Economic Analysis and Risk Management
An Application to Hazardous Waste,s
Environmental  Law Inst., Washington, DC
Prepared  for

Municipal Environmental Research Lab.
Cincinnati, OH
Jan 84
                  U.S. DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE
                National Technical Information Service
                                                              PB84-125012

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                                       EPA-600/2-84-001
                                       January 1984
   ECONOMIC ANALYSIS AND RISK MANAGEMENT:
     AN APPLICATION TO  HAZARDOUS WASTES
                     by
        Environmental  Law Institute
           Washington,  D.C," 2003.6
             EPA Grant No. R80592Q


              Project Officer
               Oscar Albr.echt .  .
Solid and Hazardous Waste Research  Division
Municipal Environmental Research Laboratory
           Cincinnati,  Ohio 45268	   -•••••
   MUNICIPAL  ENVIRONMENTAL RESEARCH DIVISION
       OFFICE OF  RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENT
      U.S. ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION AGENCY
              CINCINNATI, OHIO 45263

                 NATIONAL TECHNICAL
                 INFORMATION  SERVICE
                    1)3. DtPMttWtn Of COKXSRCE
                     SMUMMIQ. U. !2:6i

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                                  TECHNICAL REPORT DATA
                           /Pleat nad Instructions on the reverie before completing)
1. REPORT NO.

   EPA-600/2-84-001
                        NT'S ACCESSION NO.
                         4    125012
*. TITLE AMD SU8TITLS
  ECONOMIC  ANALYSIS AND RISK MWIA6EMENT:
  TO  HAZARDOUS WASTES  I
AN APPLICATION
3. REPORT OAT*
  January 1984
                 8. P6HPOFIMINC! ORGANIZATION COOS
 , AUTHOR IS)
  Robert Andarson,  Roger Dower,  and  Edward  Yang
                                                          8. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION REPORT NO.
 PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAMG ANO ADDRESS
   Environmental Law  Institute
   1346 Connecticut Ave.,  MW
   Washington, DC 20036
                 10.PROO.flAM 6LSM6NT NO.

                   CBRD1A	
                 11. CONTHACT/OBANT NO.
                   R805920
12. SPONSORING AGENCY NAME ANO AOORCSS
   Municipal Environmental Research Laboratory—Cin.,OH
   Office of Research and Development
   U.  S.  Environmental Protection Agency
   Cincinnati, OH 45263
                 13. TYPS or RtPOKT AND P«fllOO COVeBSO
                   Final  8/7S  -11/81
                 14. SPONSORING AGENCY COOS
                    EPA/600/14
IS. SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES
   Project Officer:  Douglas C. Anmon
    513/684-7871
16. ABSTRACT
   The report evaluates the usefulness of economic analysis in designing effective
   and efficient hazardous waste regulations.  In particular,  it examines the  appli-
   cability of cost/benefit analysis to the specific  problems  posed by hazardous
   waste management.  The background for the analysis  is  provided by-case studies
   of regulatory actions on coke oven emissions, saccharin, aflatoxins, and radiation.
   The report also presents several detailed case studies of past hazardous waste
   spills.   These case studies provided information on  how hazardous waste regulations
   can be analyzed within a cost/benefit framework.  The  report then selects two
   specific problems in hazardous waste management to  demonstrate qualitatively the
   application of cost/benefit analysis:  uncontrolled  dump sites and siting of
   hazardous waste facilities.  It is clear that inadequate data generally will- prevent
   a  formal  cost/benefit analysis from being undertaken for regulatory programs.
   However,  significant insights can be gained by applying economic analysis to
   hazardous waste regulations to the extent that available data allow.  Such  an
   exercise  allows decisionmakers to take a comprehensive and  objective view of
   alternative regulatory policies, revealing cost and  benefit relationships and
   regulatory response priorities.
                               «Y WORDS ANO DOCUMENT ANALYSIS
                  DESCRIPTORS
                                                            6NO6O TERMS
                                                                        c.  COSA.T1 r:.eld<'Croup
  .DISTRIBUTION STATEMENT


