boundaries can be based upon
    identification of who takes the risks and who gets the benefits.
    In this manner, one may attempt to define a voluntary risk as the
    case in which the risk taker stands to benefit directly from the
    event involved and is, therefore, able to balance the risks against
    the benefits to determine if he should assume the risk.  On the
    other hand, the case  where one who is subject to risk, but receives
    none of the benefits  (or at best, diffuse, indirect benefits) in-
    volved, can be defined as an involuntary risk,  since there is no
    risk-benefit equation to balance.  The involuntary risk taker must
    balance the imposed risk against his cost of avoiding the risk.  It
    is assumed that all risks, except for natural planetary and astro-
    nomical events, are avoidable or at least can be minimized at some
    cost.  Thus, the ability to balance risks and benefits and, thereby,
    take action to avoid  the risk, if so desired, is voluntary process,
    whereas cases that balance risk against avoidance without supplementary
    benefit is an involuntary process.  The degree of avoidability of a
    risk does indeed affect the valuation of the risk, but will be
    addressed as a separate factor.
    
            The above definition is inadequate, however, unless the
    degree of knowledge the risk taker has about the risks he is subject
    to is considered simultaneously.  The degree of knowledge about risk
    falls into four classifications:  (1) risk completely known to the
    

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    risk agent, (2) risk is covertly extended to the risk agent, i.e.,
    the imposer of risk seeks to hide this risk from the recipient risk
    agent, (3) risk information is overtly available, but the risk agent
    makes no attempt to use or acquire this information, and (A) the risks
    are uncertain and undefined to all parties; no information is
    available.
    
            When the factors of benefit attainment and degree of knowledge
    are combined, eight classifications of risk result and are shown in
    Table 5-1.  Essentially, the involuntary risks are imposed on the risk
    agent when he receives no benefit from the condition which imposes the
    risk.  However, the covert information case for the situation where
    the risk agent also achieves some benefit is also involuntary since
    he is not fully apprised of the means to balance risks and benefits
    personally.
    
            a.  Informed Voluntary Risk
    
                The risk agent knowledgeably accepts the risk to obtain
    direct benefits.  For example, a passenger on an airplane accepts
    some small risk of an accident for the direct convenience of rapid
    travel over long distances.
    
            b•  Informed Involuntary Risk
    
                The risk agent is knowledgeable about the risk imposed
    and gets no direct benefit.  For example, someone living close to
    an airport approach is subject to an increased probability  (over
    other areas) of an airplane crashing into his house.  Low-level
    radiation emissions from a nuclear energy facility provide another
    example.
    
            c.  Deceptive Involuntary Risk
    
                While the risk agent receives some benefit from the
    activity undertaken, the primary recipient of the benefits covertly
    seeks to keep adverse information from the risk agent.  The covert
    action is not necessarily malicious, but may be undertaken to mini-
    mize disruptions.  A case in point is the transportation of nuclear
    materials by passenger aircraft  (at least to the present time), where
    the passenger may be unaware of  the extra risks imposed by shipments
    on his aircraft.  The shipper and receiver of the shipments get the
    direct benefits of the shipment.  The passenger's choice in balancing
    risk of flying versus convenience is negated by this deception.1
    1-This in no way implies approval of disapproval of the system of ship-
     ment of nuclear materials which may have wider trade offs of risks,
     costs, and benefits to society, but illustrates the nature of decep-
     tive involuntary risk to an individual.
    

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                                     79
    
    
                                Table 5-1
    
               DEFINITION OF VOLUNTARY AND INVOLUNTARY RISKS
    For a Given Risk
    Risk Agent Receives
      Direct Benefit
      No Direct Benefit
    Received by Risk Agent
    Risks known (overt)
    Informed voluntary
    risk
    Informed involuntary
    risk
    Risks unknown -
    hidden (covert)
    Deceptive involuntary
    risk
    Exploited involuntary
    risk
    Risks unknown -
    available (overt)
    Unwary voluntary risk
    Unwary involuntary
    risk
    Risks unknown -
    unavailable to all
    (uncertainty)
    Unknown voluntary risk
    Unknown involuntary
    risk
    

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                                    80
    
            d.  Exploited Involuntary Risk
    
                Not only does the risk agent receive no benefit from
    taking a risk, but the leveL and/or nature of the risk is purpose-
    fully withheld from him; for example, exposing a specific population
    to a disease (or withholding a cure for an already exposed popula-
    tion) for the purposes of gathering medical and epidemiological infor-
    mation without informing the exposed population of the risks involved
    in exploitation of the risk agents on an involuntary basis.
    
            e.  Unwary Voluntary Risk
    
                The risk agent receives benefits, but is unaware of
    the risks involved (or degree or risk) through his own indifference,
    negligence, or unwillingness to make the effort to obtain the infor-
    mation when the information on risk is readily available.  Gambling
    without finding out the house percentages for different games is
    one example.
    
            f.  Unwary Involuntary Risk
    
                The risk agent is unaware that he is assuming a risk
    from which he receives no benefit although he could find out about
    the risks if he so chose.  There is no attempt to withhold informa-
    tion from the risk agent, and it depends upon his concern for iden-
    tifying his risks as to whether a risk remains an unwary one or an
    informal one.  There are many people who prefer to remain unknow-
    ledgeable about risks since their increased anxiety, resulting from
    new risk information, may be more undesirable to them than the risk
    consequences themselves.
    
            g.  Uncertain Voluntary Risk
    
                While benefits are obvious, the risks may be uncertain.
    Taking a drug with undetermined side effects is an example.
    
            h.  Uncertain Involuntary Risk
    
                The risk agent receives no direct benefits and the risks
    are uncertain.  The use of pesticides that may have cancer causing
    potential, such as aldrin and dieldrin, is an example.  The pesticide
    user benefits directly, the consumer only indirectly at best, and the
    latter assumes any risks that might exist, although those risks are
    unknown.
    
            In summary, a voluntary risk involves freedom of choice to
    accept or reject a condition that imposes risk through a balancing
    

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                                    81
    
    of the risks and benefits to the risk agent.   The choice of alterna-
    tives can, of course, be so limited that only a "go - no go" decision
    is possible.  For example, if one wants to travel from the East Coast
    of the United States to the West Coast in less than eight hours, there
    is only one possible way to achieve this objective - fly by jet air-
    plane.  Thus, one can go or not go.  The negative benefits (costs) of
    not going may exceed the risks in flying in most cases.   However, the
    risk is assumed in a "go" decision to achieve specific benefits.
    
            Conversely, if the risk agent receives no direct benefit from
    a condition imposing a risk or the information to make risk-benefit
    balance has been withheld, then the risk is involuntary and the risk
    agent can decide to minimize the imposed involuntary risk if he
    chooses to do so at some cost.  However, he is acting to avoid a risk
    which is imposed on him without benefit to him.   Thus, involuntary
    risks involve no choice to accept or reject the condition that causes
    a risk, but only a choice to incur costs of minimizing the imposed
    risks.
    
        2.  Avoidability of Risks and Risk Alternatives
    
            The avoidability of risks involves the opportunity and free-
    dom to select alternatives to risks facing the risk taker.  The
    avoidability of risk must not be confused with the controllability
    of risk.  Avoidability infers choice among options with different
    costs; controllability infers the means to affect the probability
    and magnitude of occurrence of a given risk.
    
            When alternatives are available which have less risk than
    the primary risk imposed, the cost associated with these options
    may be higher, making them unattractive.  In any case, the risk
    reduction must be balanced against costs in evaluating options.
    
            For involuntary risks, the alternatives for reducing the risk
    often involve fleeing from the source of the risk.  This is balanced
    against the cost of not fleeing.  For example, how many people have
    left the warm climate and style of living offered by the Los Angeles
    area of Southern California as a result of the relatively high pro-
    bability of major earthquakes in the area?  Other factors involve the
    valuation of the risk, but the cost of changing one's status quo is
    often very high.  For involuntary risks, the cost of alternatives must
    always be high, otherwise the risks would probably be voluntary, i.e.,
    a favorable alternative might well be selected even without the imposi-
    tion of risk.
    
            Voluntary risks also involve alternatives.  For example, one
    often trades degree of mobility against risk in the choice to ride
    in a car, a bus, on a motorcycle, in a plane, or not leave home at all.
    

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            If there are no alternatives to a consequence (including con-
    trol) , then the risk taker can do nothing but face the risk.   The
    ability of man to rationalize in the face of unavoidable dire conse-
    quences is well documented in the case of war and ambulatory terminal
    disease.  Thus, rationalization often changes the degree of a conse-
    quence value, especially when probability of occurrence is high.
    When the probability of occurrence is low, such as in uncontrollable
    natural disasters, he may ignore the consequence completely.   This
    concept of probability thresholds will be considered in the next
    section.  However, if there are alternatives, then the risk taker may
    make trade offs and choices.   Often, these trade offs have intangible
    parameters, e.g., should I ride a motorcycle to work because it is
    exciting and inexpensive or a large automobile with its increased
    safety factor?  Such decisions are sometimes difficult for individuals
    to face.
    
        3.  Discounting in Time
    
            Discounting in time occurs both in the past and in the
    future as shown by Linstonerl
    
            Apparently, discounting acts in both directions—
            future and past.  A crisis about to happen or just
            experienced is discounted little, while events a
            generation in the future or in the past are dis-
            counted severely.  The historical pattern of
            national wars suggests that a war is discounted
            completely in the span of about one generation.
    
            Such discounting may explain why yough people take up
    smoking with a threat of lung cancer that will not develop for 20
    to 30 years, or why young people feel that pensions for themselves
    are relatively unimportant.  This example given by Linstone2 illus-
    trates particularly the impact of discounting in time.
    
            The striking impact of this discounting process on
            the part of individuals can be demonstrated by con-
            sidering the world dynamics model that was created
            by Jay Forrester and Denis Meadows at MIT	Con-
            sider an individual who was unconcerned about
            global pollution in 1950 and is still untroubled
    "hlarold A. Linstone, "Planning:  Toy or Tool?"  IEEE Spectrum, April
     1974, pp. 42-49.
    
    2Ibid., p. 43.
    

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                                    83
    
            by current world population density and food supply.
            Normalizing these variables to 1950 and 1970, re-
            spectively, the Meadows 'standard'  run generated
            the pollution, population, and population/food
            production curves denoted in the illustration
            (Figure 5-1) by 0.  Crises peak in 60 years for
            pollution, in 80 years for population, and in 90
            years for food production.  Application of a dis-
            count rate equal to, or greater than, 5 percent
            per year reduces the population and pollution
            crises to minor significance — i.e., no dramatic
            worsening of the current situation is perceived
            by today's observer.  It is not surprising, there-
            fore, that cries of crises fall on deaf ears.
    
    The length of time one is subjected to a risk also seems to effect
    the valuation process in the form of discounting perceived risk.2
    
        4.  Spatial Distribution and Discounting of Risks
    
            Spatial distribution of risk involves the spreading of risk
    from individuals to others either in society as a whole or to desig-
    nated groups.  While spatial distribution and the discounting of
    risks so distributed can be distributed geographically as indicated
    by Linstone:^
    
            Furthermore, discounting occurrs in the space as
            time dimension.  Most individual are more concerned
            with events in their physical neighborhood than
            those occurring far away.  Unfortunately, this very
            human space time discounting phenomenon is poorly
            understood and constitutes a major reason for the
            ineffectiveness of long-range planning activities
            generally.
    
    Another consideration involves identification of risk takers.
    
            a.  Identifiable versus Statistical Risk Takers
    
                If an individual or a group can be identified as the
    bearer of risk as opposed to statistical populations of risk, society
    -*-Linstone, op. cit.
    
     Glenda Y. Nogami and Siegfried Streufort, "Time Effects on Perceived
     Risk Taking," Purdue University Technical Report No. 11, Lafayette,
     Indiana, July 1973.
    
    O
    JLinstone, op. cit., p.  43.
    

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                                                   84
    
    
    
                                            Figure 5-1*
    
                                     DISCOUNT PHENOMENON
    Now     50     100  130
    
            Years in the future
       Now      50      100
    1950    2000    2050   2080
           Years in the future
                                                                         o
                                                                         (^
                                                                         Ol
                                                                         "8
                                                                                            "\ Meadows
                                                                                              standard run;
    "Now    50     100  130
    
           Years in the future
                             The striking  impact  of  the discounting phenomenon on
                             crisis perception is demonstrated by these curves, where
                             future crises  in population density, pollution, and  food
                             production are perceived as far  less significant when dis-
                             count rates as low as 5 percent are applied. The "0" curves
                             are based on Fig. 5, p. 124, of The Limits to Growth by D, L.
                             Meadows era/., New York, Universe Books, 1972.
       *Figure  from  "Planning:   Toy or  Tool" by Harold A.  Linstone,  p.  45.
    

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                                    85
    
    tends to value this identifiable risk with increased concern, assuming
    equal probabilities and identical consequences, over statistical
    risk.  For example, until the recent Mine Safety Act was passed,
    little investment was made to protect miners as a group by many mine
    companies, but whenever a mine disaster occurs, millions are spent to
    rescue trapped miners, dead or alive.
    
                If the risk taker expects to experience a consequence
    directly as an individual, he will generally attribute a higher value
    to the consequence (positive or negative) than if he is only one of
    a group of people for which only one or a small number will experience
    the consequence.
    
            b.  Dependence of Spatial Discounting on Probability Levels
    
                There is another aspect of discounting in space which
    involves the probability of the consequence occurring to an identi-
    fiable valuing agent.  If the probability of occurrence is one chance
    in a million, as opposed to certainty, the valuing agent is less con-
    cerned.  As in the case of a single $100.00 gamble or ten $10.00
    gambles, the valuing agent may even trade off the magnitude of con-
    sequence.  This concept will be examined further when the nature of
    probability is discussed.
    
        5.  Controllability of Risks
    
            a.  Preceived Degree of Control
    
                The perceived degree of control (as opposed to the "real
    degree of control") to avoid a risk consequence by a valuing agent
    is a major factor in determining consequence value.   For example,
    the driver of an automobile or the pilot of an airplane generally
    discounts the risk consequence value as opposed to a passenger.  The
    driver or pilot feels he has some control in avoiding an accident
    (event) through his skill and control.  As long as the driver has
    this perception (in reality he may be a poor, accident prone driver)
    of his control, he feels that the objective statistics of accidents
    per mile per person don't really apply to him.  Thus, the degree of
    controllability, whether real or perceived, must be considered as a
    major factor in the nature of a consequence.  This difference between
    objective risk level and subjective risk perception has been recognized
    in the literature.1»2
     Siegfried Strefort and Eugene A.  Taylor, op.  cit.
    o
     Van der Meer, op. cit.
    

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                                     86
    
            b.  Systemic Learning Curves^ in Risk Reduction
    
                When man is concerned about exposure to risks from new or
    ongoing activities of man or from natural causes, he can act to reduce
    risk on a systemic basis.  For example, the commercial airline system
    has shown a continual decrease in accidents and death rates on both
    specific and overall bases and on a passenger/mile basis over the
    years.  Flood control projects have saved many lives from naturally
    caused flood conditions.   Man is equipped to use his technology to
    consciously assure better safety goals, but does not always choose to
    make use of this capability.  Society tends to accept certain risks
    from systems where vigilant attention to safety is provided in a
    real sense, as opposed to systems where safety is relatively uncon-
    trolled.  One method of measuring the degree of control is to see how
    well systems have been controlled over time in the form of learning
    curves or at least the general trend in system safety.
    
                Figure 5-2 shows the historic record of the U.S. aircraft
    industry from 1953 to 1973.  The number of deaths from catastrophic
    accidentsl per aircraft mile per year is shown for a 21-year period
    in Figure 5-2A, and the total number of deaths from catastrophic acci-
    dents per year for the same period is shown in Figure 5-2B.  Both sets
    of data2 show "learning curves" indicating that safety in commercial
    aircraft is influenced by a systemic approach to control.  The efforts
    of the Federal Aviation Administration and the National Transporta-
    tion Safety Board are effective in increasing safety.
    
                This is not so for catastrophic accidents occurring in
    buildings and structures.  Figure 5-3 shows the number of deaths per
    year for the same period as the aircraft industry.  The trend line
    is the reverse of a "learning curve" and indicates that systemically
    the situation in preventing catastrophic accidents is uncontrolled,
    at least to the extent that other systems, such as the aircraft
    industry, are controlled.
    
                For the purpose of definition, it is convenient to identify
    three classes of risk controllability on a systemic basis.  These
    classes cover both man-originated and natural risk sytems.
        accident is considered catastrophic if it meets one or more of
     the following criteria:  10 or more fatalities, 30 or more injuries,
     $3 million in damages.
    n
    zData are extracted from "The Consequences and Frequency of Selected
     Man-Oriented Accident Events," CONSAD Research Corporation, USEPA
     Contract Report No. 68-01-0492.
    

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                                                                      87
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                              88
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    -------
                                    89
    
                (1)  Positive Systemic Risk Control
    
                     Systems whose risk behavior is characterized by a
    "learning curve" or a trend where risk is steadily reduced over time.
    (Figure 5-2.)
    
                (2)  Level Systemic Risk Control
    
                     Systems whose risk behavior is characterized by a
    steady level of risk over time.
    
                (3)  Negative Systemic Risk Control
    
                     Systems whose risk behavior is characterized by an
    increase in risk over time (Figure 5-3).
    
                In all cases, the units chosen to illustrate systemic
    risk control must be realistic measures of system activity in that
    positive influence is taken to obtain safety.
    
    C.  FACTORS INVOLVING THE MAGNITUDE OF PROBABILITY OF OCCURRENCE OF
        AN EVENT
    
        The magnitude of the probability of occurrence of a consequence,
    especially when very low or very close to unity, has considerable
    influence on the manner in which one values a given consequence.
    Very low probability levels for some consequences are often ignored
    completely, indicating the existence of "thresholds of concern."
    Thus, there is an interdependence between probability and value.
    
        1.  Low Probability Levels and Thresholds
    
            As the magnitude of a probability for a given consequence
    becomes smaller, a particular magnitude is reached below which the
    risk taker ignores the probability of occurrence.  This "probability
    threshold" is affected by many parameters, including the nature and
    magnitude of the consequence and the avoidability and controllability
    of the risk.
    
            The threshold is most likely lower for high negative values
    of consequences than for low or positive values.  As a result, one
    might expect a lower threshold value for a consequence involving
    death than for one involving the loss of an inconsequential sum of
    money.
    
            The threshold is also higher for uncontrollable consequences
    than for controllable ones.  If one looks at the risk of death for
    

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                                     90
    
    major catastrophes in society, the risk threshold from natural disas-
    ters is generally in the order of one to two orders of magnitude
    higher than for man-made catastrophes.1
    
            In any case, identification of probability threshold levels
    for specific consequences can be used to determine whether an event
    and subsequent consequence can be considered as credible or incredible.
    
        2.  Spatial Distribution of Risks and High Probability of Risks
    
            The probability of occurrence of a consequence to an indivi-
    dual can be expressed to that individual or as the result of an
    event that may occur affecting one or a group of risk takers.  Al-
    though the actual probabilities may be the same to a given risk taker,
    the valuation of identical consequences can be different.
    
            As an example, consider the case of a game of "Russian
    Roulette" where a revolver has one chamber of six loaded with a live
    cartridge.  Consider three different situations, all with equal pro-
    bability and consequence description to a single risk taker.  First,
    the case where the risk taker holds the gun to his head and pulls
    the trigger once; secondly, where each member of a group takes one
    turn  (one of the group will be; killed and it is assumed that the
    risk  taker does not know the results of previous trials within the
    group) and the risk taker does not know the identity of the five
    other members of the group; and, thirdly, a situation the same as the
    second, but where each risk taker knows the identity of the other
    five.  Is the value assigned to the consequence the same in each
    situation?  While there may be some question as to differences
    among consequence value between the first situation and the others,
    the difference in consequence value between the second and the third
    becomes acute if one includes his immediate family in the third case
    group.
    
            This discounting in probability space seems to occur only when
    the probabilities occurrences are high enough so that they influence
    a risk taker in a meaningful way.  For example, assuming a fair
    roulette game (random and excluding "0" and "00") one would be indif-
    ferent to betting on red or black (even money) or a number 36 to 1 for
    36 numbers, if one could play as many times as he wanted at $1.00 per
    play.  For a single bet, the risk taker has a distinct choice to make,
    depending upon gambling instincts, value of money, and propensity for
         validity of this statement will be shown quantitatively in a
     subsequent chapter.
    

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                                    91
    
    taking risk.  However, people play numbers games and lotteries
    indiscriminately where probabilities vary enormously (at very low
    levels) from game to game.  The more effective a pay-off in a lottery,
    the more people it seems to attract regardless of the fact that the
    odds of winning may have decreased by orders of magnitude.!  One seems
    to be indifferent to one chance in 50,000 or one chance in a million
    for these low stakes.
    