   RELEASE TO PU3LIC
     9. SECURITY CLAiS f Hut A
      JliCLASSIFIEj
            Y Ci-A-S Tlut pan I
               "
      i 2220—1 {.R«v. 4—77)   ***cvtou* CCMTIQM ic O»SOL.K-•

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                               DISCLAIMER
     "Although the information described in this document has been funded
wholly or in part by the United States Environmental  Protection Agency
through EPA Grant No. R805920 to the Environmental  Law Institute, it has
not been subjected to the Agency's required peer and  administrative
review and therefore does not necessarily reflect the views of the Agency
and no official endorsement should be inferred."
                                11

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                          ABSTRACT


      Concerned by the environmental, health, and safety risks
resulting from improperly handled hazardous wastes, Congress
enacted the Resource Conservation and Recovery Act and the
Comprehensive Environmental Response, Liability and Compensa-!--
tion Act.  Regulations developed by the U.S. Environmental
Protection Agency under these statutes must be consistent with.
Executive Order 12291, issued on February 17, 1981, which.
attempts to reduce unnecessary burdens on regulated industries.

      This report evaluates the usefulness of economic analysis
in designing effective and efficient hazardous waste regulations.
In particular, it examines the applicability of cost/benefit
analysis to the specific problems posed by hazardous waste manage-v
raent.  The background for the analysis is provided by case
studies of regulatory actions on coke oven emissions, saccharin,
aflatoxins, and radiation.  The report also presents several
detailed case studies of past hazardous waste spills.  These
case studies provided information on how hazardous waste regula-
tions can be analyzed within a cost/benefit framework.  The
report then selects two specific problems in hazardous waste
management to demonstrate qualitatively the application of cost/
benefit analysis:  uncontrolled dump sites and siting of hazardous
waste facilities.

      It is clear that inadequate data generally will prevent a
formal cost/benefit analysis from being undertaken for regulatory
programs.  However, significant insights can be gained by applying
economic analysis to hazardous waste regulations to the extent
that available data allow.  Such an exercise allows decisionmakers
to take a comprehensive and objective view of alternative regula-r-
tory policies, revealing cost and benefit relationships and regular.
tory response priorities.

      This report was submitted in fulfillment of Grant No.
R805920010 by the Environmental Law Institute under the sponsorship
of the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency.  This report covers
the period August 1, 1978 to December 31, 1980, and the work was
completed on November 10, 1981.
                              lii

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                        CONTENTS
Abstract	iii
Acknowledgement  	   v

   1.  Introduction	   1
   2.  Summary   	   3
   3.  A Legal/Economic Framework for
          Hazardous Waste Management 	   6
   4.  The Use of Cost/ Benefit Analysis
          for Hazardous Waste Management ....  13
   5.  Superfund: Coping with Orphaned
          Hazardous Waste Sites and Spills ...  35
   6.  Siting of Hazardous Waste
          Management Facilities  	  53

Footnotes	70
Appendices

   A.  Case Studies of Regulatory Analysis ...  75
          Coke Oven Case Study	75
          Aflatoxin Case Study	99
          Saccharin Case Study	117
          Radiation Case Study	136

   B.  Case Studies of Hazardous Waste Disposal  151
          Petrochemical Contamination of
            Cohansey Aquifer, Dover Township,
            New Jersey   	156
          Local Opposition Closes Approved
            Hazardous Waste Management Facility
            in Wilsonville, Illinois   	 175
          Hazardous Chemical Wastes Stored
            Illegally at Eastern Rubber Company
            in Chester, Pennsylvania   	 191
          PCB Dumping in North Carolina  .... 204
          Kentucky's Valley of the Drums .... 223
                           IV

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                        ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
      This report was prepared by the Environmental Law Institute
under the direction of Robert Anderson, Roger Dower and Edward
Yang.  The research was conducted by the staff of the Resources,
Air and Water, and Toxic Substances Programs.  In particular,
the work of Amy Home and Christine Edmunds deserves special
mention.  Nuran Giampaolo and Bill Ardinger provided excellent
administrative support.