        3.  Risk Acceptance and Propensity for Risk Taking
    
            The level of risk acceptance, i.e., the level of risk for which
    a risk taker decides to just accept a risk as opposed to rejecting it
    depends upon the probability of occurrence and the nature and magnitude
    of the value of the consequences that can occur.  This is qualitatively
    illustrated in Figure 5-4 for a single valuing agent in a general sense.
    On the abscissa an evenly spaced rank scale of consequence value is
    shown in terms of gross indication of the hierarchy of risk conse-
    quences shown previously in Table 2-1.  A logarithmic scale of pro-
    bability of occurrence is shown on the ordinate.  Changes in the
    spacing in the abscissa scale will alter the specific shape of the
    curve, but not the general downward slope to the right trend.  In
    other words, less negative consequences have higher acceptable levels
    of probability.
    
            The acceptable probability of occurrence of a specific conse-
    quence value is designated as a "risk acceptance level."  The profile
    of the acceptability of the probability of occurrence for all conse-
    quences involved in a situation is designated a "risk acceptance
    utility function."
    
            Figure 5-4 illustrates two alternate risk acceptance utility
    functions.   The top curve illustrates the risk acceptance utility
    function for a risk taker with a lower "propensity for risk accep-
    tance" than the original valuing agent.  The "propensity for risk
    acceptance" is an individual subjective trait and will be discussed
    subsequently in more detail.  The bottom curve illustrates a higher
    propensity for risk acceptance, i.e., the valuing agent is more apt
    to "take a chance" than the original valuing agent.
    
            The following notation will be used to denote risk acceptance
    for a specified valuing agent, a risk acceptance for a particular
    consequence, C^^, is
     This seems to be the practice of Maryland State Lottery Board in
     extending the pay-offs from $50,000 for several winners by adding
     a $1,000,000 winner.
    

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                                   92
                               Figure 5-4
    
           RISK ACCEPTANCE UTILITY FUNCTIONS FOR AN INDIVIDUAL
                  VALUING AGENT BASED UPON PROBABILITY
                       AND VALUE OF CONSEQUENCES
               10
                 -11
    W
    ,0 0
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                                       Higher  Protensity  for
                                    /   Risk  Acceptance
                10
                10
                  -3
                10
                  -1
                                                Illustrative  Example
                                                of  a Valuing  Agent's
                                                Risk Acceptance
                                                Utility Function
    Lower Propensity
     for Risk Acceptance
    
    1
    
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    -------
                                    93
    R±  = RI  tPi, v±j]                       (4-1)
                            ±j =  IJ   i, vj
    where RJ •  is the risk acceptance level, and R-^j is a subjective
    operator.   As such, R-JJ is an acceptable probability of occurrence
    of the consequence specified.  For a risk acceptance utility function,
    
    V
    
    
                           Rj = Fj [Pi> vij]                         C^-2)
    
    
    where F. is a functional subjective operator on all consequences
    involved.
    
            The uncertainty in the assignment of probability can be
    expressed, at worst, as a uniform distribution around an error term,
    b.£, or by a known distribution of the uncertainty.  If this is avail-
    able, the uncertainty in valuation can also be expressed in the same
    manner through use of an error term, E-M, and the resultant uncer-
    tainty is risk acceptance probability in the form of an error term
    designated as r.
                     j ± *ij = R1:j tPi:j ± bif vi;j ± £ij]             (4-3)
    
                      ±r-j = FJ [Pi ± b±, vi:J ±  ei;j]                 (4-4)
            To minimize redundancy, discussion on risk acceptance
    functions will also be inclusive of risk acceptance levels unless
    specifically noted.
    
    D-  FACTORS INVOLVING THE NATURE OF CONSEQUENCES
    
        The nature of a consequence refers to the possible outcome in
    terms of premature death, injury or illness, financial gain or loss,
    etc.  The value of a consequence of an event to a risk agent will be
    affected by the nature of the consequence.
    

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                                    94
    
        1.   Hierarchy of Consequences
    
            In a previous section,  a hierarchial arrangement of conse-
    quences and consequence values  were shown based upon a quasi-Maslovian
    scale.   At one end of this scale, the value of a consequence is
    related to life and health.   At the other end, it is related to the
    quality of life.   Economic values in terms of money (and, perhaps,
    power as related to money) are  important parameters in the middle
    ranges of the hierarchy.  Essentially, the major societal problem is
    a continuous trade off of health and safety, versus the quality of
    life, versus money and power.  These are, indeed, difficult terms to
    define, especially since one can argue that, with sufficient money and
    power,  one can obtain an increased quality of life and, to some extent,
    increase one's life and protect one's health.
    
        2.   Motivation and Needs
    
            The approach used by Maslow-'- to identify dominant needs in a
    dynamic sense is derived from a hierarchal set of needs which is
    basically the same hierarchy used for the arrangement of consequence
    values.  However, Maslow argues that survival is the dominant need;
    but when that need is basically fulfilled, it no longer is dominant
    and the next higher level, security, becomes dominant, etc.  The need
    for fulfillment is a major human driving force and is the basis of
    motivation.
    
            When this concept is approached in the light of risk values,
    it seems to work in reverse.  The risk is always a threat to one of
    the needs.  If the threat is to a need already fulfilled and no
    longer dominant, then the threatened need becomes dominant again,
    with the added complication that all other fulfilled needs on a
    higher level are also threatened.  For example, a wealthy, satisfied,
    egocentric person will not worry about illness and death  (except for
    purchase of insurance) to the extent that it dominates his life.
    However, once he becomes ill or is threatened with premature death,
    his values revert to the more primeval.
    
        3.  Common versus Catastrophic Risks
    
            Although events that commonly occur in society are often
    uncommon to an individual, there are a variety of unanticipated
    events where consequences are large enough and occur infrequently
    enough to be called catastrophic.  Spatial distribution affects the
    -'-Maslow, op. cit.
    

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                                    95
    
    degree to which an event is designated as catastrophic or common
    (routine).  Thus, 50,000 fatalities per year from automobile crashes
    are considered a variable, but a recurring situation and a single
    accident with a fatality is called routine.  Conversely, the crash
    of a DC-10 aircraft with over 100 fatalities is labeled a catastrophe.
    
            For accounting purposes, a societal risk will be called
    catastrophic if it meets one or more of the following criteria:
    (1) 10 or more fatalities, (2) 30 or more injuries, and (3) 3 million
    in property losses.  There is no question but that this is an arbi-
    trary distinction, but this appears to be a reasonable delineation.
    
            Society looks at catastrophic risks in a manner which is
    disproportionate to all other risks and means of death to which the
    public is subject.  Why, then, do catastrophic events cause so much
    concern?
    
            One answer may be society's methods of communication and news
    media.  Large events receive considerable coverage since larger
    events evoke larger headlines, coverage, and most likely reader or
    viewer interest.   In any case, they sell papers and invite video and
    radio coverage.   More basically, it is most likely a result of human
    nature to be concerned about catastrophes beyond one's control when
    they happen to others.  The normal initial human reaction seems to
    be "Thank Heaven, it didn't happen to me or my family, or community'."
    The second reaction for concerned people is "Now, what can I do to
    help?"  Others seem to enjoy the excitement involved with the event,
    while still others just exercise morbid curiosity.
    
            Catastrophic events become historic events of considerable
    magnitude since they are often well documented by official and
    unofficial records and reviews.   People still refer to the Johnstown
    Flood and the record of human heroics, failings, and tragedy still
    evoke interest.   Perhaps these catastrophes provide the ultimate
    human test of facing violent death in a world theater.  One reacts
    by asking "What could I do in such a situation?"
    
            In any case,  there seems to be a "boomerang" effect in
    communication about risk as indicated by Orsenberg,  et al.^  This
    is "a psychological defense mechanism which protects an individual
    -'-Herbert S.  Orsenberg, Robert D.  Eilers, G.  Wright Hoffman,  Chester A.
     Kline, Joseph J.  Melone, H.  Wayne Snider, Risk and Insurance, Pren-
     tice-Hall,  Inc.,  Englewood Cliffs, New York (1964), p.  62.
    

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                                    96
    
    against excessive fear."-'-  When a communication becomes psychologically
    unbearable, the receiver will minimize or ignore the communication.
    This is particularly observable in selling insurance where emphasis  on
    avoidability is more effective than emphasis on the horror of conse-
    quences.
    
        4.   National Defense as Separate Value System
    
            It is quite evident from acts of heroism and patriotism
    during war time that value systems involving national defense con-
    siderations are quite different from normal societal values.   Sacri-
    fice for an ideal, such as freedom or a political or religious doctrine,
    occurs on a plane that is quite different from the usual.   Higher levels
    of acceptable risk are realized, often without question.
    
            As a result, values of a society at war differ from societies
    at peace.  However, even during peace time, military operations in
    the name of national defense are carried on, and a different  value
    system is used.  Whether justifiable or not, military systems impose
    higher risk levels than other societal systems.  While one argues the
    desirability of operating nuclear power plants with a very low proba-
    bility of a high consequence accident, one accents the low probability
    of a nuclear holocaust from the inadvertent launch of a nuclear-armed
    missile sitting in a stand-by mode.
    
            The distinction between voluntary and involuntary risk is
    blurred for military systems.  Those people directly involved may be
    involuntary draftees, may be following orders on an involuntary
    basis, while others have volunteered for the benefit of a career or
    for patriotic reasons.  Non-military innocent bystanders of a mili-
    tary catastrophe might even be considered voluntary risk takers
    since it can be argued that national defense benefits all citizens.
    In any case, national defense value systems must be considered in a
    different light from normal societal value systems.
    
    E.  CONCLUSIONS
    
        The factors in risk evaluation discussed here have been treated
    on a qualitative basis.  The purpose has been to identify and ascer-
    tain the nature of these factors.  There are probably other factors
    that have not been identified, but the author feels that these
    identified are the major factors of concern.
    l-Ibid.
    

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                                    97
    
        For any given situation, all of these factors may occur
    simultaneously to different degrees and interact.  No studies, as
    far as this author has been able to determine, have been carried
    out to determine the relative importance of these factors and how
    different groups in society react to them.   The purpose here has
    been to identify the factors so that further investigation may be
    undertaken.
    
        A subsequent chapter will attempt to quantify these factors by
    observing the general behavior of society in reacting to risks
    involving different risk factors.  By comparison, the effects of
    these factors can be investigated.
    

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                                                              TRACK A & B
                                CHAPTER VI
    
                         PROPENSITY TO TAKE RISKS
    
    A.  RISK PROPENSITY
    
        It is well known that personality characteristics, as well as
    situational characteristics, affect the propensity of different
    people to take risks.  The "accident prone personality" is a well
    known example.1
    
        Different risk takers have different risk profiles which is also
    relatively well established.  For example, the Air Force conducted
    studies to determine the risk patterns of those who demonstrated a
    propensity to take high risks.2
    
        Considerable work has also been done to investigate the propensity
    of businessmen for taking risks as recorded by Swelm.-^
    
        Most of the studies conducted have been observations of patterns
    in real or simulated conditions.  Here, we will attempt to provide
    some insight of the propensity for taking risks based upon looking
    at causal factors using classical gambles as a point of departure.
    
    B.  CLASSIFICATION OF GAMBLES
    
        Gamblers can be classified by the type and magnitude of the
    consequences of a gamble, whether tangibly or intangibly valued,
    and the "sum total" of the pay-offs is the gamble.  In games where
    the consequence values are cardinal, expected value is a measure of
    the sum of pay-offs.
    
        Consequence values may be classified as positively valued (+),
    indifferent (0), and negatively valued (-).  These values may have
    1H. W. Heinrich, Industrial Accident Prevention, Third Edition, New
     York, McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1950.  pp. 332-334.
    
    ^E. P. Torrance and R. C. Ziller, R.isk and Life Experience:  Develop-
     ment of a Scale for Measuring Risk-Taking Tendencies.  Research
     Report AFPTRC-TN-57-23, ASTIA Document No. 098926.  Randolph Air
     Force Base, Texas, Air Force Personnel and Training Center, pp. 5-7,
     as quoted in Denenberg, p. 61.
     o
     Swelm, op. cit.
                                    98
    

    -------
                                    99
    
    magnitudes that can be considered minor or major.  This classification
    involves the utility function of the gambler, is subjective, and is
    variable.  However, for purposes here, minor and major will refer to
    the magnitude in perturbations of the life style of the gambler.
    Winning or losing a couple of hundred dollars would be minor, winning
    or losing a million would be major.  A dented fender might be minor,
    and a serious injury major, etc.
    
        A "naught"-'- sum pay-off indicates that the "percentage"^ for the
    gambler and the "house" (opponent) are equal.  Consequences may be
    positive, indifferent, or negative, but the chance of winning or
    losing is equal when probabilities of occurrence are considered.  If
    the "percentage" is positive for the gambler, a "positive" pay-off
    results; and, conversely, a negative percentage implies a "negative"
    sum pay-off.
    
        The type and magnitude of the consequences and the pay-off sum
    affect the propensity to gamble.  The effect of consequences can be
    best seen when considered for a "naught-sum" pay-off gamble.  This
    is shown in Table 6-1 in the form of a matrix of combinations of
    positive and negative, all negative, all positive, and all zero sets
    of consequences for gambles are omitted, so that only mixed combina-
    tions of positive and negative consequences are considered.  Minor
    consequences include zero, and major consequences include minor ones
    as well.  Four types of gambles are:  (1) "fun" gamble (+, -) - gamble
    for amusement and excitement; (2) "lottery" (++, -) - little gamble
    if one loses, but possibility of big pay-off exists, (3)  "life or
    death" gamble (++, —) - win all or lose all are possibilities;
    either win or lose changes one's way of life, and (4) "senseless"
    gamble (+, —) - what seems senseless to some may not seem senseless
    to others.  Thus, we have compulsive gamblers with a "death wish"
    and "dare devile" who feel that climbing a mountain because it's
    there is important, etc.
    
        However, when the sum  of pay-offs is taken into account, a broader
    characterization of gambles is possible.  This is shown in Table 6-2.
     The term "naught" sum is used to differentiate between this type of
     gamble and the "zero-sum" game of Von Neumann and Morgenstern.  The
     latter implies no externalities in the sense that what one opponent
     wins, the other loses, etc.
    i-j
     The term "percentage" is used here in the manner of "house percentage"
     in casinos, and is the long-term (many trials) realization of
     expected value.
    

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                                  100
                              Table 6-1
    
          FORM OF VOLUNTARY GAMBLES FOR VARYING CONSEQUENCES
                       FOR A NAUGHT SUM PAY OFF
                         MINOR
                        POSITIVE
                    (includes zero)
                                   MAJOR
                                  POSITIVE
                              (includes minor)
      MINOR
    
     NEGATIVE
    
    (includes
     zero)
                      'FUN" Gamble
                                "LOTTERY" or
    
                                BIG PAY OFF
      MAJOR
    
     NEGATIVE
    
    (includes
     minor)
    "SENSELESS" Gamble
    
    e.g.,  "Death wish"
    
    and different percep-
    tion of value of a
    pay off
     "LIFE or DEATH"
    
    "Up with a Bang,
    
    Down with a Crash"
    

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                                    102
    
    As a result, five characterizations of gambles are shown with the
    form of gamble for each characterization.
    
    C.  VALUE OF STATUS QUO AS A MEASURE OF PROPENSITY FOR RISK TAKING
    
        The value of the "status quo," i.e., the value that is placed upon
    an existing situation by a valuing agent at a given time,  can have
    positive, negative, or no value.
    
        The positive case involves satisfaction with a present state of
    affairs, such as being ahead in a contest and then playing defensively
    to protect the lead.  Satisfaction or "happiness" with one's way of
    life, i.e., having most of one's needs fulfilled, is a situation to
    be protected.
    
        Negative value stems from dissatisfaction, including preceived
    anxiety  that one's needs may not be fulfilled.  Hoping for rain, if
    one is behind in a ball game, is an illustration of a situation with
    negative status quo value.  Dissatisfaction with one's way of life
    or status are other examples.
    
        No value implies indifference to the present condition.
    
        It is hypothesized here that the propensity for taking risk is
    inversely related to the value of status quo; the higher the positive
    value of status quo, the lower the propensity to take risk.  If one
    assumes a degree of perceived satisfaction with the status quo that
    ranges over positive to negative values on some ordinal or cardinal
    scale, this can be related to an ordinal or cardinal scale of pro-
    pensity for taking risks from a low to high range.  This relationship
    is shown in Figure 6-1 as an inverse relationship which may be a
    linear (dashed line) function or a non-linear function (solid line)
    concave upward.
    
        To illustrate this hypothesis, the five characterizations of
    gambles discussed previously are shown with approximate ranges of
    coverage.  The all negative "nothing to lose" gambler has a very
    high propensity to take risk.  The all positive "something for nothing"
    gambler has a very low propensity for taking risks since he has little
    to gain but a lot to lose.  The positive sum condition involves a low
    propensity for risk and a gambler in this situation will take risks
    with consequences that extend down to indifference with the status quo,
    but not to negative status quo conditions.  The "naught" sum covers a
    wide range in the middle and overlaps the negative sum, which in turn
    overlaps the all negative condition.
    

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                                      103
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                         Z1  )  ALL  POSITIVE
                                                    GAMBLE TYPES
    RANGES OF WORST
      CONSEQUENCES
                            PROPENSITY  FOR RISK TAKING
                      HIGH
                                                         NEGATIVE SUM
                     NONLINEAR  .	^
                       FUNCTION
                 >  ALL NEGATIVE
                          RISK  PROPENSITY  RELATIONSHIP
                                    Figure 6-1
    
         QUALITATIVE  PRESENTATION OF THE INVERSE FUNCTIONAL RELATIONSHIP
         BETWEEN  PERCEPTION OF DEGREE OF SATISFACTION OF THE STATUS QUO
               AND THE PROPENSITY FOR TAKING RISKS ALONG WITH RANGES
                          FOR DIFFERENT TYPES OF GAMBLES
    

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                                    104
    
        Certain individual characteristics and values affect the
    propensity for risk independent of the status quo.  This has been
    well documented by many investigators, including Swelm,! but much
    of the variability may be related to condition of the status quo
    and how the gambler values it.   As an example, it is often stated
    that a good gambler ignores or  walks away from previous losses.   How-
    ever, few observers of gamblers would dispute the fact that many
    gamblers take larger risks when they are losing to recoup.  The loss
    has changed the status quo in a negative direction and the propensity
    for risk is increased, even though this may be in spite of "good
    advice."  It is also true in the opposite direction, i.e., a winner
    may often plunge with his winnings since a loss of winnings will not
    change his original status quo.  If he continues to be successful
    over a long period of time, he may adopt a new, higher valued status
    quo and become more conservative.  That is, during the gamble the
    status quo changes slowly in the positive direction when winning,
    but more rapidly in the negative direction when losing.
    
    D.  INVOLUNTARY RISKS
    
        Involuntary risks are those risks imposed upon a risk taker over
    which he has no direct benefit.  These involuntary risks occur as a
    result of natural forces or by man-made action, either by specific
    actions or societal activities.  Natural occurrences include catas-
    trophes, such as earthquakes, tornadoes, floods, etc., and normal
    activities, such as overexposure to sun, droughts, lightning, damage,
    etc.  Specific man-made actions involve such events as drunk drivers
    crossing to the wrong side of the road which can be considered as
    individual negligence, encroachment of one's neighbor, etc.  Societal
    activities involve the acceptance of certain levels of societal risk,
    such as increased exposure to air pollution or radiation,by some or
    all parts of society to obtain some benefits for differing parts or
    all parts of society, such as the production of electric power.
    
        1.  Avoidability of Involuntary Risks
    
            Involuntary risks may be avoidable by specific action of the
    risk taker upon whom involuntary risks are imposed.  The person at
    risk may have no direct control on the events that impose the risk,
    but he may have direct control over his exposure to risk to those
    events.  For example, individuals cannot control the onset of earth-
    quakes, but they can choose to live in areas of low seismic activity.
     Swelm, op. cit.
    

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                                    105
    
            When a risk agent perceives-'- the imposition of a new risk,
    he has two options to avoid this new risk.
    
            First, he may try to influence the manner in which the risk
    is imposed.  For example, the construction of a nuclear power plant
    could have a potential to subject neighboring populations to exposure
    to increased air pollution or radiation levels.  Members of the popu-
    lation upon whom these risks are involuntarily imposed can attempt to
    intervene, legally or otherwise, to either prevent the power plant
    from being located at that construction site or to assure that adequate
    controls are implemented to eliminate or at least minimize the poten-
    tial risk.  Society in the United States has provided institutions for
    recourse or control of imposition of risks on society as a whole
    through the jurisprudence system and, more importantly, the Executive
    Branch of Government in the form of regulatory agencies whose aim is
    to protect the health, welfare, and environment of society as their
    primary mandate.
    
            Secondly, a risk agent may seek to reduce his exposure to an
    imposed risk by removing himself from its effect.  In this sense,
    one can move from a high to a low altitude to avoid the risk from
    natural cosmic rays or move from the proposed site of the nuclear
    power plant to avoid assumption of any possible risks from its opera-
    tion.  Essentially, such avoidance action is individually motivated
    and there are few institutions, if any, involved.
    
            In basic terms, the risk taker may fight (intervene), flee
    (avoid exposure), or accept the imposed risk.  The motivation for
    taking action as opposed to acceptance is affected by a variety of
    factors.  One approach to understanding the motivational relationships
    is to consider an involuntary risk as a threat to the status quo.
    
        2.  Involuntary Risks as Threats to the Status Quo
    
            When a newly perceived risk is imposed on a risk taker, it is
    a direct threat to his status quo in terms of his way of life, his
    assets, and even his life and health.  The anxiety response will be
    generally a function of the character and magnitude of the risk, the
    ability to avoid the risk at some cost, and the degree of satisfaction
    with the status quo of the individual involved.  Although there is an
    absence of formal data, one can tentatively examine the qualitative
    trends of these relationships.  Such a qualitative approach is shown
     Perception of a new risk involves both having a new risk imposed and
     becoming aware of an existing risk previously not identified.
    

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                                    106
    
    in Figure 6-2 where surfaces for the thresholds of concern and fleeing
    action are shown as function of the degree of satisfaction with the
    status quo and the character and magnitude of the threat.   For the
    character of the risk, the hierarchy of risk consequences, shown
    earlier in Table 5-1, is used.   These eight classifications provide
    eight profiles of magnitude of  risk versus degree of satisfaction
    with the status quo which are qualitative, cardinal scales.
    
            The lower surface is the threshold of concern.   That is, the
    magnitude of the risk is sufficient for a risk taker to become
    actively concerned with risk avoidance.  It would seem plausible that
    people who are happier with their status quo would be more sensitive
    to concern over threats to the  status quo than those who are unhappy
    with their present status.  Thus, the curves decrease with increasing
    degree of satisfaction.  Further, threats to life and limb may concern
    people at lower levels of magnitude than threats to one's individualism
    or aesthetic value, hence the surface tips upward in these risk charac-
    teristics.  The possibility of  a discontinuous surface near the zero
    degree of satisfaction with the status quo must be considered.  People
    who are positively situated may have sharper differences than people
    who are not.
    
            The upper surface is threshold for which people will attempt
    to avoid an involuntary risk by retreating from it by fleeing, which
    necessarily means upsetting the status quo.  People who are satisfied
    with their status quo will not  concede changes as easily as people
    who are dissatisfied.  The former would rather fight and intervene
    (represented by the volume between the surfaces) than change their
    status quo.  This becomes less  distinct for threats to life and limb
    as opposed to threats at the other end of the hierarchy of risk con-
    sequences.  As a result, the flee threshold surface increases from
    the front left corner in both directions.
    
            The volume, as indicated above, illustrates the existence of
    an action between the two thresholds where prople are concerned, and,
    therefore, attempt to fight the risk imposition, but are not motivated
    to flee.  Between the two surfaces, this fight to the extent possible
    action is greatest for people with a positive status quo to protect.
    If they cannot fight, they will accept the risk up to a level where
    they will flee.  Since fleeing  represents a major change in status
    quo,l those satisfied with it must trade off the change due to fleeing
     A decision to relocate inland to avoid hurricanes or to move to avoid
     high local levels of radiation (natural or man-made) involve disrup-
     tion in terms of interpersonal relationships, family, civil require-
     ments, etc.  Changes in ease of mobility can, of course, have some
     effect on such decisions.
    

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    107
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                                    108
    
    versus change due to the threat.1
    
    E.  RISK PROPENSITY OF DIFFERENT  VALUE GROUPS
    
        There are many different value groups in society which result
    from different cultures, different ethnic groups, groups of different
    heredity, groups brought up in different environments, geographies,
    degrees of wealth, degrees of education, etc.  The idea of the status
    quo as a measure of motivation to take risks provides a possible sim-
    plification as far as propensity  for risks is to be considered.   As  a
    result, we can assume that there  are three general classess of value
    groups:  (1) those who are satisfied with their status quo, (2)  those
    who are dissatisfied with it, and (3) those who are indifferent.  In
    the previous section, it has been shown how these groups tend to
    react to involuntary risks of different types.   However, when volun-
    tary risks which imply some motivation to undertake these risks to
    achieve particular goals are concerned this situation must be re-
    examined.  It must be pointed out that increasing awareness of one's
    status quo in relation to the status quo of other people can cause
    dissatisfaction with their status quo.  That is to say that if one
    did not realize how bad off one is in comparison to others, one may
    not be concerned about a particular condition.   This is particularly
    exemplified by some of the underdeveloped countries where the rapid
    introduction of worldwide communication through television and news
    is making large numbers of people rapidly dissatisfied with their
    original status quo.  In other words, more people are becoming dis-
    satisfied with an agrarian way of life and substituting it for an
    urban manner of life, especially  at very low income levels.  At the
    upper level, the reverse may be true because those people who are
    quite affluent often tend to flee from the urban areas toward the
    suburbs and the remote areas of the country.
    -"-There seems to be two different groups who tend to fight (intervene)
     the imposition of involuntary risks most vociferously.  At one
     extreme, we have those groups who are well satisfied and fight to
     preserve it.  Many environmental groups acting both responsibly
     and otherwise are in this category.  At the other extreme are those
     who are dissatisfied with the status quo and have nothing to lose.
     Students and youths against the draft and the Vietnam War joining
     with the "under privileged" in an effort to upset the establishment
     in the late 60's and early 70's are examples of the latter.  One
     might entitle these groups the "fat interveners" and the "lean
     interveners," respectively.
    

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                                                                  TRACK B
                               CHAPTER VII
    
                        RISK RATES AND DATA BASES
    
    A.  OBJECTIVE
    
        In the preceding two chapters, a variety of risk factors were
    presented on a qualitative basis.   While such discussion promotes
    better insight, it is important to estimate the relative impact of
    these risk factors on a quantitative basis.  Although one might
    propose a series of experiments in behavioral and psychological
    frameworks to address this problem, an available technique is to
    examine the collective behavior of society through evaluation of
    existing data.  The objective of this chapter is to examine
    existing data bases relative to societal risk prior to using this
    data to make some attempt to qnaitify the relative impact of risk
    factors on acceptable levels of risk.
    
    B.  CALCULATION OF RISK RATES
    
        In order to examine risks in society, risk rates for different
    types of consequences must be determined.  Since there are a
    variety of ways to calculate such risk rates, it is important to
    establish and make visible the base for such calculations.  Examina-
    tion of historical data, using the methods for calculating risk
    rates, allows considerable information about the types of risks
    that society presently accepts to be derived.
    
        For each type of risk event, e.g., storms, air crashes, etc.,
    the distribution of the number of events over a given period of
    reporting and the magnitude of the events are available.  Histograms
    of frequency and magnitude of events have a variety of functional
    forms and the use of statistical descriptors of central values can
    be misleading.  This is especially true since many events are not
    purely random or independent.  For example, there are more airplane
    flights, increased passenger loads, and better safety procedures
    than there were 20 years ago.  Conversely, railroad passenger
    traffic has decreased in that time period.  Better reporting methods
    also exist, but often may still show information in a biased manner.
    As a result, the use of central statistical measures can yield only
    gross estimates.  When possible, the range of uncertainty should
    also be estimated.
    
        For a particular class of events, i, such as commercial passenger
    aircraft accidents or marine accidents, a number of such accidents,
    or events, N^, will occur in a_given period of years, t^.  The mean
    number of accidents per year, N^,  is computed by the formula:
    
                                    109
    

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                                    110
                    = Mean Number of Accidents or Events Per Year   (7-1)
    For each event, j, of class i, there will be a number of consequence
    measures for consequences of differing nature:
             FJ_J  = Number of Total Fatalities for Accident ij
    
             ^111 = Number of Fatalities under Voluntary Risk
                    Conditions
    
             ^i12 = Number of Fatalities under Involuntary
                    Risk Conditions
    
             I-ji  = Number of Total Injuries
    
             I-.i = Number of Injuries - Voluntary Risk
    
                  = Number of Injuries - Involuntary Risk
    
                  = Cost of Event in Dollars
    Other consequences of differing nature, such as illness, quality of
    life factors, etc. , can all be addressed in the same manner as long
    as clear definitions exist.
                            Fiji + Fij2 = FU                       (7-2)
    
    
                            lijl + I±j2 = I±j                       (7-3)
        The mean number of fatalities, injuries, or costs is derived for
    each factor by taking the sum of the magnitude of each event and
    dividing it by the number of events in question.  Thus:
                  F = — y  F. .  = Mean  Number  of  Fatalities          (7-4)
                       i~**      per accident of type  i
    

    -------
                                    Ill
                F...  = —  >  F. .-  = Mean  Number  of  Fatalities
                       i ~"^  ^    Voluntary
                F    = —  >  F..2  = Mean Number  of  Fatalities
                       i   . J  ^    Involuntary                         ~ '
    
    
        In the same manner, the mean number of injuries, 1-^, I-Q, -*-12'
    and the mean cost, TJ^,  can be calculated.  Whether or not the mean
    is a good central measure (as opposed to the mode) depends upon
    particular distributions of frequency and magnitude of events.
    
        If the frequency of events is high enough to provide some
    measure of statistical  convergence, then rates of fatalities,
    injuries, and costs may be computed for individuals and populations
    at risk.   The populations at risk are denoted as follows:
               Pi  = Total Population at Risk
    
               P-j^ = Population Subject to Voluntary Risks
    
               P.2 = Population Suvject to Involuntary Risks
        Then the number of fatalities, injuries, and costs per year
    for each class of accident, or event, NI, is of the form:
                  x F£ = Mean Number of Fatalities per year         (7-7)
    if larger populations are stated.  This problem arises since the
    degree of exposure to risk is of primary concern, i.e., for a
    measured frequency of occurrence of a consequence from actual data,
    the smaller the group exposed to the risk, the higher the risk to an
    individual member of the exposed group.  Overstatement of the popula-
    tion exposed can lead to understatement of the individual risk.
    
        It is important that the proper populations of risk be identified
    for each risk, and to recognize that all members of the population
    involved do not necessarily experience the same risk.  Thus, the risk
    rates often must be broken into subsets for different population
    exposures.
    

    -------
                                    112
    
        The total exposure is properly calculated by integrating the
    probability of risk for a given individual or group of individuals
    over the total population.  The ability to accurately determine the
    probability for each individual is limited so that the resultant
    calculation may be no more accurate or meaningful than average values
    taken over the whole population exposed or over sub-groups.  A large
    number of exposure levels can be used if reasonable determinations
    of the exposed population and probability of occurrence at each
    level are available.
    
        One convenient approach is to divide the population into three
    different exposure classes:  average, protected, and exposed.
               N^ x 1^ = Mean Number of Injuries per year           (7-8)
    
    
                        Nj_ x ~'Di = Mean Year Costs                   (7-9)
    
    
    
        The risk to an individual is:
    
              _    N x F-L   Mean Probability of Death to an
              f± =  .  .    = Individual at Risk Per Year             (7-10)
              _  _   x  i   Mean Probability of Injury to an
               i            Individual at Risk Per Year             (7-11)
    
        The death rate per 100,000 people at risk, f-j_, is:
    
                                      "Ni x T-: x 10^
                      f± = f± x 105 = ___J:	                 <7-12)
                                           pi
    
    and the injury rate per 100,000 people at risk, k^, is:
    
    
                      k- -*. , 105 . !ilZLL!f                 (7-13)
                      K_-j — IS.-: A -LVJ    —•	——.	
                                           Pi
    
    The voluntary and involuntary risk rates may be found accordingly.
    
        The use of the population-at-risk as a divisor involves some
    danger of misrepresentation.  The larger the population-at-risk,  the
    

    -------
                                    113
    
    smaller the individual risk for a given consequence and its proba-
    bility.  Thus, lower risk estimates for individuals result if larger
    populations are stated.  This problem arises since the degree of
    exposure to risk is of primary concern, i.e., for a measured frequency
    of occurrence of a consequence from actual data, the smaller the group
    exposed to the risk, the higher the risk to an individual member of
    the exposed group.  Overstatement of the population exposed can lead
    to understatement of the individual risk.
    
        It is important that the proper populations of risk be identified
    for each risk, and to recognize that all members of the population
    involved do not necessarily experience the same risk.  Thus, the risk
    rates often must be broken into subsets for different population
    exposures.  The total exposure is properly calculated by integrating
    the probability of risk for a given individual or group of individuals
    over the total population.  The ability to accurately determine the
    probability for each individual is limited so that the resultant cal-
    culation may be no more accurate or meaningful than average values
    taken over the whole population exposed or over subgroups.  A large
    number of exposure levels can be used if reasonable determinations
    of the exposed population and probability of occurrence at each level
    is available.  One convenient approach is to divide the population
    into three different exposure classes:  average, protected, and
    exposed.  Some individuals are more protected or more exposed than
    the average individual, e.g., people may live in earthquake prone
    areas or close to the sea in tidal and flood prone areas, and have
    higher exposure to risks than the average.  On the other hand, those
    who live inland are not exposed to tidal risks and those who live in
    areas of low seismic activity are more protected than the average
    from these risks.
    
        When it is desirable to express the degree of containment of
    risk, i.e., the separation of exposed and protected populations, a
    degree of containment index may be convenient.  This may be computed
    for any consequence, but in order to illustrate the concept of fatali-
    ties will be used.  Essentially, the ratio of risk between the exposed
    population and the unexposed population is desired.
    
                                                 T±
                      Containment Index = C.I. = __                (7-14)
    where f •  is the risk to an individual in the exposed population, and
    f^ is the risk to an individual in the protected population.   Since
    P£ refers to the protected population, T-Pj is the protected population
    

    -------
    where T is the total population.1  Then
                                (T - Pi)   g±
                         C.I. = 	  x 	                      (7-15)
                                   P
                                    •i      &i
    
    where
    
    
                       N± x J± = g±, N± x J±' =
    
    
    and
    
    
                            P •  < T, gi "* v< g •
    However, this index ranges from unity to infinity with small changes
    in factors causing large excursions of the index over parts of the
    range.  A more amenable index is derived by smoothing the range in
    the form
    
                             (T - Pl)       8i + 1
                      C.I. =	x log 	                 (7-16)
                                Pi          &±' + 1
    
    Alternatively, when multiple populations are involved
    
                               PI'       g + 1
                        C.I. = — x log 	                    (7-17)
                               Pi        g±' + 1
    
    C.  DATA BASES
    
        There are a variety of data bases that report statistics on risks.
    The data are historical and often suffer from arbitrary definition of
    classes of risk.  In general, three classes of statistics are available:
    (1) financial losses - primarily data from insurance industry;
    (2) health information - data from a variety of sources indicating
     T is the total population considered and for purposes of the index
     is usually the total U.S. or world population.  Alternatively, Pi is
     the protected population if the populations considered are not
     collectively exhaustive.
    

    -------
                                    115
    
    illness and death from disease; and (3) accident statistics - infor-
    mation from isurance, regulatory agencies, etc.
    
        A number of different data sources were used here and some pro-
    cessing of this data has been necessary.  While these have been
    identified, along with assumptions when used, two sets of data must
    be considered in further detail since different numbers result in
    some cases.
    
        The first set of data is from a paper by Chauncey Starrl looking
    at catastrophic accidents.  From this data base, a comparison of death
    rates for natural and man-made disasters has been made and is shown
    in Table 7-1.  The data for the time period, t±, and the magnitude
    of the catastrophe in terms of deaths per event, F^, and the frequency
    of the event per year, N-^, are taken directly from Chauncey Starr's
    paper.  The time period indicates the period of time in which the
    number and magnitude of events were recorded, the three magnitude
    entries indicate the mode of the distribution of event magnitudes,
    the largest magnitude, and the average magnitude of the event, ₯±.
    By taking the average magnitude value and multiplying it by the
    frequency of events per year, and dividing by the population involved
    (U.S. or world), one can compute the probability of death for a
    single individual in that population.   This is,  of course, an average
    based upon linear assumptions, and is shown in the 7th column of the
    chart for each type of disaster.  This probability of death for a
    single individual is directly related to the death rate per 100,000
    persons per year by multiplying the probability of death by a factor
    of 105.  This is shown in the 9th column of the chart.
    
        However, since some individuals are more protected or more
    exposed than the average individual, it is important to provide some
    idea of the variability of risk.  Columns 8 and 10 of the chart show
    a possible death rate per 100,000 per year for the most protected
    and mose exposed individual, respectively.  The final column shows
    the factors that were used to multiply the average value to determine
    the range of the protected and exposed populations.  Conclusions drawn
    from this data will be addressed in subsequent sections.
     C. Starr, Benefit-Cost Relationships in Socio-Technical Systems,
     Environmental Aspects of Nuclear Power Stations, IAEA-SM-146/47,
     IAEA, Vienna, 1971, p. 900.
    

    -------
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                                    117
    
        Insurance Facts^ reports higher numbers than the Starr data for
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    States.  For hurricanes, the U.S.  population is exposed to 7.4 x 10~?
    fat/yr/ind as the mean value for 1923-1972.  For tornados over the
    same period, the mean 
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                                    121
    
        The CONSAD Report also reports data on injuries and property
    damage from man-made catastrophic events.  The total number of injuries
    from man-made catastrophic events in the U.S. is shown in Table 7-5,
    and the number of involuntary injuries is shown in Table 7-6.  It would
    seem that this data is less firm than for fatalities, since the
    reporting of incidents with less than 10 fatalities, but more than 30
    injuries, may not be as complete as that for large numbers of deaths.
    
        The data for property damage 'for all U.S. man-made catastrophic
    incidents is shown in Table 7-7.  This data is even more suspect since
    the reporting od incidents with less than 10 fatalities and/or 30
    injuries, but over thirty million dollars, is even more doubtful.
    Table 7-8 shows the property damage for incidents associated with
    risks which had involuntary fatalities or injuries.  The property
    damage figures could not be separated in terms of values for voluntary
    and involuntary risks from the source data.
    
        Table 7-9 summarizes the data from Tables 7-2 through 7-8, and
    calculates risk rates to individuals based upon a population of the
    U.S. of 2 x 108 people.
    
        Deficiencies in data arise from a number of sources but, particu-
    larly, data on risks suffer from the condition that most data are
    derived for other purposes than risk analysis.  As a result, the data
    cannot easily be segregated into the different categories of risk for
    easy analysis.  As an example, most data on accidents are derived
    without regard to whether involuntary or voluntary risks were involved
    or if the consequences were ordinary or catastrophic.  The difficulty
    in determining property damage for catastrophic risks is a case in
    point.  Appendix B provides an explicit example of measurement diffi-
    culties of this type, using data from the coal mining industry.
    
        Another difficulty lies in the manner in which data are presented.
    In some cases, probabilities of a consequence are given for different
    magnitudes of the same consequence.  In other cases, an average magni-
    tude of the consequence is given with a single probability of occur-
    rence.  In these cases, data must be manipulated to assure that like
    figures are being compared.  Appendix A provides means for manipula-
    tion for comparing the probability for an average consequence magnitude
    with an array of probabilities for different magnitudes of the same
    consequence.
    

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                                                                   122
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                                                              TRACK A & B
                               CHAPTER VIII
    
            ESTIMATION OF RISK FACTOR EFFECTS FROM EXAMINATION
                          OF SOCIETAL EXPERIENCE
    
    A.  OBJECTIVE
    
        In previous chapters a variety of risk factors were presented on
    a qualitative basis.  While such discussion promotes better insight,
    it is important to estimate the relative impact of these risk factors
    on a quantitative basis.  Although one might propose a series of
    experiments in behavioral and psychological frameworks to address
    this problem, an available technique is to examine the collective
    behavior of society through evaluation of existing data.  The objec-
    tive of this chapter is to examine existing data bases relative to
    societal risk and make some attempt to quantify the relative impact
    of risk factors on acceptable levels of risk.
    
        The interpretation of acceptable level of risk used in this case
    involves the concept that collective societal behavior determines
    acceptability, as opposed to the idea of what is "right" for society.
    The purpose here is to provide a measurement baseline, and the ques-
    tion of the "rightfulness" of measures is not addressed.
    
        As in the case of many social measurements, accuracy and precision
    will not be very high, and the uncertainties are often an order of
    magnitude.   Further, arbitrary assumptions are made in order to
    classify different types of risks.  While such assumptions will be
    stated, it must be understood that other assumptions may also be
    valid.  The data bases in the preceding chapter will be used when
    appropriate.  Supplemental data bases will be referenced when used
    as well.
    
        This investigation is by no means exhaustive or complete, but
    serves to illustrate the manner and direction for which further effort
    is desirable.  To this end, a summary of risk factors is presented in
    Table 8-1 to provide an inclusive overview of risk factors.   Parts C
    and D are not covered in this effort since data on these factors has
    not yet been examined in detail.
    
    B.  FACTORS INVOLVING THE NATURE OF RISKS
    
        1.  Classes of Consequences
    
            In previous chapters, a range of classes of consequences in
    the form of a hierarchal structure was identified.  Unfortunately,
    data are not derived in this form.  Generally, three classes of
    
                                    127
    

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                                    129
    
    consequences are reported in the literature:  fatalities, injuries,
    and dollar losses.  Insurance costs as hedges against dollar losses
    are also reported.1
    
            For example, the CONSAD data reports for the 21-year period
    in question totals as follows:2
    
                   Number of Incidents        810
                   Deaths                     13,782
                   Injuries                   12,472
                   Reported Property Damage   $2.075 billion
    
    One is tempted to determine the reported property damage per death or
    per injury.  While this can be done, it must be recognized that this
    is a report of the ratio of deaths to property damage, not the amount
    spent to avoid a fatality, nor the indirect sosts of the fatality,
    nor compensation paid.
    