      The EPA project officer, from the Solid and Hazardous Waste
Research Division, was Oscar Albrecht, who provided critical
guidance and advice throughout the project period.  We would also
like to acknowledge the cooperation of the many firms and govern-
ment officials who directed us to valuable information and
sources for our case studies.
                               v

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                         SECTION I

                       INTRODUCTION

      Congress enacted the Resource Conservation and Recovery
Act CRCRA) in 1976 and the Comprehensive Environmental Response,
Compensation and Liability Act CCERCLAl  in 1980 to control
hazardous wastes generated by industrial activities.  These
statutes, complemented by various state  programs, attempt to
address the mounting problems stemming from improper management
of hazardous wastes, such as  groundwater pollution, exposure
to toxic wastes, and destruction of natural resources,
      Currently, 10-15 percent of the industrial wastes-
ated annually, equivalent to 30-40 million tons, is considered
hazardous. 1  It has been estimated that these figures will
increase by as much as three percent per year.2  Hazardous
wastes, as defined under the RCRA regulations,  include the
residuals of industrial processes which are toxic f  corrosive,
ignitable, or chemically reactive.3  Thousands of substances
such as pesticides, toxic organic chemicals, inorganics, ex-
plosives and flammables fall within this definition.   Many of
these wastes are not biodegradable and will remain in ecosys-
tems indefinitely.  Moreover, the synergistic effects caused
by substances acting in combination are largely unknown. 4  in
the past, 80-90 percent of these wastes were being disposed of
in an unsafe manner, 5 at times causing severe environmental and
health damages. 6

      Among the greatest threats posed by the improper manage-
ment of hazardous wastes is contamination of public water
supplies which depend on both groundwater and surface water as
potable water sources.  In a 1979 survey of 232 hazardous waste
disposal sites, forty-five percent had significant groundwater
contamination and twenty percent had polluted surface waters.7
Water source contamination is especially acute in areas of dense
population and industrialization.  In the past, well closings
from groundwater contamination have occurred only after hundreds
of thousands of individuals have been potentially exposed."
In addition, because groundwater often moves only a few feet per
year, contamination in many aquifers may go undetected for years.

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      To protect the public from the environmental and health
risks posed by hazardous wastes, RCRA and CERCLA authorize a
complex series of standards, permits, tracking systems,
notification requirements, and taxes.  When these are finally
promulgated they will affect every aspect of the waste stream
from generation through ultimate disposal.  Although substan-
tial benefits can be expected to result, there will also be
significant costs to the private sector in terms of increased
production costs, higher prices, plant closures and reduced
earnings.  A key issue in designing these regulatory programs
involves striking an appropriate balance between the positive
and negative effects of the regulations , so that the regulations
produce net benefits to society as a whole.

      This study evaluates the applicability of economic tools
to assist allocative decision-making.  In particular, cost/
benefit analysis is reviewed in light of ths •specific problems
of hazardous waste management.  The report begins the process
of casting hazardous waste management issues into a cost/benefit
framework in an effort to demonstrate its potential to help
policymakers more explicitly account for the tradeoffs between
the different effects of alternative proposals.

      The study begins in Section III with a legal and economic
analysis of how resources were allocated to hazardous waste
management prior to the RCRA and CERCLA regulations.  The
effective functioning of common law and free market mechanisms is
shown to be inhibited by several factors.  The result is l»s.~
protection from hazardous waste risks than socially optimal
providing an economic justification for government action.  ^:'.--en
this- rationale, Section IV reviews the use of cost/benefit
analysis and two variations to guide the development of rescon-
sive government programs.  Their strengths arid weaknesses  in
drafting 'environmental, health and safety strategies are
illustrated with case studies on coke oven emissions, saccharin,
aflatoxins and radiation  (found in Appendix A) .  Although  .• -'.mited
in many cases, cost/benefit tools can help achieve a sensible
balance in hazardous waste management programs.

      Sections V and VI apply the general concepts and con-
siderations highlighted in Section IV to two of the most
pressing problems in hazardous waste management:  existing un-
controlled dump sites and siting of future hazardous waste
facilities.  Although the analyses are qualitative and foc\is
only on subsets of the problems, they illustrate the usefulness
of cost/benefit tools in organizing information, identifying
uncertainties, and highlighting alternatives that may offer
least cost solutions to the problems.