        2.  Common versus Catastrophic Risks
    
            For the purpose of investigating events in the past that can
    be considered catastrophes, the definition of catastrophe used is an
    event that results in one or more of the following conditions:
    (1) 10 or more fatalities, (2)  30 or more injuries, and (3) three
    million dollars or more in damages.
                                   Q
            Data derived from Starr-5 give individual risk rates for
    deaths from worldwide natural catastrophes at a level of 9.9 x 10~"
    per year, and for man-made disasters, a level of 3.2 x 10~^ per CONSAD
    indicates a U.S. man-made disaster rate of 2 x 10~6 per year, nearly
    seven times greater than the Starr basis.  Using the Starr data for
    natural disasters, the CONSAD data for man-made disasters, and Accident
    Facts (1973) for common accident and disease data, the total death rate
    may be approximated and is shown in Table 8-2.  It can be seen from
    this array that:  (1) catastrophes contribute about 0.12 ± .01% to the
    total death rate, (2) catastrophic accidents are about 2 ± 1% of all
    accidents, and (3) death from disease is about 12 times higher than
    from accidents and is the largest factor.
     Insurance Facts, Insurance Information Institute, 110 William Street,
     New York, New York  10038 (1973).
    
    2CONSAD Report, op. i
     accidents reported.
    2CONSAD Report,  op.  cit.,  p.  130.   Includes both U.S.  and  foreign
    Q
     Starr, op. cit.
    

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                                    130
    
    
    
                                Table 8-2
    
                          DEATH RATES BY SOURCE
             Class
    
    Natural Catastrophes
    
    Man-Made Catastrophes
    
    Common Accidents (1972)3
    
      Motor Accidents
      Work Related
      Home
      Public Non-motor Vehicle
    
      TOTAL
    
    Disease (1969)3
    
      Heart Disease
      Cancer
      Stroke
      Pneumonia
      Diabetes Mellitus
      Arteriosclerosis
    
      TOTAL
                            o
    Homicide, Suicide, OtherJ
                                 TOTAL
    Death Rate/100,000/Yr
    
                0.991
    
       0.0321 - 0.222
    
      27.2
    
      27.2
       6.8
      13.0
      11.3
    
       56.2
      367
      160
      103
       31
       19
       16
    
      696
    
      200
    
      954
     1
     Starr, op.  cit.
    
     2CONSAD, op. cit.
    
     3Accident Facts, National Safety Council, Chicago, Illinois, 1973.
    

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                                    131
    
            A risk adjustment factor (R.A) for catastrophic risks for
    the overall death rate is:
                      (R.A.) = (1.2 ± 0.1) x 10-3                   (8-])
    while a risk adjustment factor for catastrophic risks over all acci-
    dents is:
                      (R.A.) = (2.0 ± 0.1) x 10-2                   (8-2)
        3.  Military versus Societal Risk Bases
    
            One method of comparing military and societal risk bases is
    to estimate the death rates from military and commercial airline
    catastrophes.   In doing so, one must use the proper populations at
    risk  (voluntary risks only).  For the military, the population is
    the number in the armed forces.  One could argue that military trans-
    port of dependents and civilian military employees should also be
    included.  However, such data is difficult to determine.  For commer-
    cial aircraft, the total U.S. population was used, including military
    personnel flying commercially.
    
            The results are shown in Table 8-3 for three years, 1970-1972.
    The ratio of military death rate to that of civilians for air travel
    ranges from 36 to 53.  Thus, a risk adjustment factors between mili-
    tary and civilian risks for aircraft would be about:
    
    
                      (R.A.) = (2.35 ± 0.45) x 10~2                 (8-3)
            A second method is to follow the lead of Starr,! who used the
    Vietnamese War as a test case.  During the war's heavy years, he esti-
    mated that for a U.S. military population of 500,000 about 10,000
    deaths per year occurred.  This is an individual death rate of 2 x 10~2
    per year, or 2,000 deaths per 100,000 per year.   This is about twice
    the total U.S. death rate of 954 per 100,000 per year, as shown in
    Table 8-2, and is about 35 times the rate for accidents.  However,
    when one adjusts the figure for age distribution, assuming participants
    1-Chauncey Starr, "Social Benefit versus Technological Risk," Science,
     Vol. 169, 19 September 1969, pp. 1232-1238.
    

    -------
                                                                       132
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                                    133:
    
    ages range from 18 to 24, the picture of war versus peace time changes.
    Accident Facts-*- for 1970 data shows that the total death rate from
    all causes for males in this age group is 186.5 per 100,000, and for
    accidents, 109.4 per 100,000.  In this case, the ratio is about 11 to 1
    for war deaths to all causes of death for this male age group, and
    about 18 to 1 for war to accidental death.   Risk adjustment factors
    for conversions from war to peace are in the order of:  0.48 for total
    population; 0.09 for 18-24 population total risk; and 0.55 for 18-24
    population accident risk.
    
    C.  FACTORS INVOLVING TYPES OF RISKS
    
        1.   Voluntary versus Involuntary Risks
    
            In Chapter IV, a risk was defined to be involuntary if the
    risk taker did not receive the direct benefits of the activity
    causing the risk, or if the risk information was purposely withheld
    from the risk taker.  This definition will  continue to be used here,
    but in order to compare results given here  with other sources with
    different definitions, it is necessary to review some of Starr's^
    conclusions on this subject.
    
            Starr's definition of voluntary and involuntary risks is
    somewhat different:
    
                Societal activities fall into two general cate-
                gories - those in which the individual partici-
                pates on a 'voluntary1  basis and those in which
                the participation is 'involuntary'  imposed by
                the society in which the individual lives.  The
                process of empirical optimization of benefits
                and costs is fundamentally similar in the two
                cases - namely, a reversible exploration of
                available options - but the time required for
                empirical adjustments (the time constants of
                the system) and the criteria for optimization
                are quite different in the two  situations.3
    
            The case for the difference in time constants is explored
    subsequently in terms of observing the effective discount rate for
    voluntary and involuntary societal risks.
    -^-Accident Facts, op.  cit.
    
    ^Starr, op. cit.
    
    3Starr, op. cit.,  p.  1233.
    

    -------
                                    134
    
            Starr's definition of voluntary and involuntary activities is
    also more general;1
    
                In the case of 'voluntary*  activities,  the
                individual uses his own value system to
                evaluate his experiences.   Although his even-
                tual trade off may not be consciously or
                analytically determined, or based upon objec-
                tive knowledge, it nevertheless is likely to
                represent for that individual, a crude opti-
                mization appropriate to his value system.
    
                'Involuntary1 activities differ in that the
                criteria and options are determined not by
                the individuals affected but by a controlling
                body.  Such control may be in the hands of a
                government agency, a political entity,  a lead-
                ership group, an assembly of authorities or
                'option makers,' or a combination of such
                bodies.  Because of the complexity of large
                societies, only the control group is likely
                to be fully aware of all the criteria and
                options -involved in their decision process.
    
            With these general criteria, Starr derives a risk multiplier
    of four orders of magnitude difference between voluntary and involun-
    tary exposure for equivalent benefits as shown in Figure 8-1.2
    
            However, data derived on the basis of the more restrictive
    definition used here show a much smaller risk multiplier.  Table 7-2
    and Table 7-4 from Chapter VII provide one basis for comparison
    between total risks and involuntary risks, respectively.  In making
    such a comparison, however, the size of the populations at risk must
    be taken into account.
    
            a.  Commercial Airlines
    
                If one assumes that all citizens have access to commercial
    airlines, and that risks to people on the ground are to the same
    Istarr, op. cit.
    
    2Starr, op. cit., p. 1234.
    

    -------
                                              135
                                        Figure 8-1
    
    
    
                                SUMMARY  OF RISK  FACTORS
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                                                       COMMERCIAL
    
                                                       •' 'IATION
    
                                        AVERAGE  Pf DUE TO
    
                                        DISEASE FOR ENTIRE
    
    
                                        US-
                           . MILITARY AGE GROUP
    
                                                ~'         INVOLUNTARY
    UOTOR
    
    VEHICLES
                0        40O       800       1200      1600       2000      2400
    
                        AVERAGE ANNUAL BENEFIT/PERSON INVOLVED (DOLLARS)
    
    
                Risk (/?)  plotted relative to  benefit (/i) for various kinds  of voluntary and
    
         involuntary exposure.
    From Starr,  Social  Benefit  versus  Technological Risk.
    

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                                    136
    
    population,1 then for an average value of 206.2 voluntary fatalities
    per year (total risk minus the involuntary risk) and an average value
    of 2.1 involuntary fatalities per year, a factor of nearly 100 results.
    
                Since a smaller higher risk population around airports was
    not used, one would expect this factor to be on the high side.   How-
    ever, Rasmussen, et al^ show a factor of between 30 and 70 for the
    probability of total air crashes with fatalities between 1 and 100
    over events with size consequences for persons on the ground.   The
    probable value of the factor is most likely between 10 and 100.
    
            b.   Military Air Crashes
    
                For a military population of three million for voluntary
    risks, a total of 88.6 fatalities per year on the average and a total
    U.S. population subject to the mean involuntary risk of 5.0 fatalities
    per year, the risk factor is
    
                  83.6 fat/yr       5.0 fat/yr
                                                 = 1,115            (8-4)
                 3 x 10& people   2 x 10B people
    
    This is a value which is perhaps 20 times or more greater than for
    commercial airlines.
    
            c.  Railroads
    
                Assuming like populations for voluntary and involuntary
    risks on railroads since all have access to trains and rights of way,
    a factor of greater than 20 results, based upon averages per year.
    However, since only two voluntary events are listed, the validity of
    the result is questionable.
    
            d.  Marine and Mines
    
                The data show no involuntary fatalities for catastrophic
    marine and mining accidents.  The number of involuntary deaths for
    marine accidents involves a very small population who live near or
    on water.  No conclusions can be drawn.  Although the 1972 Statistical
    -'-There is little question that the risk near commercial airports is
     higher than for the general population, but this population size was
     not obtainable.
    
    ^Norman Rasmussen, et al, "An Assessment of Accident Risks in U.S.
     Commercial Nuclear Power Plants."  WASH-1400, U.S. Atomic Energy
     Commission, August 1974, p. 189.
    

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                                    137
    
    Abstracts of the United States/provide data on the industrial fatalities
    of all industries, including nrLneral recovery, the record of involuntary
    deaths from such events as subsidence are not as easily available.
    The difficulties in obtaining data on involuntary risks from mines is
    discussed in Appendix B, since this area provides a good example of
    data deficiencies.
    
            e.  Bus, Auto,  Truck
    
                Pedestrian and bystander fatalities for catastrophic events
    are relatively high, with 2.2 involuntary fatalities per year for a
    total of 16.4 voluntary fatalities per year on the average; a ratio
    of about 7.5 to 1.
    
            f.  Total
    
                Aggregating data in Tables 7-2 and 7-4 for total fatalities
    over the 21-year period result in a 21 to 1 ratio.  The average
    fatalities per year result in the same ratio.  The validity of such
    aggregation is questionable.
    
            g.  Conclusion
    
                The risk multiplier for voluntary versus involuntary
    risks, at least for catastrophic events, ranges from about 10 to
    1,000 for different accident sources, with the larger value repre-
    senting military operations.  Airline data provide the largest data
    base, and result in a multiplier of about 100.  This value is two
    orders of magnitude lower than shown in Starr's data.
    
        2.  Avoidability of Risks and Alternatives to Risks
    
            When it is possible to avoid risks by simply choosing not to
    accept the risks, the existence of reasonable alternatives makes such
    choices more attractive.  Therefore, the avoidability of risk must
    always be considered in conjunction with available alternatives.  When
    the only alternative is to avoid the risk, the threshold of action is
    a function of the perceived degree of satisfaction by the risk taker
    of his status quo.  When the threshold is exceeded, the risk taker
    will flee or avoid taking the risk.  In the previous chapter, it was
    hypothesized that the threshold of avoiding the risk was a function
    of the degree of perceived satisfaction with the status quo, the type
    of risk, and the magnitude of the risk.  At this time, the hypothesis
    -'-Starr, op.  cit.
    

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                                    138
    
    remains untested, since there is sparse data available where people
    have chosen to avoid risk by fleeing on a permanent basis.  There is
    even less data on the perceived degree of satisfaction with the status
    quo.  Unfortunately, the design of experiments to gather such data is
    difficult because of the subjective nature of the concept.  As a
    result, this concept remains a speculative untested hypothesis.
    
            The investigation of the effect of different alternatives
    is another proposition.  Hedging and insurance are means used to
    alter the risk consequences to the risk taker or spread the risks
    among larger numbers of risk takers respectively.  When the risks
    are convertible to financial terms, the following section uses a set
    of non-financial data looking at the alternative risks of suscepti-
    bility to contagious diseases and the risks of vaccination.
    
            a.  A Regulatory Decision ^_ Involuntary Risk
    
                The highly contagious disease, smallpox (cariola), is no
    longer endemic in the United States and no challenges to the immunity
    of the U.S. population have occurred since 1949.1  Until 1971, approxi-
    mately 15 million smallpox vaccinations were performed in the United
    States each year.  Of these, six million were primary vaccinations.2
    The United States defense against smallpox until 1972 was based upon
    four principles:-^  (1) routine vaccination of the population, (2) vac-
    cination of travelers, (3) inspection of vaccination certificates of
    travelers returning or entering the U.S., and (4) investigation of
    suspect smallpox cases with rapid isolation and control of smallpox
    importations.
    
                The risk of infection and spread of smallpox in the U.S.
    is such that one can expect one importation of smallpox every 12
    years.^  Two of every three importations will cause spread, for which
    an average of 23 cases will occur in each outbreak, and a death to
    lj. Michael Lane, J. Donald Miller, and John M. Neff, "Smallpox and
     Smallpox Vaccination Policy," Annual Review of Medicine, Vol. 22,
     1971, pp. 251-272.
    
    2Ibid.
    
    3Ibid.
    
    ^"Vaccination Against Smallpox in the United States, A Reevaluation of
     the Risks and Benefits," U.S. Department of Health, Education, and
     Welfare, Public Health Service, Center for Disease Control, Atlanta,
     Georgia 30333.  Revised February 1972.
    

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                                    139
    
    case ratio of one-third will result in eight deaths per outbreak.!
    Based upon a population of 2 x 10^ people, and a frequency of occur-
    rence of 0.44 fatalities per year, the individual risk is 2.2 x 10~9
    fat/yr/ind.
    
                While vaccination is effective in preventing smallpox when
    properly administered, there are risks associated with vaccination
    (vaccinia).  There are approximately seven deaths per year associated
    with vaccination and in 1968 close to 500 cases involving morbidity.2
    For adult primary vaccinations, this results in a death rate of three
    per million, i.e., 3 x 10~6, with a significantly higher rate for
    children under one-year of age.
    
                The question addressed by the U.S. Department of Health,
    Education, and Welfare, the regulating agency, consisted of two
    alternatives:  (1) continue the present policy of compulsory measures
    as they relate to routine smallpox vaccination, and (2) immunize per-
    sonnel involved in health services and all travelers only, and drop
    compulsory measures.  In the latter case, only about one to four pri-
    mary adult vaccinations would be given each year, while six to fifteen
    million, including children, would be in the first case.
    
                If one assumes that the population has the opportunity to
    travel and to be vaccinated (either as a traveler or routinely), the
    individual risk rates are now lower than 9 x 10~8 fat/yr/ind for
    routine vaccination and 2.1 x 10~8 for travelers only.  A change in
    policy from routine vaccination to vaccination of travelers and
    health personnel (i.e., dropping the first of the four principles
    of smallpox defense, but retaining the other three) results in a
    reduction in individual risk of about 7 x 10~^ fat/yr/ind.  This risk
    avoidance alternative avoids present risks by over an order of magni-
    tude from the risk of smallpox importation of 2.2 x 10~9 fat/yr/ind.
    Thus, the selection of the second alternative, drop routine vaccination,
    was made by the Public Health Service in 1972,3 a regulatory decision
    involving involuntary risk to the population.
    
                Section b, involving a medical decision on alternatives
    of tetanus vaccination and antitoxin, and Section c, involving a per-
    sonal decision for influenza vaccine, are not complete at this time.
    ^Lane, et. al, op.  cit.,  p.  66.
    
    ^Lane, et. al, op.  cit.,  p.  266.
    
    -^Vaccination Against Smallpox in the U.S., op.  cit., p.  17.
    

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                                    140
    
    Expected data have not yet been received.   Later drafts will include
    these sections.
    
                In any case, risk alternatives, especially when the risks
    are of the same type in each alternative,  can be examined quantita-
    tively for both voluntary and involuntary risks, resulting in accept-
    able risk decisions.
    
                The existence of alternatives does affect the valuation of
    involuntary risks if they are not man-originated.  For example, people
    living in earthquake prone or tornado prone areas have the option to
    move to other less exposed areas.  Having such an option gives the
    risk taker and risk evaluator an illusion of voluntary risk, and re-
    sults in a lower negative valuation of the consequence.  The conten-
    tion here is that unless attractive risk alternatives are available,
    a benefit-risk trade off cannot be made.  Thus, the risk is still
    involuntary be definition, but the valuation of the consequence is
    sometimes similar to voluntary risk.  For example, a fisherman who
    knows no other trade could hardly move inland to avoid hurricanes,
    unless there was a new attractive alternative.  Knowing he could move
    inland, even without an alternative, gives the risk taker some
    apparent aspect of control over his destiny in the sense that he is
    "voluntarily" taking the imposed risk.  This apparent controllability
    changes the risk evaluation, but by definition the risk is still
    involuntary.  It is a case of involuntary risk where the risk taker
    changes his valuation of consequences through a perceived degree of
    personal control.
    
                If attractive alternatives do exist, and personal benefit-
    risk trade offs can be made, then the risk is indeed voluntary.
    
        3.  Discounting in Time
    
            There are many aspects to discounting in time and very little
    data to support quantitative assessments of risk multipliers in this
    area.  Furthermore, there are some special problems that arise when
    latent risks, risk to progeny, and irreversible world commitments are
    involved.  However, an attempt is made here to indicate the nature of
    time discounting factors.
    
            a.  The Discount Function
    
                The discount function is usually considered to be a
    negative exponential function of the form:
    
                                  e-at                              (8-5)
    

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                                    141
    
    where t is the number of time periods from the initiating event, and
    a is a constant reflecting the discount rate.  When one applies this
    concept and attempts to identify the value of "a" for different socie-
    tal discount functions, either probability of occurrence or the magni-
    tude of the risk valuation can be discounted.
    
                The underlying concept involved is based upon the implica-
    tion that often a choice must be made in the present time frame among
    two or more alternatives which have different effects on future risks.
    The risk taker is assumed to be indifferent between two risks at the
    present time if the discounted value of the future increased risk ratio
    of the two risk alternatives is reduced to unity.  The resultant dis-
    count rate is called the effective discount rate.
    
                From this model, one can infer minimum levels of effective
    discount rate from observation of societal behavior although, gen-
    erally, such experience results from ad hoc decisions as opposed to
    knowledgeable, analytical choices.  The future risk ratio can be based
    upon the lowest future risk condition so that the risks of the proposed
    alternatives are normalized.  If the probability of occurrence of the
    given consequence, t, periods in the future is denoted as po for the
    lowest risk consequence, and pj is the probability of occurrence of
    the higher risk consequence, t periods in the future, then the ratio
    of pj/PO is the increased risk that must be discounted to unity in
    terms of present value.  On this basis, the present discounted value
    of the increased risk is made equal to the present risk value of the
    least risk alternative.
                        Pj = P0e-at = Pod + i)~t                   (8-6)
    
    
    The right hand form of the equation is in discount rate form where:
    
                                i = ea - 1                          (8-7)
    
                              a = In (1 + i)                        (8-8)
    
    and i  the discount rate in decimal form.  The percent discount rate
    is found by multiplying i by 100%.   The form of some of these functions
    is shown in Figure 8-2.
    
                The original probability of occurrence, po, represents
    the increased probability of occurrence of a delayed consequence re-
    sulting from an event initiated at time zero (no delay).   The proba-
    bility of the same delayed consequence is unity.  Thus, po is the
    increased risk over similar risks due to the initiating event.  When
    the value of the discounted probability equals unity, then discounted
    

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    142
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                                    143
    
    risk, p0, is equivalent to risks should the event not be initiated.
    Then, assuming that p-; equals unity, the ratio p^/po indicates how
    many time periods must elapse at a given discount rate for the
    increased risk to be discounted totally.  This method derives an
    "effective discount rate" for balancing a future risk.  The risk taker
    does not usually consider real discount in his deliberations on taking
    risks.
    
                This form is reasonable if the exact delay time of the
    consequence is known.  Most often the delay factor is itself a sta-
    tistical function.  For example, in the exposure of specific popula-
    tions to increased levels of radiation, the delay of onset distribu-
    tion tends to be Sigmoidl or approximately Gaussian.  For example,
    the Woodward and Fondiller study^ on lung cancers in uranium miners
    predicts the onset of cancers with a mode of 12 to 14 years for a
    Signioidal distribution.  In another study-^ on the latency period for
    185 cases of thyroid carcinoma from children with early childhood
    exposure to x-ray, the Sigmoidal distribution shows a modal latency
    period of nine years with a mean about 12 years.  There are other
    similar studies available.
    
                The proper discounting function would have to be integrated
    over the latency period distribution.  However, a central value esti-
    mate of the distribution, such as the mean or the mode, can be used
    to provide a first order estimate.  Since only gross conclusions will
    be drawn here, such use of central values should suffice.
    
            b.  Voluntary Risk Effective Discount Rates
    
                One particular voluntary risk with delayed consequences
    is cigarette smoking.  Here, for the individual benefit of smoking,
     The Sigmoidal curve is skewed more toward higher time values from the
     mode than a Gaussian curve.
    
      Probable Numbers and Cost through 1985 of Lung Cancer Cases,"
     Woodward and Fondiller, Inc., 1967, Appendix 7, Hearing before the
     Subcommittee on Research, Development, and Radiation of the Joint
     Committee on Atomic Energy, Ninetieth Congress, First Session, Part
     2, pp. 975 and 1007.
    
    3G. W. Dolphin and S. A. Beach, "The Relationship Between Dose
     Delivered to the Thyroids of Children and the Subsequent Development
     of Malignant Tumors," Health Physics, Pergamon Press, Vol.  9, No. 12,
     December 1963, pp. 1385-1390.
    

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                                    144
    
    the individual increases his probability of certain diseases after
    smoking for a period of time in years.   The 1974 report on "The
    Health Consequences of Smoking"! provides the following ranges of
    increased risk of disease to smokers:
    
                                  Range of  Increased Risk of _    .
                Disease            Smokers  over Non-Smokers    ^° ^j
    
        Lung Cancer^
          All Smokers                  7.61 to 14.20
          Heavy Smokers                4.9   to 23.9
        Chronic Bronchitis3            3.6   to 21.2
        Emphysema                      6.9   to 25.3
        Coronary Heart Disease
          (Male Smokers)4                   2
    
                The time of onset of the disease ranges from five years
    upward to 20 years or more.  The exact  time distribution of disease
    onset and the distribution of increased risk are not well established.
    However, one can speculate that true distribution lies within certain
    ranges for their values.  With this in  mind, a table of discount  rates
    may be constructed as shown in Table 8-4 for mean values of the ratio
    of increased risk and the mean value of the delay of onset distribution.
    For example, if the increased risk to smokers has a mean value of 10
    and a mean value of onset of 20 years,  then the smoker who accepts
    this increased risk is using a 12.2% effective discount rate.
    
                While one may question the  validity of this example,  it
    does indicate that the discount rate for this voluntary risk most
    Likely exceeds 6%.
    
            c.  Involuntary Discount Rates
    
                One example of involuntary risk is that of individuals
    exposed to radiation from nuclear industry facilities.  These people
    who have potential exposure are outside the fence of plant and receive
    no direct benefit from it.  If one assumes a linear dose effect
    lMThe Health Consequences of Smoking," U.S. Department of Health,
     Education, and Welfare, Public Health Service, January 1974.
    
    2Ibid., p. 53.
    
    3Ibid., p. 101.
    
    4Ibid. , p. 15.
    

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                                                               145
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                                    146
    
    relationship as recommended by the BEIR Report,1 an estimated background
    dose rate of 150 millirems per year and an exposure of 25 millirems per
    year as recommended by the EPA, the following discount rate calculation
    can be made:
    
                        P0   175 mrems
                        — =	_	_ = (1 + i)20                  (8-9)
                        Pj   150 mrems
    
    Where 20 years is an estimate of the latency period from the BEIR
    Report, the effective discount rate is:
                                i = 0.77%                          (8-10)
                This represents an estimate of the effective discount
    rate specified by the EPA2 as  an acceptable delayed involuntary,
    statistical risk.  It is a discount rate of a factor of one to two
    orders of magnitude less than that for voluntary risks.
    
                As a check on this, the present standard of five rems per
    year for radiation workers'* who receive direct benefits for accepting
    risk up to these levels involves a discount rate of 22% or comparing
    this value with the 0.77% above shows a ratio of 28 to 1 between volun-
    tary and involuntary exposure discount rates established by regulatory
    agencies of the Government,  Note that the purpose is to estimate
    societal discount rates set by society or regulating bodies operating
    for society, not to determine acceptability here.
    
                Another regulatory example of prevention of exposure of
    involuntary population to the delayed consequence of increases in
         Effects on Populations of Exposure to Low Levels of Ionizing Radia-
     tion, Advisory Committee on the Biological Effects of Ionizing Radia-
     tion, Division of Medical Sciences, National Academy of Sciences,
     National Research Council, 1972.
    r\
     EPA, in its proposed uranium fuel cycle standard, has proposed a level
     of 25 millirems per year for exposure to individuals whereas in pro-
     posed Appendix I to AEC Regulation 10CFR50, AEC recommends a design
     level of 5 millirems via air pathways and 5 millirems via water path-
     ways to a maximum exposed individual.  The AEC level represents an
     effective discount rate of 0.32%
    
    3Federal Radiation Guide.
    

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                                    147
    
    cancer is the Delaney Clause of the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic
    Actl which states for food additives:
    
                That no additive shall be deemed safe if it
                is found to induce cancer when ingested by
                man or animal, or if it is found, after
                tests which are appropriate for the evalua-
                tion of the subtlety of food additives, to
                induce cancer in man or animal, ....
    
    In this case, no discount rate is acceptable.  Zero exposure (within
    an ability to define zero in terms of measurement) is the only
    recourse allowed.  There is considerable controversy on this matter,
    but even if relaxation should occur, this author expects that prudent
    public health actions by regulatory agencies would keep the effective
    discount rate very low.
    
            d.  Progeny
    
                The exposure to risk by an individual can result in the
    consequence occurring to his progeny as opposed to himself.  Any risk
    that involves mutagenetic consequences is a direct example where
    future generations are affected.  The impact on the raising of
    children in a household without parents as a result of accident
    involving both parents causes parents to have a different valuation
    of consequences than they might otherwise consider.
    
                Basically, although the consequence is delayed, the problem
    is also a problem of spatial distribution.  Identification of progenic
    consequence recipients is different from identification of the
    individual exposed to risk event.  Furthermore, the effects may be
    to the specific offspring of the exposed individuals or it may be a
    statistical increase of effects to future generations, such as
    changes in the genetic pool.
    
                An example of increased risk to specific progeny is the
    exposure of young people, and most likely women are more susceptible
    than men, to radiation exposure from occupational, medical, and acci-
    dental related activities.  The first two activities bring specific
    benefits to the individuals at risk and the latter may not.  However,
    there is little evidence available to draw conclusions.  As larger
    populations are exposed, increase in genetic pool changes becomes more
    likely.
    ^Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act, Section 409c(3)A.
    

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                                    148
    
            e.  Irreversible Commitments
    
                When events taking place in the present affect risk
    consequences in the future and cannot be altered once committed, an
    irreversible condition occurs.  Contamination of the world environ-
    ment from long-lived radionuclides (such as plutonium from nuclear
    weapons and nuclear power sources) and freon contamination of the
    upper atmosphere ozone layer are two examples.
    
                The problem is one of trading short-term benefits for
    an identified group against long-term involuntary risks for a large
    statistical population, in some cases yet unborn.  Can such long-
    term involuntary risks be discounted?  Although subject to change as
    society becomes more knowledgeable about such commitments, the first
    conclusion would have to be answered negatively based upon the
    following reasoning:  (1) voluntary risks to individuals may be dis-
    counted by some risk takers for discount rates that range from 6% to
    50% per year; (2) involuntary risks to individuals are lower than
    these levels; (3) involuntary risks to populations are regulated by
    Government in the U.S. in the fractional percentage discount range,
    e.g., 0.5%; (4) irreversible risks would be expected to be discounted
    at some factor below involuntary risks to the population; the latter
    are already at fractional levels; and lower levels as required for
    irreversible commitments would tend to be meaningless in terms of
    discount;  (5) risks that are committed in the future with essentially
    an infinite fine space will occur (theoretically) since the "laws of
    proability" are perfect in eternity.
    
        4.  Spatial Distribution of Risks
    
            There seems to be a great deal of qualitative information on
    spatial distribution of risks, especially identifiable versus statis-
    tical risk differences.  For example, society will spend millions of
    dollars to extricate children who have fallen into abandoned wells
    while little or no money is spent in eliminating the hazards.  An
    ounce of prevention may be worth a pound of cure, but the investment
    in prevention is not often made for low probability events.  It is
    not until  the cure  to an identifiable individual or group is considered
    that sizeable investments are made.
    
            Another axiom is that all medical practitioners should have
    considerable clinical experience, lest the medical researcher treat
    patients as statistics while the clinical practitioner treats them
    as individuals  (at  least attempts to).
    
            Qualitative data for voluntary risks are available, but this
    is a measure of the propensity for risk taking, not for consideration
    

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                                    149
    
    of spatial distribution of risks.   Unfortunately, in the several
    cases involving involuntary risk and regulatory decisions that were
    investigated, the basis for decisions did not involve consideration
    of risk to risk recipients and no consideration of statistical dis-
    tribution of risk.  The risks examined in these cases were legal risks
    in the sense of what was the chance of being brought to court in a
    class action suit if no action was taken.  Further investigation is
    in progress, but no quantitative data can be reported at this time.
    
        5.  Controllability of Risks
    
            a.  Natural versus Man-Originated Risks
    
                It is important to distinguish that there are avoidable
    and unavoidable catastrophes that society faces.   Those which are
    avoidable generally stem from two conditions:  (1) where society is
    able to do something to prevent the catastrophe;  or (2) where indi-
    viduals, by changing their exposure to potential  risks, can reduce
    the chances of being involved.
    
                In order to differentiate between both types of avoidable
    catastrophes and unavoidable catastrophes, two classifications of
    catastrophes can be considered:  (1) natural disasters, and (2) man-
    made disasters.  In the former case, natural disasters are avoidable
    only by choosing a place to live which has a lower probability of
    such disasters, while man-made disasters are avoidable both directly
    and by choice of potential exposure.
    
                Two sources of data provide some estimate of the difference
    in risk between natural and man-originated events.  The first in the
    Starr and CONSAD data shown in Tables 8-1 through 8-4.  For catastro-
    phic events, the Starr data result in average risk rates for natural
    catastrophes for the world population in the order of 0.99 fat/yr/105,
    and 0.032 fat/yr/105 for man-originated catastrophes.   The multiplier
    here is on the order of 30.  However, if the CONSAD data for man-
    originated risks of 0.22 fat/yr/105 are used, the multiplier is
    closer to 5.
    
                The second source of information is derived from two
    separate presentations in the Rasmussen Study,! which are combined
    in Figure 8-3 to show the frequency of events versus the number of
    fatalities for both natural and man-caused events.  From this data
    are seen that man-caused events have risk rates for events that exceed
    natural events where the events have smaller numbers of fatalities per
     Rasmussen, op.  cit. ,  pp.  227-228.
    

    -------
                                  150
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                                  NATURAL*,
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                                        T •
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                                N (FATALITIES)
                             Figure 8-3
    
           FREQUENCY OF TOTAL NATURAL AND MANMADE EVENTS
                  WITH FATALITIES GREATER THAN N
      Data from:   Reactor Safety Study (Draft) WASH-1400
                  U.S. Atomic Energy Commission, August 1974
                  pp. 227-228 combined
    

    -------
                                    151
    
    event, but this condition is reversed at higher numbers of fatalities
    per event.  A high dependence on the size of the consequence is
    indicated.
    
                The two sets of data are not directly comparable since
    the Rasmussen datal does take into account the populations at risk,
    only the event frequency for varying consequence magnitudes.  In any
    case, a risk multiplier of between 5 and 30 would seem reasonable and
    one order of magnitude difference, a reasonable approximation.
    
            b.  Protected and Exposed Populations
    
                The extent to which protected or exposed populations are
    willing to reject or accept higher levels of catastrophic risk depends
    upon many factors, many subjective and situational.  However, several
    generalizations may be in order.
    
                First, it would seem from the data above that society will
    accept nature as an adversary at levels of risk much higher than for
    man and man-made activities.  Nature's catastrophes are sometimes
    called "acts of God" which provide some insight to society's regard
    for these events.  They are beyond control by man, therefore, one
    accepts them.  One may argue that the populations at risk could move
    to safer areas.  However, one must consider the fact that all popula-
    tions cannot live in the low seismic activity, low flood potential,
    low weather event areas, since these are limited in number.  Often,
    one natural threat cancels another such that many East Coast areas of
    low seismic activity are areas of high hurricane and flood potential.
    More importantly, the way of life of many people has been developed
    over many generations based upon the assumption of natural risk for
    their livelihood.  The fishermen living on the sea coast and the
    operators of tourist industries are examples.  They have learned to
    live with these risks imposed by nature and their way of life may be
    centered on these and associated risks.
    
                Secondly, many risks are assumed voluntarily with reasonable
    knowledge of the risk.  Passengers on airplanes, autos, trains, and
    ships are usually aware of the risks assumed on at least a qualitative
    basis.  However, the convenience, mobility, and timesaving benefits of
    using these modes of travel offset the additional risks in the mind of
    the risk agent.  In these cases, that is, as a passenger, the risk
    agent is getting the benefit as well as the risk.  In many cases, such
    as the air crash into an apartment house near an airport runway,
    

    -------
                                    152
    
    the residents in the apartnent house are assuming risks,  however small,
    without directly receiving the benefits.  Thus,  these latter risks
    are accepted on an involuntary basis.   The conclusion that one finds
    inescapable is that various groups in society will willingly and knowl-
    edgeably accept relatively high risks to obtain  particular benefits if
    the risks are taken on a voluntary basis.  Conversely, those upon whom
    risks are imposed on an involuntary basis are willing to  accept these
    risks if they are man-made and avoidable, and the risk taker does not
    directly receive the benefits.
    
            c.   Perceived Degre_e of Personal Control
    
                When one gets behind the wheel of an automobile, a trade
    off is made on a voluntary (perhaps not consciously, or the actual
    decision was made when one decided to be a driver) basis  where the
    risk of an accident is balanced against the benefits of low cost,
    rapid mobility.  In 1973, there were 55,800 fatalities and 2,000,000
    disabling injuries in the United States,^ a death rate of 27.9 per
    100,000 population.  About 12,000 of the fatalities involved pedes-
    trians or pedal cycles where it may be presumed  that the  driver was
    not personally at risk.
    
                Does the average driver accept this  risk on his own, or
    are other processes involved for which the driver discounts this
    level of risk?  Any answer to this question must involve  psychological
    response of drivers; and in the absence of experiments to attempt to
    identify and quantify such processes, the author can only make ob-
    servations based upon his own experience.  At least two processes
    seem to exist.
    
                First, spatial distribution is involved in the "it won't
    happen to me" syndrome.  Automobile risks are considered  as statis-
    tics until someone the driver knows personally is involved in an
    accident or the driver witnesses a serious accident.  In these cases,
    the risks are brought home to the risk taker, and for some time there-
    after tends to drive more cautiously than usual.
    
                Secondly, the driver possesses certain skills and perceives
    that he has some control over the risks involved through driving
    skillfully and cautiously, and perceives that his reflexes will help
    him avoid serious  situations.  The perception of such control may be
    quite different from reality  since, in 1973, 67.1% of all fatal
     Accident Facts, op. cit.
    

    -------
                                    153
    
    accidents and 79.9% of all accidents involving improper driving of
    some type.   Further, many readers may have experienced the situation
    as a passenger with another driver where he unconsciously presses a
    nonexistent brake pedal.  A good driver seems to feel he is in control
    of the situation.
    
                Thus, the risk factor considered is the perceived degree
    of control of the risk taker, not the actual degree of control which
    may be quite different than subjective perception.  For example, the
    risk taker may be a poor, accident prone driver who will not admit
    his shortcomings, even to himself.
    
                Driving is but one case for which most readers have
    personal experience.  Motorcycling, swimming, skiing, and other sports
    provide other examples.  However, when traveling on a commercial air-
    plane one looks to others for special expertise to minimize hazards,
    namely the pilot and crew.  In this case, positive systemic control
    is sought, not personal control.
    
            d.  Degree of Systemic Control
                              ^
                Accident Facts  provides some indication of the degree of
    systemic control for accident related activities in terms of both
    absolute numbers of deaths and the death rate.  These are summarized
    in Table 8-5 based upon death rates.  The trends indicate that some
    systems do show "learning curves" and are under positive systemic
    control.  Others that show lack of control involve personal voluntary
    risks, such as ingestion of food or poisons, and are not easily sub-
    ject to control without restriction of personal freedom.
    
                Regulatory agencies, such as the Occupational Safety and
    Health Administration, Food and Drug Administration, Department of
    Health, Education, and Welfare, have had major programs aimed at pro-
    viding systemic control in the work and home environments with obvious
    success.  These agencies have spent billions of dollars over the years
    to achieve systemic control and, as a result, society as a whole has
    accepted the idea that positive systemic control of risks for different
    activities is, indeed, desirable and worth the money invested.
    
    F.  SUMMARY OF RISK FACTORS
    
        It has not been possible to cover all risk factors in this chapter
    at this time, primarily due to the paucity of available data and the
         . , p. 48.
    2Ibid. , pp. 10-13.
    

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    preliminary nature of this study.   Previously, a summary of risk
    factors have been included in Table 8-1 as a means of indicating the
    scope of risk factors and their complexity.  The table is self-
    explanatory.
    
        1.  Risk Factor Interrelationships
    
            Up to this point, risk factors have been discussed for con-
    venience, as if they were independent.  However, the risk factors are
    not necessarily independent of one another and possible interrelation-
    ships are shown in Table 8-6.  The basic separation of risk factors
    is for voluntary and involuntary risks.  Each remaining risk factor
    is attacked differently by voluntary and involuntary risks.
    
            The risk factors discussed can be related to the risk struc-
    ture of Chapter III in the sense that risk evaluation is altered.  A
    summary of such interrelationships is shown in Table 8-7.
    
        2.  Numerical Summary of Societal Risk Experience
    
            In order to provide a base line for risk comparison, a compila-
    tion of societal risk experience levels for different kinds of risk is
    a first step.  A brief compilation for the United States follows, with
    emphasis on how the information was derived for basic societal risk
    experience from all causes of risk of specific type.  Three types of
    consequences are considered:  (1)  fatalities for which the data base
    is most firm, (2) injuries, and (3) property damage for which the
    data is less substantiated.  The risk experience level is denoted as
    AIJ for a risk of type i of consequence type j.
    
            a.  Man-Made Involuntary Catastrophic Risk ^
    
                This is the base data taken from the CONSAD Report^ and
    probably represents the least tolerable type of risk for which society
    is concerned.
                         Fatalities AH = 10"? fat/yr/ind
                           Injuries A^2 = 5 x 10~7 inj /yr/ind
                    Property Damage A]^ = $.02/yr/ind
    1CONSAD Report, op. cit.
    

    -------
                                                               156
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                A risk adjustment factor to convert from fatalities to
    injuries of five is evident from this data.
    
            b.  Man-Mad e Involuntary Ordinary Risk ^_ A2j
    
                A risk adjustment factor for ordinary risk from catastrophic
    risk factors was derived in equation 8-2.  This represents a factor of
    50 over the A'S.
                   Fatalities  A21 = 5 x 10~6 fat/yr/ind
                     Injuries  A22 = 2.5 x 10~5 inj/yr/ind
              Property Damage  A23 = $1.00/yr/ind
            c.  Natural Involuntary Catastrophic Risk j^ A3j
    
                A risk adjustment factor of 10 is used to convert man-made
    risk levels to natural risk experience levels.  This represents a
    central value of the range shown in Table 8-2 as a ratio of natural
    to man-made catastrophes.
                         A31 = 10~6
                         A32 = 2.5 x 10-6 inj/yr/ind
                         A33 = $.20/yr/ind
    
    
                Accident Facts-*- reports natural cataclysms for three
    years (1968-1970) which resulted in an average of 239 fatalities per
    year (standard deviation - 166).   This represents a death rate of
    1.2 x 10~6 fat/yr/ind and compares quite closely with A-31-
    
            d.  Natural Involuntary Ordinary Risk ^ A4j
    
                A risk adjustment factor of 500 over AIJ is used.  It
    is made up of a factor of 10 for conversion from man-made to natural,
    and a factor of 50 from catastrophic to ordinary risk.
    
                         A41 = 5 x 10-5 fat/yr/ind
                         A42 = 2.5 x 10-4 inj/yr/ind
                         A43 = $10.00/yr/ind
    -^-Accident Facts, op. cit., p. 12.
    

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                                    160
    
                The A43 property damage number seems to be somewhat high.
    Table 8-8 shows an average value of $1.02 for insured fixed property
    losses.  Assuming that only 70% of insured losses are fixed property,
    and only one-half of all losses are insured, A43 would be closer to
    $3.00 than $10.00 per year per individual.  Therefore:
    
                        A43 = $3.00/yr/ind
                        A44 = $1.02/yr/ind
    
    where A44 refers only to fixed property losses.
    
                The A4i fatality number is also high.  The Accident Factsl
    data show an average value of 1,344 fatalities per year (standard
    deviation - 40.5) for ordinary (cataclysms subtracted out) natural
    fatalities.  This is a rate of:
    
                            = 6.7 x 10~5 fat/yr/ind
    
    using a fatality-injury factor of 5:
    
                        A42 = 3.6 x 10"5 inj/yr/ind
    
                These revised numbers indicate a man-made to natural
    adjustment factor of about 7 instead of 10.
    
            e.  Man-Made Voluntary Catastrophic Risk ^ Ajjj
    
                Data here are obtained directly from the CONSAD data
    shown in Chapter VII.
    
                        A51 = 2.1 x 10~6 fat/yr/ind
                        A52 = 2.3 x 10-6 inj/yr/ind
                        A53 = $.35/yr/ind
    
                Note that the risk adjustment factor of 5 between fatali-
    ties and injuries does not hold here.
    
            f.  Man-Made Voluntary Ordinary Risk j^ A5j
    
                Overall accident death rates may be derived from Accident
    Facts^ after natural causes are removed.  This results in 113,713
    1Ibid., p. 12.
    
    2Ibid., p. 12.
    

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                                    161
    
                                Table 8-8
    
                 PROPERTY DAMAGEl FROM NATURAL DISASTERS2
                         (From Insurance Facts)3
                              Total Dollars        Dollars per Individual
    Year                      (x millions)         	in U.S. 4	
    
    1963                        $   11                    $  .06
    1964                           148                       .74
    1965                           652                      3.26
    1966                            57                       .29
    1967                           160                       .79
    1968                            90                       .45
    1969                           185                       .92
    1970                           360                      1.80
    1971                           160                       .79
    1972                           212                      1.06
    TOTAL                       $2,035                    $10.16
    
    MEAN                           204                      1.02
    
    STANDARD DEVIATION             184                       .92
     For insured fixed property losses only.
    
    r*
    ^Hurricanes, tornados, floods, earthquakes, windstorms, hail.
    
    -'Insurance Facts, op. cit. ,  pp.  43-45.
    
    ^Based on population of 2 x
    

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                                    162
    
    fatalities (standard deviation - 770)  per year over a three-year
    period.   Thus:
    
                       A61 = 5.7 x 10-4 fat/yr/ind
    
                Accident Facts^ reports 14,028,000 bed disability injuries
    in 1973, 20,703,000 injuries which were not disabling, but involved
    restricted activity, and 26,189,000 injuries without restricted
    activity, a total of 60,921,000 persons injured.
                      (bed disabling)  = 7 x 10~2 inj/yr/ind
               (activity restriction)  = 1.0 x 10~1 inj/yr/ind
                 A&2 (no restriction)  = 1.3 x 10~1 inj/yr/ind
    
                          A62 (total)  = 3.0 x 10~1 inj/yr/ind
    
                Insurance facts indicate that total insurance premiums
    for property damage of about $38 billion were written in 1972.   Pro-
    perty damage losses of about $32 billion were experienced as follows:
    
                          Fire - $ 2.3 billion
                          Auto -  19.1 billion
                          Work -  10.4 billion
                         Other -   0.2 billion
                This results in a property damage figure per individual
    of about $160.00.
    
                       A£3 = S160/person/yr
    
                These risk experience factors are summarized in Table 8-9.
    It should be noted that all of the figures derived here are approxi-
    mations (e.g., a low population figure for the U.S. of 2 x 10° people
    has been used) and are yec to be validated.  They are shown here to
    provide some feeling for the different magnitudes of risk levels
    experienced by society for different types of risks.
    llb±d. , p. 2.
    

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                                                               TRACK A & B
                                CHAPTER IX
    
           DETERMINATION OF ACCEPTABLE LEVELS OF SOCIETAL RISK
    
    A.  INTRODUCTION
    
        A major aim of investigating the nature of risk is to determine
    what levels of risks of different types are acceptable to society,
    and to use this information as a basis for determining the accepta-
    bility of a new activity that involves new risks and benefits.
    There has been considerable controversy as to whether it is possible
    to rationally determine an acceptable level of risk for society,
    especially in the case of large but low probability accidents.   The
    intent here is to demonstrate that it is possible to set acceptable
    levels of risk for activities that affect society by developing a
    rational, repeatable, visible methodology that accomplishes this end.
    This does not imply that this methodology is the only one, or the best
    one, or even a good one; but by its existence demonstrates that the
    setting of acceptable risk levels is indeed possible.
    
    B.  REGULATORY IMPLICATIONS
    
        The Governmental role in such determinations involves regulatory
    activities through establishing standards, regulations, and guide-
    lines to limit the magnitude and inequitable distribution of invol-
    untary risks for which man has control.  This regulatory function
    generally only extends to limitations on involuntary risks when the
    activities impact other aspects of society (as opposed to the volun-
    tary risk taker) in an adverse manner.  It can be extended to cover
    voluntary risks in some cases.  For example, the act of suicide has
    a consequence not only to the individual involved but to his survivors,
    his insurance company, his creditors, etc.  Further, the benefit of
    the act to the individual involved, if it may be thought of as a
    benefit in the form of relieving oneself of problems of living, is
    situational and, in some cases, irrational.  Both the State and the
    Church have laws, regulations, and moral codes which attempt to make
    this act as unattractive as possible.  Thus, Government is involved in
    regulating voluntary as well as involuntary risks to some extent.
    
        The object here is to develop a methodological approach to deter-
    mination of an acceptable level of risk for new activities based upon
    comparison with risk experience in society for similar types of risks.
    
    C.  METHODOLOGY FOR DETERMINING ACCEPTABLE LEVELS OF SOCIETAL RISKS
    
        A methodology for establishing acceptable levels of societal risk
    for a new activity can be stated in a general fashion along with some
    
                                    164
    

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                                    165
    
    quantitative value judgments that are certainly arguable.  The purpose
    is to outline an approach to this problem, and then apply it to speci-
    fic cases to see if it has validity and utility in setting such levels.
    As such, the methodology involves several sequential steps.
    
        1.  Balancing Costs and Benefits
    
            The direct and indirect societal benefits of a proposed
    activity must be balanced against the total direct and indirect
    societal costs of the activity.  Risks are one aspect of the societal
    cost.  This balance is the type overall  cost-benefit analysis sought
    in environmental impact statements under the National Environmental
    Policy Act of 1969 and a goal of technology assessment activities.
    These balances must be made on at least three different levels of
    impact:  (1) local balance, (2) national balance, and (3) world balance,
    and often result in qualitative value judgments as opposed to numerical
    balances.  This is primarily due to the difficulties of measuring
    intangible values and of obtaining adequate data.  However,  the quali-
    tative balancing often is precise enough to allow most neutral parties
    to agree on a ranking of four different levels:  (1) favorable - the
    balance is overwhelming in favor of benefits over costs at the societal
    level; (2) marginal - the balance is slightly positive or even in
    considering benefits over costs; (3) unfavorable - costs generally
    outweigh the benefits; and (4) unacceptable - costs far outweigh
    societal benefits.  The qualitative levels will provide a means of
    determining the acceptable risk levels for a new activity in a sub-
    sequent step.
    
        2.  Achieving "As Low As Practicable" Risk Levels
    
            Once a balance is achieved, the question of further  risk
    reduction must be addressed in terms of its cost-effectiveness.  In
    other words, have the risks to achieve a given level of benefit been
    made as low as possible by increasing efforts to reduce risk?  Incre-
    mental costs to achieve lower risk levels must be factored into the
    balance of the previous step.
    
            Although there have been many attempts to define the concept
    of "as low as practicable," one definition considered here is:   when
    the incremental cost per risk averted is equivalent to similar costs
    for similar risks in society,  the system risk will be as low as prac-
    ticable.   This implies a relative level of "as low as practicable"
    based upon societal risk as a whole.  An alternative definition is:
    when the incremental cost per risk averted is such that a very large
    expenditure must be made for a relatively small decrease in  risk as
    compared to previous risk reduction steps, then the activity causing
    the risk is as low as practicable.   This implies a relative  risk for
    

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                                    166
    
    the particular activity in question.   Another alternative involves
    defining the average practice of the best industry processes.   In any
    case, for whatever method selected, quantification of this level is
    made in the same manner as acceptable risks in the final steps of this
    methodology, but is also affected by the level of balance in the first
    step.  That is, when the benefits are overwhelming, one may tend to
    spend more to reduce risk than otherwise.  In a marginal situation,
    costs to reduce risk may begin to tip the decision balance for going
    ahead with the activity one way or the other, while in favorable cases
    it may call for spending on risk reduction to be as safe as possible-'-
    and to buy public acceptance may be warranted.  Some aspects of control
    of planned releases of iodine from nuclear power plants are considered
    to be examples of the latter situation by some observers.  The in-
    creased cost of mine safety as a result of new laws has made some
    mines marginal producers and is an example of the first case.
    
            The amount society will pay to avoid a risk and the acceptable
    level of societal risk are different concepts.  The first is a rela-
    tive concept, and is based upon what society does to reduce other
    similar risks.  The second concept is an absolute one and involves
    direct valuation of the residual risks of an undertaking even after
    as low as practicable levels have been achieved.
    
        3.  Reconciling Identified Risk Inequities
    
            When the overall cost-benefit analysis is made and is
    favorable, still various inequities may exist for specific value
    groups.  Those who assume the risks may not always receive the bene-
    fits or the risk may not be evenly distributed among the benefit
    receivers.  If this condition occurs, the risk must be identified and
    the nature and type of risk must be ascertained.  These risks can then
    be compared against the level of risk that society is experiencing for
    similar types of risk.2  In the absence of actual data on similar types
    of risk, the risk multipliers developed in the previous chapter may be
    applied to determine the threshold of acceptability in terms of proba-
    bility of occurrence for the particular type of consequence.  This
    level of societal risk experience for a specific type of risk will be
    designated by AI, the societal risk experience factor for risk of
    -'-"Safe as possible" implies implementation of a level of safety well
     beyond the "as low as practicable" level.
    
    ^Note activities causing risk are not compared.  The risks of acti-
     vities are compared with similar risks in society independent of
     source.
    

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                                    167
    
    type i; and can be measured either in terms of individual risk per
    year,or number of risks per 100,000 people per year, or the risks to
    a specific value group expressed individually or collectively.
    
            These risk inequities are imposed since an undertaking with
    some benefits to a segment of society are to be implemented.   What pro-
    portion of the involuntary risk inequity, as expressed by the societal
    risk experience factor A-^, is acceptable in terms of increased risk
    to obtain broad societal benefits?  That is, society is already
    experiencing a given level of involuntary risk of the type being
    considered.  What increase in the present risk level (as a fraction
    of the existing level) will society accept to gain the broad  benefits?
    For example, should the introduction of a new pesticide to assist
    agriculture be allowed to double the existing chance of exposing the
    general population to low levels of carcinogens?  This would  be too
    high a price to pay in the eyes of many, including the author.
    
            The following value judgments are offered by the author to
    provide a systematic approach to discounting the proportion of risk
    experience for a new or existing activity.  When steps one and two
    are made in establishing a cost-benefit balance, a proportionality
    factor, P, will be selected as follows:
    
             Benefit-Cost Balance             Range of P
    
                 Favorable                    10~1 - 10-2
                 Marginal                     10~2 - 10~3
                 Unfavorable                  10~4 - IQ-5
                 Unacceptable                      0
    
            In other words, the product of A^ and P provides a ball park
    estimate of that portion of acceptable risk levels for all similar
    risks that a new activity would be allowed to impose on society on an
    inequitable basis to obtain the overall benefit of the activity.
    
        4.   Determining Degree of Systemic Control
    
            It is not enough to accept the level of risk that society is
    experiencing at any one time as acceptable to society.   Society may
    be dissatisfied with the level of risks that they are experiencing,
    and if so, will want to reduce the risks (never raise them unneces-
    sarily) .   While different expenditures can be more or less effective
    for different activities in reducing risks, the concept of degree of
    systemic controllability, as discussed in detail in Chapter V, must
    be considered.   Five levels of controllability are readily evident:
    (1)  demonstrated positive control - positive control exists  in the
    form of demonstrated learning curves based upon empirical data;
    

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                                    168
    
    (2) proposed positive control - positive control has been proposed and
    designed, but not yet implemented or even proven feasible in an empiri-
    cal manner; (3) demonstrated level control - control a steady level of
    safety as demonstrated by empirical data; (4) proposed level control -
    a system proposed to operate with no worse than a steady level of
    control; and (5) uncontrolled - no control evident and risks may
    increase with implementation and use.
    
            The desirability of these systemic levels of controllability
    is a value judgment for any given case, but it is possible to examine
    some generic values for controllability.  The controllability factor
    is denoted by G.
    
                  Degree of Control              Range of G
    
             Demonstrated Positive Control       1.0
             Proposed Positive Control       5 x ICT* - 1 x 10~1
             Demonstrated Level Control      10~1 - 10~2
             Proposed Level Control          10~2 - 10~3
             Uncontrolled                    10~4 - 10~5
    
        5.  Risk Acceptability
    
            As a result, the acceptability is the product of three
    factors, A-^, P, G, such that the acceptable level of inequitable
    risk impact, R^, is:
    
                            R± = A± x P x G                          (9-1)
    
    The actual level of risk by the project of type i must not exceed R^
    or at least be in the same order of magnitude.
    
            For example, a project with a favorable balance and a proposed
    positive control might allow some exposure to man-made involuntary
    catastrophic risks such that:
    
                 AI = 10~7 deaths/yr/ind
                 A2 = 5 x lO"7 injuries/yr/ind
                 A3 = $.02 property damage/yr/ind
                 P = 5 x 10~2 risk proportionality factor
                 G = 2 x 10"1 controllability factor
                 R! = 10-7 x 5 x 10-2 x 2 x 10-1 = io-9 deaths/yr/ind
                 R2 = 5 x 10~7 x .05 x  .2 = 5 x 10~9 injuries/yr/ind
                 R3 = $.02 x .05 x .2 = 2 x 10~4 dollars/yr/ind
    

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                                    169
    
    These must then be compared to the actual risk level from the activity
    to be undertaken.  Thus, the actual level of risk cannot exceed 10"?
    deaths/yr/ind or 5 x ICT? injuries/yr/ind or 2 x 10~4 dollars/yr/ind,
    or at least be in the same order of magnitude.  The latter rule allows
    some of the uncertainty and subjective imprecision to be preserved in
    the final judgment.
    
            Sensitivity analysis can be used to test the value judgments
    and allow examination of their criticality.
    
    D.  JUSTIFICATION OF THE VALUE JUDGMENTS
    
        1.  Risk Proportionality Factor
    
            The risk proportionality factor is based upon the concept that
    any activity undertaken by man produced some inequity in the balancing
    of benefits and costs to different groups in society.  For example, an
    extremely beneficial program to society, such as elimination of cancer
    as a cause of death, might very well decrease the life span of those
    not susceptible to cancer, since the resultant lower death rate might
    increase the age of  the population and competition for scarce resources,
    including food and other medicines.  The question that must be
    addressed, then, is:  how much increase in risk will society accept
    for a new beneficial activity?
    
            First, the new risk must be compared to the totality of
    similar risks to which the involuntary risk takers are subject, since
    absolute risk by itself has little meaning until one gets down to
    the threshold of absolutely uncontrollable risk, such as the proba-
    bility of the sun exploding in one's lifetime or the risk of being
    killed by a meteor.   There seems little question that if a single
    activity doubled man's total involuntary risk probability it would
    most likely be unacceptable.  However, strictly as a value judgment,
    an extremely beneficial activity to society as a whole might be
    acceptable if the increase of involuntary societal risks were less
    than 10% of the total involuntary risk level.  This, then, is the top
    level for the risk proportionality factor.  At a level of one part in
    a hundred for increased risk, there would probably be little question,
    and even risks with less total benefit would probably be acceptable.
    
            However, as  the benefit-cost balance becomes marginal, at
    least another factor of 10 seems justified.  If the activity is
    unfavorable, but the benefits to some members of society still warrant
    implementation, a factor of 100 below marginal would seem reasonable.
    Unacceptable balances must not result in increased risk requiring a
    zero multiplier.
    

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                                    170
    
            This reasoning is solely the value judgment of the author.
    At least one can consider the values as "straw men" to be "torn down."
    Further, the values expressed are quite gross and are further subject
    to uncertainty in the rigor of definition of favorable, marginal,  and
    unfavorable balances.
    
        2.  Degree of Control Factor
    
            Since the level of acceptance of the risk proportionality
    factor is based upon a fraction of the type of risk that society is
    experiencing at any given time, those systems which demonstrate de-
    creasing levels of societal risk are usually desirable.  This is evi-
    denced by the investment in existing technological systems to con-
    tinually reduce risk.  In addition, if the risks in the system are
    demonstratably under control, those exposed to risks are usually
    fully aware of the risks and the degree of protection afforded.  For
    imposed involuntary risks, there is little incentive for those who
    are satisfied with their "status quo" to flee although they may have
    such an option.  However, if such control has not been demonstrated,
    but is only proposed or in the process of implementation, confidence
    in such a system will be lacking.  Depending upon the level of commit-
    ment, a derating by a factor of two to five does not: seem unwarranted
    for proposed positive control that has not yet been demonstrated.
    
            If the rate of risk is not decreasing or increasing, one has
    "level" control.  This is less desirable than positive control since
    it represents a different commitment by system benefactors to invol-
    untary risk takers or an achieved physical limiting point.  A de-
    rating factor of about one to two orders of magnitude is proposed.
    
            Further derating is based upon even less apparent commitment.
    For example, although building codes attempt to minimize risks to
    fire, etc., in new buildings, the variability of these codes around
    the nation, and the general attitude of "let the buyer beware" indi-
    cate that the degree of control in buildings and structures seems to
    be relatively uncontrolled.  To some extent the risks may seem to be
    voluntary under a "buyer beware" but if information on risk is with-
    held with the intent to hide it from the risk taker, the risks are
    involuntary.  Again, the concept and the value assignments may be
    argued independently or jointly.
    
        3.  Societal Value Judgments
    
            The values assigned to the risk proportionality and degree of
    control factors are basically non-technical and represent the type of
    value judgment that all members of society can participate in making,
    individually and collectively.  The judgments are stated in broad
    

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                                    171
    
    terms with consequences which everyone can relate to.  This is a
    major factor in the usefulness of such a methodology.
    
            The societal risk experience factors are measured directly,
    and the cost-benefit balances and degree of control determination
    require technical analysis.  However, when these are measured or
    analyzed in a valid, credible manner, the basic value judgments are
    entirely societal and non-technical.
    
    E.  SUMMARY OF THE METHODOLOGY
    
        When a new activity imposing risks upon society is to be imple-
    mented, the first step is to make a balance of the cost and the bene-
    fits, at least on a qualitative basis.  In making this examination,
    one must identify all of the risks from the activity that are imposed
    upon society and various groups within it to determine if the risks
    identified have been reduced to as low as practicable levels.  The
    degree of favorability of the cost-benefit balance is used to deter-
    mine what proportional increase in similar type risks, already being
    experienced by society, will society accept to achieve that benefit.
    The risk acceptance level that results is further altered by con-
    sidering the degree of control that the new system being implemented
    exhibits in attempting to reduce the risk to society over reasonable
    time periods.  The resultant risk acceptance level for each type risk
    is then compared with the actual level of risk of the activity for
    similar types of risk.
    
        If the actual levels of risk exceed the acceptance level by more
    than an order of magnitude, then the activity is deemed unacceptable.
    In this case, two options remain.   The first is to drop the activity
    and not implement it.  The second is to apply higher degrees of con-
    trol on the activity to reduce the risks upon society.  Of course,
    in doing this, the cost-benefit balance will change and the system
    may be forced to operate at levels that stretch technology to the
    limits.  Actions, such as demonstrating positive control as opposed
    to just proposing it, can also be used to change the level of accept-
    ability factor.  However, a new proposed activity may be stuck with
    a "proposed control."  The point is that if one does not achieve a
    level of acceptability, it does not necessarily mean that the activity
    should be discarded forever, but that further steps must be taken to
    reduce the risks or change the risk, cost-benefit balance.  When this
    is accomplished, the system may then achieve an acceptable level.
    

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                                    172
    
    F.  ACCEPTABLE LEVELS OF RISK FOR NUCLEAR POWER PLANT CATASTROPHES
    
        1.  Background
    
            The Rasmussen Report^ has provided an estimate of the invol-
    untary, catastrophic risk of an accident at a nuclear power plant on
    the general public.  The analysis attempts to argue that the risk is
    low comparable with other types of risks, but no attempt is made (and
    properly so) to justify these risks as acceptable.   However, this
    does provide a vehicle to test the methodology.
    
        2.  Implementation
    
            Step 1.  Cost-benefit relationship.  Most paper studies on
    nuclear reactors have shown a favorable cost-benefit relationship;
    however, actual practice leaves something wanted.  Until the following
    questions can be finally answered in a favorable manner, nuclear
    energy has a marginal cost-benefit balance at best:  (1) suitable
    means for ultimate disposal of wastes; (2) adequate safeguards to
    prevent diversion of nuclear materials; and (3)  ability of plants to
    operate at planned levels with achieved, planned efficiencies.  The
    first two considerations are primarily environmental and social, the
    last one economic.  On this basis, the risk proportionality factor,
    P, as shown in Section C.3 of this chapter, ranges from 10" 2 to 10~3.
    The experience factors, AI, as derived previously,  are:
    
     AI (fatalities from catastrophic incidents) = 10~7 fat/yr/ind
     A2 (fatalities from ordinary incidents)     = 5 x 10~6 fat/yr/ind2
     A3 (injuries and chronic diseases)          = 5 x 10~7 inj/yr/ind
     A4 (damage to property)                     = $.02/yr/ind
    
            Step 2.  Achieving "as low as practicable" risk levels.  Based
    upon proposed 10 CFR 50 Appendix 13 and forthcoming Environmental
    iRasmussen Report, op. cit.,
    
    ^Based upon a catastrophic/ordinary risk multiplier of 50.
    
    -^Concluding Statement of the Position of the Regulatory Staff, Public
     Rulemaking Hearing on Numerical Guides for Design Objectives and
     Limiting Conditions for Operation to Meet the Criterion "As Low As
     Practicable" for Radioactive Material in Light-Water-Cooled Nuclear
     Power Reactors, Docket No. RM-50-2,  U.S. Atomic Energy Commission,
     February 1974.
    

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                                    173
    
    Protection Agency standards for the uranium fuel cycle,-'- the reactor
    design technology will meet the "as low as practicable" test to the
    extent that these standards and regulations are complied with.
    
            Step 3.   Degree of systemic control.   There is little question
    that the record of operation demonstrates level control and that posi-
    tive control is proposed.  Although no serious accidents have occurred
    in the short period that reactors have been operating, it has not been
    adequately demonstrated that learning curves for accidents of all
    kinds actually exist.   As a value judgment, a factor of 0.33 for G
    seems a reasonable choice.
    
            Step 4.   Reconciliation of risk inequities.  The inequitable
    risk is an involuntary, catastrophic risk to the general population
    living near reactors.   Although they may receive power from these
    reactors and tax relief as close neighbors, other forms of energy pro-
    duction could provide these same benefits, but with differing levels
    of involuntary,  catastrophic risks.  The acceptable risk levels are
    calculated from equation 9-1 as follows, with the limits of uncertainty
    shown:
                      1CT7 x ID"2 x .33 = 3.3 x 1Q-10
          (cat fat) =
                      10~7 x ID"3 x .33 = 3.3 x lO"11
    
                      5 x 10-6 x 10-2 x .33 = 1.6 x 10-8
    
                      5 x 10-6 x 10-3 x .33 = 1.6 x 10~9
    
                      5 x 10-7 x io-2 x .33 = 1.6 x 10~9
    
                      5 x 10-7 x iQ-3 x .33 = 1.6 x IQ-i
    
                      $.02 x ID"2 x .33 = 6.7 x 10~5
    
                      $.02 x 10-3 x .33 = 6.7 x 10~5
    
        3.  Comparison with Calculated Risk
       (ord fat) =
    R3 (inj & pd)=
       (prop dam)=
                                                        fat/yr/ind
       fat/yr/ind
       inj/yr/ind
    dol/yr/ind
            The Rasmussen Report2 assigns a probability to the individual
    risk of an acute fatality for 100 reactors of 3 x 10"9 per individual.
     U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, "Environmental Radiation Stand-
     ards for Nuclear Power Operations," 40 CFR, Part 190, unpublished
     draft, January 1975.
    "Rasmussen Report, op. cit.,  p.  188.
    

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                                    174
    
    However, this is for all fatalities.  Therefore, the probability of
    fatalities from events with less than 10 fatalities must be calculated.
    This may be accomplished from the probability distribution for
    fatalities^ by integrating this distribution for the probability of
    events with numbers of fatalities from one to nine as described in
    the general case in Appendix A.  This integration results in a proba-
    bility of a fatality from an ordinary event of 3 x 10~4 fat/yr.
    The population exposed is 15,000,0002 and the risk rate is 2 x 10"!-1
    fat/yr/ind.  When this is subtracted from the total fatality rate of
    3 x 10~9 fat/yr/ind, the remaining catastrophic rate is within 1% of
    being identical to the total.  However, there is some argument that
    the estimate of the Rasmussen Report for large accidents is under-
    stated by as much as a factor of 10.3  This only holds for large
    events and does not affect: the ordinary risk rate.  Furthermore, the
    initial factor of 3 x 10~9 fat/yr/ind is only for acute fatalities.
    Delayed fatalities from latent cancers must also be included.  These
    are essentially equal in magnitude to the acute effects.^  These can
    only be discounted at a rate less than 1% per year since these risks
    are involuntary.  (See the previous chapter on effective discount
    rates.)  So, for a 20-year latency period, these can only be weighed
    by a factor of 0.8.  Thus, the ordinary and catastrophic risk rate
    for fatalities must each be doubled or multiplied at best by a
    factor of 1.8.
    
                M! (cat fat)  = 5.4 - 54 x 10~9 fat/yr/ind
                M2 (ord fat)  = 3.6 x 10~H fat/yr/ind
                M3 (inj & pd)5= 3.2 x 10~8 inj/yr/ind
                                $.10/yr for 15 x 106 people
                MA (prop dam)6=
                                $8.0 x 10-3/yr for U.S. population
    1Ibid., p. 153.
    
    2Ibid., p. 156.
    
    -^See Environmental Protection Agency comments on the Rasmussen Report.
    
    ^Rasmussen, op. cit. , p. 161.
    
    5Ibid. , p. 174.  Total of risks from acute illness, latent cancers,
     thyroid  injury, and genetic damage.
    
          . , p. 174.  Based upon a total of 1.6 x 10& dollars/yr.
    

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                                    175
    
            These risk rates are tabulated against the acceptable levels
    of risk in Table 9-1.   In making risk level comparisons,  the lowest
    end of the range of the risk rate exceeds the highest end of the
    range of acceptable level of risk by over an order of magnitude for
    catastrophic fatalities, injuries, and property damage.   Conversely,
    the fatality rate from events with less than 10 fatalities is well
    below the acceptable level.
    
            It should be recognized that this is only a demonstration of
    the methodology, not a rating of nuclear power acceptability.   How-
    ever, assuming the results are reasonable, one can conclude that
    nuclear reactor accidents contribute involuntary catastrophic risk
    to society above acceptable levels.  This risk contribution is from
    the potential large consequence, low probability event since the
    ordinary risks are acceptable.   It Is this type of event  which differ
    entiates the nuclear reactor from other types of energy production.
    
            The comparison over the ranges for uncertainty for the three
    unfavorable balances result in risk rates exceeding the acceptable
    levels by factors of:
    
            Fatality - Catastrophic - 16 - 1640
                             Injury - 20 - 200
                    Property Damage - 1.2 x 102 - 1.6 x
    
            The lower end of these ranges indicate that, with slight
    improvement, fatalities and injuries can be brought within the order
    of magnitude band of methodology imprecision.  More is required for
    property damage, but adequate insurance can offset this condition.
    
        4.  Sensitivity Analysis - An Optimistic Case
    
            In order to test the assumptions made above, an optimistic
    case for nuclear power may be postualted.  Assume that all outstanding
    problems on waste disposal,  etc., have been solved and that positive
    systemic control has been demonstrated.  For this case, the risk pro-
    portionality factor, P, and the degree of control factor  are optimum.
    
                                P = ID"1
                                G = 1
    
    On this basis, the risk acceptance levels become:
    
                    R! (cat fat)  = 10~8 fat/yr/ind
                    R2 (ord fat)  = 5 x 10~7 fat/yr/ind
                    R3 (injury)    = 5 x 10~8 inj/yr/ind
                    R4 (prop dam) = $.002 yr/ind
    

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    176
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
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                                    177
    
    However, if the benefit-cost balance is as favorable as postulated,
    one would expect more nearly 1,000 reactors to be built than the 100
    used in the Rasmussen Report.  As a result, the measured risk rates
    might have to be increased by a factor of 10, but requires further
    study.   Table 9-2 summarizes these.  In this case, the lower end of
    the range for catastrophic fatalities and the measured risk rate for
    injuries are within the one order of magnitude range of methodology
    imprecision.  Only property damage exceeds the acceptable level of
    risk, but as indicated before, adequate insurance can cover this risk.
    The cost of the insurance does affect the benefit-cost ratio.
    
            In other words, assuming that the lower level of catastrophic
    fatalities can be met, and that adequate insurance for property
    damage is bought, the postulated no-problem nuclear industry would
    be acceptable.
    
    G.  ACCEPTABLE LEVELS OF RISK FOR LIQUIFIED NATURAL GAS (LNG) AND
        LIQUID PROPANE GAS TRANSPORT (LPG)
    
        As a further demonstration of the utility of the methodology, the
    acceptable level of risk for transportation of liquified natural gas
    by special tanker and for transportation of liquid propane gas by
    truck and truck-pipeline combinations  is  examined here.  The basic
    data on risk of fatalities are obtained from a study made by John A.
    Simmons for the Environmental Protection Agency.1  This study provides
    an event-tree analysis of the risks involved in these transportation
    modes,  and makes estimates of the fatalities that might be expected
    in the industry at the present time, and provides some perspective on
    future risks.  In using this data, no attempt is made to ascertain
    the validity of the Simmons estimates, since they will be reviewed
    and argued on their own merits separately in a different forum.  The
    results are used here primarily as an exercise to demonstrate the
    utility of the methodology for determining risk acceptance, not for
    a final determination as to the acceptability of these technologies.
    The uncertainties in the estimates, which range from 10 to 1/10,
    preclude this at this time.
    
        1.   Background Information on LNG and LPG Transportation Hazards^
    
            The reason for considering both LNG and LPG in this study is
    the similarity of their hazards and the large volume transported (or
    Ijohn A. Simmons, Risk Assessment and Transport of LNG and LPG.   Draft
     version - final report for contract 68.01.2695, Environmental Protec-
     tion Agency, Washington, D.C.  November 25, 1974.
    
    ^Excerpted from Simmons, op. cit.
    

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    178
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
    
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                                    179
    
    planned to be transported).   Both are highly volatile liquids such
    that spills may create extensive flammable plumes.   The plumes are
    negatively buoyant and tend to lie flat on the ground or water.   On
    the other hand, there are important differences.   LNG is a cryogenic
    liquid consisting primarily of methane and is stored at atmospheric
    pressure.  LPG is a compressed gas consisting primarily of propane
    and is stored at ambient temperature at a pressure of about 100 psig.
    Because of this, a spill results in the immediate flashing of 30 to
    35 percent into vapor.
    
            About 90% of the LPG, 20 x 1Q9 gallons in 1973, is transported
    by truck or a combination of pipeline and truck.   The average truck
    load is 4,370 gallons.  By 1980 to 1985, it is expected that the U.S.
    will be importing 24 x 109 gallons of LNG, which is equivalent to
    2.06 x 1Q12 cubic feet of natural gas, in tank ships carrying approxi-
    mately 32.5 x 1Q6 gallons each.  Experiments with a few thousand
    gallons of LNG suggest that the accidental rupture of a single cargo
    tank could result in an LNG pool in water 1,500 feet in diameter and
    a vapor air cloud which might remain flammable for a distance of
    several miles downwind.  Examination of accidents involving spills
    of LPG and other volatile fuels indicates that a major fraction of
    deaths, injuries, and property damage is caused by flash fire in a
    large flammable vapor plume formed prior to ignition.  In some cases,
    explosions and even detonations may result when a portion of the
    plume has infiltrated a building or other confined region.
    
            Other types of fires, such as liquid pool fires, often cause
    extensive property damage, but only infrequently cause fatalities
    and injuries.  The explosive rupture of LPG tanks because of over-
    heating in a fire is another mechanism which may cause fatalities.
    However, because it is stored at ambient pressure,  this type of
    accident is unlikely for LNG.
    
        2.  Implementing the Methodology for LNG and LPG Risks
    
            Step 1.  Cost-benefit relationship.  Assuming the need for
    energy, liquified and natural gases and liquid propane gas are highly
    desirable alternates because of their low pollution burden when
    burned.  The cost of LNG may or may not be competitive with other
    forms of energy, but sufficient potential for profit would seem to
    exist based upon the rate of investment of the industry.
    
            LPG has already demonstrated its cost-effectiveness for
    areas where natural gas pipelines are unavailable or natural gas is
    in short supply.  On this basis, a P-factor of 10~1 seems to be rea-
    sonable- to assign for both LNG and LPG, since benefits far outweigh
    costs.
    

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                                    180
    
            Step 2.  Achieving "as low as practicable" risk levels.   New
    LNG tankers use double-wall containers and new methods of storage
    for LNG indicate that such storage facilities are relatively immune
    to accidents caused by failure of the containers due to the low
    temperatures involved.  Their susceptibility of earthquake, airplane
    crash, ship collision, and other types of major accidents,  still
    require further analysis.   The double-walled tanker with separate
    containers seems to be a reasonable means of minimizing risk, but
    other cost-effective measures may still exist.
    
            For the purpose of this exercise, it will be assumed that
    tankers meet the criteria for "as low as practicable" risk reduction.
    Thus, the P factor for LNG tankers remains 10~1.
    
            LPG trucks and truck-pipeline combinations have been used for
    many years, and reviewing the types of accidents that have occurred
    over the years, as reported by Simmons,! it seems evident that more
    safeguards are possible at reasonable incremental costs.  This is
    only a "snap value" judgment, but a reduction of the P factor by a
    factor of two to five seems reasonable.
    
            The adjusted P factors are:
    
                        PLNG = lo-1
                        PLPG = 5 x 10-2 - 2 x 10-2
    
            Step 3.  Degree of systemic control.  The degree of systemic
    control for LNG and LPG can be examined on either an absolute basis
    through examination of the trend of the number of fatalities per year
    or on a relative basis associating the number of fatalities with the
    amount produced.  A plot: of LPG production and fatalities per year
    is shown in Figure 9-1.  Both actual numbers of deaths per year and a
    five-year running average are shown.  On an absolute basis, the
    number of fatalities is slowly rising.  On the other hand,  LPG pro-
    duction is growing on an exponential rate (the amount produced is
    nearly equal to the amount transported by pipeline, truck,  or truck-
    pipeline combination).  The number of fatalities per million gallons
    produced is decreasing.
    
            The degree of sjrstemic control is, therefore, dependent upon
    which criterion is chosen to represent the control function.  On an
    absolute basis, slightly negative, or at best level systemic control,
    is observed.  On a relative basis of amount transported, positive
     Simmons, op. cit.
    

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                   181
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                                    182
    
    systemic control is observed.   A value judgment may be made in order
    to assure that further possible controls are not ignored,  and a
    derating factor of two to five might be reasonable.
    
            There is an inadequate data base for LNG shipments, but since
    segregated, double-walled tankers are used, the same value as for LPG
    will be assumed.
    
            Step 4.  Reconciliation of risk inequities.  The risks imposed
    by the transportation of LNG and LPG are involuntary risks resulting
    from proximity to routes used in transportation.  Both catastrophic
    risks and ordinary accident risks are involved.  The A factor for
    involuntary risks is 10"7 fatalities per year per individual for
    catastrophic risks, a factor of 50 higher for ordinary risks as dis-
    cussed in the previous chapter.
    
                   AI (cat fat)  = 10-7 fat/yr/ind
                   A2 (ord fat)  = 5 x 10~6 fat/yr/ind
                   A3 (injuries) = 5 x 10"7 ini/yr/ind
                   A4 (prop dam) = $.02/yr/ind
    
            Step 5.  Risk acceptance levels.  Sets of risk acceptance
    levels can be determined for both LNG and LPG transport risks.
    
            LNG - Catastrophic risk acceptance level:
    
                      10~7 x 10-1 x 2 x 10-1 = 2 x 10-9
           R! (LNG) =
                      10"7 x io-l x 5 x 10-1 = 5 x 10-9
    
            LNG - Ordinary risk acceptance level:
    
                      5 x 10-6 x 10-1 x 2 x 10-1 = 10-7
           R2 (LNG) =
                      5 x 10-6 x ID-1 x 5 x 10'1 = 2.5 x 10~7
    
            LNG - Injuries risk acceptance level:
    
                      5 x ID'7 x 10~! x 2 x 10~1 = 10~8
           R3 (LNG) =
                      5 x 10-7 x 10-1 x 5 x 10-1 = 2.5 x 10~8
    
            LNG - Property damage risk acceptance level:
    
                      $.02 x 10-1 x 2 x 10-1 = 4 x 10-4
           R4 (LNG) =
                      $.02 x 10-1 x 5 x 10-1 = 1 x 10-3
    

    -------
                                    183
    
            LPG - Catastrophic risk acceptance level:
    
                       ID"7 x 2 x ICr2 x 2 x 10-1 = 4  x lO"10
            R! (LPG) =
                       10-7 x 5 x 10-2 x 5 x 10~1 = 2.5 x 10~9
    
            LPG - Ordinary risk acceptance level:
    
                       5 x 10-6 x 2 x 10~2 x 2 x lO'1  = 2.0 x 10~8
            R2 (LPG) =
                       5 x 10-6 x 5 x 10-2 x 5 x 10~1  = 1.25 x 10~7
    
            LPG - Injury risk acceptance level:
    
                       5 x 10-7 x 2 x 10-2 x 2 x 10~1  = 2 x 10~9
            R3 (LPG) =
                       5 x 10-7 x 5 x 10-2 x 5 x 10-2  = 1.25 x 10-9
    
            LPG - Property damage risk acceptance level:
    
                       $.02 x 2 x 10-2 x 2 x 10~1 = 8  x 10~5
            R4 (LPG) =
                       $.02 x 5 x 10-2 x 5 x 10~1 = 5  x 10~4
    
            It is important to note that the ranges of uncertainty have
    been preservedl by specifying the upper and lower  limit.
    
        3.  Risk of Fatalities from LNG and LPG Accidents
    
            The accidents considered in the Simmonsl study are limited to
    accidents which lead to the formation of a flammable plume.  Table 9-3
    reproduces the results of the study for leaks and  tank ruptures for
    LPG tank trucks and LNG tank ships.  An examination of this data shows
    (based upon the definition for catastrophic accidents of 10 or more
    fatalities without consideration of injury or property damage) that
    the data may be divided up into two categories; namely, that for the
    failure rate for catastrophic accidents and failure rate for other
    types of accidents.
    
            For LNG tank or transportation the catastrophic rate is 0.4
    fatalities per year, and for the other lesser accidents, it is .015
    fatalities per year.  For LPG truck and truck pipeline transportation,
    

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                                      184
    
                                   TABLE 9-3
    
                            LNG and LPG  Risk Estimates*
    Accident Frequency
    LPG Tank Trucks LNG
    Fatalities
    Per Accident
    0.001-0.003
    0.003-0.01
    0.01-0.03
    0.03-0.1
    0.1-0.3
    0.3-1.0
    1.0-3.0
    3.0-10
    10-30
    30-100
    100-300
    300-lxlO3
    Ixl03-3xl03
    3xl03-lxl04
    A 4
    1x10-3x10
    *Reproduced from
    Transport of LNG
    
    Leak
    3.5
    4.6
    2.9
    1.4
    0.50
    0.15
    0.046
    0.011
    1.2xlO~3
    4.2xlO~3
    _
    _
    _
    _
    Tank
    RUpture
    1.30
    1.7
    1.1
    0.86
    0.54
    0.17
    0.047
    0.021
    3.3xlO~3
    1.2xlO~4
    _
    	
    _
    „
    
    Leak
    _
    _
    3.5xlO~3
    4.9xlO~3
    1.8xlO~3
    1.2xlO"3
    7.3xlO~4
    4.3xlO~4
    1.7xlO"4
    3.3x!0"5
    1.2xlO~6
    _
    _
    _
    (per year)
    Tank Ships
    Tank
    Rupture
    _
    -
    	
    2.0xlO~3
    1.6xlO~3
    1.3xlO"3
    9.0xlO"4
    6.2xlO"4
    3.8xlO~4
    2.2xlO"4
    l.lxlO"4
    5.6xlO~5
    1.8xlO~5
    - 7.4xlO~7
    John A. Simmons, Risk Assessment of Storage and
    and LPG. November 25, 1974
    (Draft) Final
    Report
    for Contract 68.01.2695, Sponsored by the Environmental Protection
    Agency,  p.5.
    

    -------
                                    185
    
    the catastrophic failure rate is . 1 fatality per year, and that for
    other types of accidents is 1.1 fatalities per year.
    
            Of these fatalities, Simmons estimates that 76% are fatalities
    that do not involve employees of the company and are in the area of
    involuntary risk.  The total U.S.  population is subject to risk from
    LPG tank trucks since the shipments of liquid propane by truck occurs
    throughout the country on almost all of our roads.   The population
    exposed to risks from LNG tankers is harder to estimate since it is
    primarily located at and near LNG equipped seaports.   A population-at-
    risk of 10 million people has been chosen to be used in this example
    and has not been verified, but seems to be a reasonable number from
    examination of the number of seaports and the people living within
    reasonable distances of those seaports at any given time.
    
            For LPG, Simmonsl has provided a "soft" estimate on injuries.
    For the 36-year period from 1938-1973, there were 453 reported
    injuries from LPG fires and explosions with a mean number of 12.6
    injuries per year with a standard deviation of 46.5.   No data were
    found for LNG for injuries, and data on property damage for both are
    even more suspect.2
    
            A summary of these risk estimates and the involuntary risk
    rates to individuals is contained in Table 9-4.
    
        4.  Comparison Risk Rates with Risk Acceptance Levels
    
            Table 9-5 compares measured risk rates (M)  against risk
    acceptance levels (R) for LNG and LPG fatalities.  It should also
    be noted that this example only represents a partial examination of
    acceptable risk levels since only dealing with consequences involving
    fatalities and LPG injuries.  As a result, the conclusions here are
    incomplete since injury data for LNG and property for both must still
    be obtained.
    
            For LNG the measured risk rates are at least an order of
    magnitude below the lowest end of the range for both ordinary and
    catastrophic risk acceptance levels.  At least in terms of risks
    leading to fatalities, LNG must be judged as meeting acceptable levels
    of risk.
    llbid.
    
    ^Data for property damage for both LNG and LPG were never requested
     prior to 1971.  Data for 1972 and 1973 exist, but are too soft to
     include as yet.
    

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                                    188
    
            LPG is a different case.   Ordinary event and injury risk rates
    are over an order of magnitude below the low end of the range of the
    risk acceptance level.  However,  for catastrophic events, the measured
    risk rate exceeds the highest end of the range of the risk acceptance
    level by a factor of 40.  Even if complete positive systemic control
    was demonstrated (a degree of control factor of unity, leading to a
    risk acceptance level of 5 x 10~9 fat/yr/ind), the measured risk
    would exceed the acceptable level of risk by almost an order of magni-
    tude.  One must conclude that catastrophic, involuntary risk from
    LPG transport is too high and is not acceptable to society in its
    present form, and increased effort and expenditure for risk reduction
    seem warranted.
    
    H.  EXTENDED USE OF THE METHODOLOGY
    
        The methodology can be used in a broader sense than illustrated
    previously.  Alternate technological systems can be evaluated against
    one another by applying the methodology to each system and then com-
    paring the results.
    
        The comparison can take place on different levels.  First, one
    can make a risk acceptance level comparison by calculating acceptable
    levels of risk for the different activities without regard to
    measured levels of risk.  This comparison provides some insight as
    to relative risk among the different systems.  For example, by com-
    paring the risk acceptance levels for fatalities in Tables 9-1 and
    9-5, both LNG and LPG have higher levels of acceptable risk than a
    nuclear industry with 100 power plants.  On the other hand, the
    optimistic case for nuclear power, as shown in Table 9-2, shows a
    balance in favor of nuclear energy over LNG and LPG.
    
        Secondly, one can make a comparison of the ability of measured
    risk levels to meet acceptable levels of risk for the alternate
    systems.  In this case, the ability of systems to meet acceptable
    levels is compared.
    
        In either case, this comparison is made only in terms of risk.
    It provides one parameter for comparison in an overall risk-cost-
    benefit analysis.  As such, the methodology only addresses the diffi-
    cult question of risk acceptance.  It may be used as part of a
    broader analysis, not as a substitute.
    

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                                                              TRACK A & B
                                CHAPTER X
    
                               CONCLUSIONS
    
        Risk is indeed a complex matter with many factors and variables.
    Too often risks are compared with one another erroneously since
    different risk factors are involved.  Essentially, "comparing apples
    with oranges" misrepresents the underlying processes and can provide
    a major disservice to society.  The purpose of this study has been
    to identify, to the extent possible, the existence of these factors,
    to provide some estimate of their sensitivity and impact on risk
    decisions, to attempt to quantify the effect of the different factors,
    and as a result, provide a basis for comparing like types of risks
    with each other.
    
        The difficulties in obtaining data on risks and risk factors are
    considerable.  For example, little data has been taken on cancer
    fatalities to determine which cases are involuntary or voluntary (such
    as workers taking risks on a knowledgeable basis).  Nevertheless,
    pertinent data can be obtained or synthesized (for sensitivity
    analysis) to provide useful insight and aid in decision making pro-
    cesses.  The risk factors associated with man-originated involuntary,
    catastrophic accidents is a case in point where reasonable data are
    available.
    
        Such data can be used to assure that new risks of the same type
    can be compared with existing levels of risk.  These comparisons allow
    methodologies, such as the one prescribed in Chapter IX, to be formu-
    lated to determine acceptable levels of societal risk.  Value judg-
    ments made in a visible, repeatable manner are an inherent part of
    such methodologies, imparting a subjective element into their applica-
    tion.  However, the impact of these value judgments must not be
    masked by improper data comparison resulting from oversimplification
    of the problem.
    
            There are several major conclusions which can be identified
    as a result of this effort.  They are:  (1) the factors affecting
    risk valuation can be identified and studied in detail to provide
    better understanding of this extremely complex individual and societal
    problem; (2) oversimplification of the risk problem can lead to mis-
    representation of risk conditions and levels of risk acceptance;
    (3) the effect of risk factors and individual propensity for risk
    taking can be measured, but detailed data in forms suitable for such
    analysis is indeed difficult to obtain since the existing basis for
                                    189
    

    -------
                                    190
    
    obtaining data does not usually allow the identified factors to be
    easily analyzed.
    
        Acceptable levels of risk for society can be obtained through
    examination of historic societal behavior to existing risks (when
    risks are known)  as an external referent, and comparisons of new
    risks against existing societal behavior for similar risks by pre-
    established methodologies.   The methodologies involve value judgments
    but, if made in a visible manner, can be argued and agreements and
    disagreements made specific.
    
        Two types of  societal value judgments are involved:   gross level,
    non-technical judgments as to the burden society will accept for an
    activity, and technical judgments as to the degree which given sys-
    tems most different levele benefit-cost balances and degrees of
    control.  The separation of these value judgments makes  it possible
    for all risk takers to participate in the key judgments  made at
    gross levels.  These gross value judgments do not imply  simplifica-
    tion; quite the contrary, they indicate the level of precision that
    is meaningful to  risk agents, and that further precision is fruitless.
    
        There is no question that considerably more effort must be expended
    in this area.
    
        It is hoped that this categorization and identification of risk
    factors and demonstration of at least one risk acceptance methodology
    will stimulate further efforts in the field.
    

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                                APPENDIX A
    
                   DIFFERENCES IN PRESENTATION OF DATA
    
        The validity of conclusions drawn from analysis of data depends
    wholly on the quality of the data base and validity of statistical
    inferences.  Comparison of results among different data bases are
    even more difficult to do in a valid manner.  Problems that must be
    considered involve the comprehensiveness of the data reporting system,
    the definition of reportable events and resulting ambiguity in report
    generation, along with valid use of statistical presentations.
    
        An example of the need to resolve statistical presentation methods
    is provided by the Rasmussen Report.1  Data are given for 51 events
    associated with the major U.S. hurricanes between the years 1900-1972.
    The consequence range from 6,000 fatalities to no fatalities.  Of
    these, 46 specific events having fatalities are individually listed,
    along with a single grouping of five events with no fatalities, but
    damages over $5 million.
    
        A cumulative distribution of the frequency of hurricanes with
    consequences greater than N is given, and reproduced as Figure A-l.
    Figure A-2 is a histogram of the number of events occurring in decade
    intervals for the 46 events involving fatalities.  On the basis of
    this histogram, the mode of the distribution is between 10 and 100.
    The mean value of the 46 events is 273.11 with a standard deviation
    of 915.95, and the total number of fatalities is 12,577.   However,
    when a log-normal distribution is used for the data, the mean number
    of fatalities is 34.24 with a standard deviation of 7.76.  The mean
    frequency of occurrence is 0.64 events per year, and probability of
    fatalities per year is:
    
         TT (normal distribution)     = 0.64 x 273.11 = 174 fat/yr    (A-l)
         N (log-normal distribution) = 0.64 x 34.24 = 22 fat/yr      (A-2)
    
    In order to gain the same information from the cumulative distribution
    shown in Figure A-l, the curve in Figure A-l must be integrated over
    the number of fatalities per event.  The expected value (EV) can be
    defined as follows:
    
          EV = p(l) x 1 + p(2) = P(3) x 3 H	+p(n)max x nmax       (A-3)
    
    where p(n) x n = probability of exactly n fatalities.  However,
    iRasmussen Report, op. cit. ,  pp. 202-204.
    
                                    191
    

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                            192
                        Figure  A-l
    
    
    HISTOGRAM OF MAGNITUDE OF U.S. HURRICANES (1900-1972)
            IN TERMS OF NUMBER OF FATALITIES (N)
                  ON A LOGARITHMIC  SCALE
         20 „
         15
       en
       -P
       C
       Q)
    
       H 10
    
       4-1
       O
       0)
                14
                           19
    11
                       10        100       1,000       10,000
    
    
                   Number of  Fatalities per  Event  (N)
    

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                                            193
                                       Figure A-21
              FREQUENCIES OF METEORS WITH CONSEQUENCES GREATER THAN N
    10-7
                          10?
                          100
    N (DOLLAMS)
        108
        1,000
    N (  Fatalities )
    1010
                                                                            	10->
                                                                                    1C«
                                                                                   105
                                                             10,000
                                             - — 10'
                                           100000
        -"-Rasmussen Report,  op. cit.,  p. 211.
    

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                                    194
    
               p(N > 1) = p(l) + p(2) + p(3)	P(n)max             (A-4)
    
    and:
    
               p(N > n) + p(n+l) + P(n+2) H	+p(nmax)             (A-5)
    
    Therefore:
    
               EV = p(N > 1) + p(N > 2) + p(N > 3) H	p(N > nmax) (A-6)
    
                                 n
                                  max
    where
                            EV =  >  p(N > n)
                                  n=l
                 number of events meas N > n   no. of events (N > n)
      p(N > n) = -- = - (A-8)
                  number of years measured              72
    
                = probability of an event with N > n occurring per year
    
    EV = 255.72 fat/yr for the integral of the curve in Figure A-l, and is,
    by definition, the best estimate of expected value.  This value is 46%
    greater than the mean value for a normal distribution.
    
        The integration of the cumulative curve for acute fatalities from
    100 nuclear power plants, as given in the Rasmussen Report,! results
    in an expected value of:
    
                             EV = 0.04 fat/yr
    
    for a population of 15 million people, resulting in an individual risk
    rate of 2.67 x 10"^ fat/yr /ind which compares closely with the value
    of 3 x 10~9 fat/yr/ind provided by the study.
     Rasmussen Report, op. cit.
    

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                                APPENDIX B
    
             AN EXAMPLE OF DIFFICULTY OF ANALYZING RISK DATA
    
        There is a wealth of data available concerning voluntary risks in
    the coal mining industry.  Annual reports from the U.S.  Department of
    Interior, Bureau of Mines, provide in-mine and work related fatalities
    in the form of Mineral Industry Surveys.   The data extends back at
    least as far as 1941.1  The overall industry trend in total fatalities
    per year is downward and the frequency rates of fatalities per million
    man-hours show a slight downward trend, indicating positive systemic
    control.  Analysis of different types of  mining operations and accident
    situations shows a variety of processes,  some positively controlled,
    some not.2  The decline of the number of  fatalities is even better if
    it is not measured in fatalities per year per individual but per tons
    of coal mined.  The efficiency or productivity of the industry/mine-
    worker (due to mechanization) has increased manyfold in the last 20
    to 30 years.  Hence, for the coal mined,  fewer workers are employed.
    In 1973, the total individual voluntary risk rate was about 1.1 x 10~3
    fat/yr/ind for 132 fatalities for about 120,000 mine workers.3
    
        On the other hand, involuntary risks  associated with coal mining
    are derived from subsidence of structures, refuse pile movement,
    refuse dam failure and ultra-active nuisance from abandoned mines
    and refuse piles.  The refuse dam failure at Saunders, West Virginia,
    in 1972, is well documented,1^ and indicated that 125 involuntary
    fatalities occurred.  However, these failures occur infrequently, and
    while workers in the field remember others, there is little documenta-
    tion to provide frequency and average number of fatalities.  More
    importantly, there is no record of the failures or failure rates of
     "Coal-Mine Fatalities in 1972," U.S.  Department of Interior,  Bureau
     of Mines, January 14, 1972.
    o
      Coal-Mine Fatalities in 1970," U.S.  Department of Interior,  Bureau
     of Mines, January 10, 1971.
    
    3"Coal-Mine Fatalities in 1973," U.S.  Department of Interior,  Bureau
     of Mines, January 1974.
    
    ^"Preliminary Analysis of the Coal Refuse Dam Failure at Saunders,
     West Virginia," February 26, 1972, U.S. Department of Interior Task
     Force to Study Coal Waste, HAZARDS, March 12, 1972.
                                    195
    

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                                    196
    
    such dams1 or the populations at risk as a result of a dam's existence
    that was found after exhaustive search and direct communication with
    the Mining Enforcement and Safety Administration (MESA).   In other
    words, there is inadequate data to compute the involuntary risk rate.
    This is also true for subsidence fatalities (if any exist) or involun-
    tary fatalities from U.S. refuse pile movement.  Likewise, the Bureau
    of Mines does not keep records of involuntary fatalities for all mines.
    They only record for U.S. controlled mines.  For example, there are
    some fatalities from old abandoned mines where workers or children
    may fall into a shaft, etc.  There are no records for such accidents.
    
        The problem is that, even if the events and magnitude of conse-
    quences were well documented, estimation of the actual population at
    risk is usually lacking.  The inescapable conclusion is that society
    has evidently never had a serious concern in the past with involuntary
    risks from industrial activity resulting in the lack of data.  The
    recently signed contract of the UMW has no provisions for involuntary
    fatalities from coal mining activities, while it has a great deal for
    the protection of the miners at work.  It may well be that the possi-
    bility of a large number of involuntary fatalities from the nuclear
    power industry are, for the first time, making the problem of invol-
    untary risk from man-made activities one of concern.
    •'-There is only a record in West Virginia of the most important of such
     dams as a result of the 1972 disaster.
    

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                                APPENDIX C
    
               CONSADl REPORT COMMENT ON CLASSIFICATION
                          OF INVOLUNTARY RISKS
    
        Classifying each accident within the chronology - as involving
    voluntary or involuntary risk - was problematic.  Accidents whose
    description specifically noted casualties to bystanders or other
    victims who could not reasonably be expected to have anticipated the
    possibility of such an event were classified as having an involuntary
    risk factor; in the absence of such specific mention, accidents were
    classified as involving only voluntary risk.  Undoubtedly, this type
    of arbitrary classification scheme, and its apparent lack of speci-
    ficity, poses some very real problems which should be recognized
    before attempting to use these figures in any specific context.
    
        An example of the weaknesses in this scheme can be found in the
    classification of accidents involving oil refineries and chemical
    plants.  In most cases, available information was very sketchy -
    sketchy in the sense that no clear indication was given regarding
    what segment, employees or residents of the surrounding area, suffered
    the casualties.  For example, an explosion at a chemical plant could
    involve injuries to employees, residents of the surrounding area, or
    both.   If the explosion involved injuries to employees only, the risk
    factor was considered voluntary on the grounds that those who work at
    the plant consciously accept the possibility of being involved in an
    accident when they make the decision to work there.  If the explosion
    involved injuries to residents of the surrounding area, the risk
    factor was involuntary - those who reside in the vicinity of the plant
    do not consciously accept the possibility of an accident at the chemi-
    cal plant directly involving them.
    
        Obviously, this interpretation is only one of many interpretations
    possible - another being that those residing in the vicinity of the
    plant consciously accept the risk of an accident at the plant in-
    volving them when they decide to establish residence near the plant -
    making the risk factor to them a voluntary one.  A case can be made
    for the viability of either instance.  Keeping the feasibility of
    those interpretations in mind, one could then deduce that there are
    very few instances of accidents involving involuntary risk - again,
    classification is very difficult and not entirely reliable.
    
        We fully recommend this classification - voluntary or involuntary
    risk factor - should be used always, keeping in mind the apparent
    weaknesses of the scheme.
    icONSAD, op. cit.
    
                                    197
    

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                                 GLOSSARY
    
    ACCURACY - The quality of being free from error.  The degree of accuracy
    is a measure of the uncertainty in identifying the true measure of a
    quantity at the level of precision of the scale used for the quantity.
    
    ALGORITHM - A standard set of procedures for solving a mathematical
    problem (as of determining the greatest common divisor) that frequently
    involves repetition of an operation.  An algorithm is an expression
    utilizing factors (some of these factors may even be intangibles)
    which can be assigned value; that is, which can be quantified.
    
    BAYESIAN STATISTICS - "Bayes 'rule' (Thomas Bayes, a 19th Century
    English mathematician and clergyman) states that the probability that
    both of two events will occur is the probability of the first multi-
    plied by the probability that if the first has occurred the second
    will also occur.  Bayesian statistics is a way of making quantity of
    information substitute for quality of information.  The problem lies
    in the fact that there are two kinds of probabilities:  the classical
    type derived from empirical information, and the subjective proba-
    bilities.   Bayesian statistics is based upon these 'subject proba-
    bilities'."  It is also called the joint probability of A and B.  The
    probability of the second event occurring if the first has occurred
    is called the conditional probability of the second, given the first.
    Stated another way, the probability of any event P(A) is always posi-
    tive but never greater than 1.  Symbolically, 0 v< P(A) ^ 1.  If P(A) =
    0, then the occurrence of the event (A) is considered impossible.  If
    P(A) = 1, then the occurrence of the event (A) is considered to be
    certain.
    
    CARDINAL SCALE (Interval Scale) - A continuous scale between two and
    points, neither of which is necessarily fixed.
    
    COMPONENT UTILITY FUNCTION - The utility assigned to a subgoal.
    
    COMPOUND UTILITY FUNCTION - The resultant utility function formed by
    combining a multiplicity of component utility functions by some mathe-
    matical or logical rule.
    
    DECISION MAKING - A dynamic process of interaction, involving informa-
    tion and judgment among participants who determine a particular policy
    choice.  Decision models denote either models of the decision making
    process itself, or analytical models (for example, decision trees,
    decision matrices) used as aids in arriving at the decisions.  Deci-
    sion theories usually are in relation to the process itself.
                                    198
    

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                                    199
    
    DECISION MATRICES - Matrices whose elements exhibit quantitative
    relationships (cardinal or ordinal) among sets of factors coming into
    play in the decision making process, such as tht relevance of a set
    of technologies to a set of missions (technology/mission matrix) or a
    set of scientific disciplines to a set of technologies (science/tech-
    nology matrix), or a set of resources (physical or otherwise) required
    for a set of research tasks (task/resources matrix), etc.
    
    DECISION TREES - A graphical display of logical relationships among
    actions or events to be considered in the pursuit of a given objec-
    tive, and exhibiting branch points where decisions must be made.
    
    EXTRINSIC PARAMETER - A variable whose value may be determined empiri-
    cally by direct nhysical measurement.
    
    HEURISTIC - An operational maxim derived from experience and intuition.
    
    IMPRECISION - The degree of inexactness for which a quantity can be
    measured.
    
    INACCURACY - The degree of error in identifying the true measure of
    a quantity.
    
    INTRINSIC PARAMETER - A variable whosa measurement is based upon the
    value system of an individual and his prevention of these values.
    
    NOMINAL SCALE (Taxonomy) - A classification of items which may be
    distinguished from one another by one or more proper ties.
    
    ORDINAL SCALE (Rank Scale) - An ordering (ranking) of items by the
    degree they obtain some criterion.
    
    PARADIGM - A structured set of concepts, definitions, classifications,
    axioms, and assumptions used in providing a conceptual framework for
    studying a given problem.
    
    PRECISION - The exactness with which a quantity is stated, i.e., the
    number of units into which a measurement scale of that quantity may
    be meaningfully divided.  The number of significant digits is a
    measure of precision.
    
    PREFERENCE - Assignment of rank to items by an agent when the criterion
    used is the utility to the ranking agent.
    
    RELEVANCE TREES - A synonym for decision trees.
    

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                                    200
    
    SATISFICING - The selection of a decision function which optimizes
    an individual's freedom from anxiety as opposed to a function which
    optimizes overall organization goals.
    
    TRANSIVITY - A property of some ordinal scales where, if A is pre-
    ferred to B, and B is preferred to C, then A is preferred to C.
    
    UNCERTAIN UTILITY FUNCTION - A cardinal utility function with a finite
    level of precision and/or accuracy.
    
    UTILITY - A scale expressing the satisfaction of a rational, economic
    man's wants and desires.
    
    UTILITY FUNCTION - A scale of preference (ordinal) or value (cardinal)
    to a decision maker or a multiplicity of decision makers.
    
    VALUATION - The act of mapping an ordinal scale onto an interval
    scale, i.e., assign a numerical measure to each ranked item based
    upon its relative distance from the end points of the interval scale.
    
    VALUE - A scale expressing the satisfaction of man's intrinsic wants
    and desires.
    
    VALUING - The act of assigning a value to a risk consequence.
    

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