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                          SECTION II

                           SUMMARY
      Federal and state governments are increasingly called
upon to protect the public from environmental,  health, and safety
risks.  Regulatory decisions are often highly constrained by
legislative, legal, political,  and ethical judgements as well as
economic criteria.  To assist policymakers in -taking economic
goals more explicitly into account, economists and others have
recommended the use of cost/benefit analysis tools and techr*
niques.9  This report investigates the applicability of cost/
benefit concepts to the problems of regulating environmental,
health and safety risks.  The purpose is to identify those
concepts that are most useful in designing effective government
risk management programs.   Although the report focruses on
hazardous waste management as a particularly complex regulatory
issue, several other regulatory cases are reviewed and highlighted
in the analysis.

      The first step in the analysis is to establish the un~
derlying justification for government intervention in hazardous
waste management.  It is argued that existing mechanisms are
limited in their effectiveness and allocate too few private
resources to safe waste disposal.  High transaction costs, in
terms of informational uncertainty, bargaining costs, enforce-
ment costs and others, act to limit public protection from
health and environmental risks.  A justification for government
intervention to provide a higher level of safety is shown to
exist.

      Given this economic mandate, cost/benefit analysis and its
variants, cost/effectiveness and risk/benefit analysis, were re-
viewed in terms of their ability to guide decisionmakers towards
providing the optimal level of risk protection.  In general, it
is  shown, through examples from actual regulatory actions', that
formal cost/benefit analysis is  often inappropriate because of
several factors.  These include: scientific and technological

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uncertainty; inability to derive monetary values for benefits;
and irreversibilities.  On the other hand, it is argued that
the underlying characteristics of cost/benefit analysis, most
notably the effort to identify and quantify, to the extent
possible, all positive and negative consequences of regulatory
actions, can serve many critically important functions.  In
particular cost/benefit analysis:  1) identifies the crucial
relationships affecting costs and benefits; 2) provides a model
for organizing available information on the effects of a
proposal;  3) helps identify what is known and what is unknown;
4) helps isolate the strengths and weaknesses of the available
data; and 5) can provide an economic ranking of the most relevant
alternatives.  Cost/benefit analysis provides a way of thinking
about a regulatory problem that renders valuable insights and
information to policymakers.

      The application of cost/benefit concepts is demonstrated,
simplisticly and qualitatively, by analyzing two specific
problems in hazardous waste management:  coping with orphaned
sites and ensuring adequate disposal capacity.  In the first
case, the difficulties in estimating costs and benefits are
illustrated by the problems of changing market structure and
devising incentives for noncompliance with legislatively mandated
reporting and notification requirements of RCRA.  This analysis
suggests, for example, that positive incentives to induce
responsible parties to reveal information on sites and spills
might yield more benefits than strict reporting rules as required.
by CERCLA.

      A major problem facing federal and state officials is
ensuring adequate hazardous waste disposal capacity in the face
of public opposition.  The analysis in this report begins by
identifying the basic economic transactions that lead to the
allocation of siting rights.  In this review transaction costs
are shown to inhibit trade in the right to site a facility.  This
analysis suggests alternative federal and state responses including
federal efforts to improve the flow of information concerning risks
and state programs to facilitate negotiations between developers
and communities.  Unfortunely, formal application of the economic
considerations underlying cost/benefit analysis and its variants
to the problem of optimal hazardous waste management must await
an expanded and improved data.base.  Specifically, the analysis
presented here is limited by a paucity of information on the
characteristics of hazardous waste sites, the risks associated
with the constituents of the sites, the costs associated with.
providing safer sites, and the effectiveness of alternative control
technologies.  Current government efforts to regulate hazardous waste
disposal should provide, over time, a much improved -understanding
of all these variables.  As this information becomes available,

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cost/benefit tools can and should play an important function
in the revision and refinement of these regulations.  However,
a less rigorous application of cost/benefit concepts: can provide
immediate guidance to policymakers on the development of strand
environmental risk regulatory policy.

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                         SECTION III

                  A LEGAL/ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK
                FOR HAZARDOUS WASTE MANAGEMENT
INTRODUCTION

      This section explores the rationale for extra-market
intervention in hazardous waste management by investigating why
market-oriented mechanisms do not provide the appropriate level
of safety in hazardous waste management.   The decision to
investigate more closely the underlying rationale is based on
two related presuppositions.  First, the problems posed by
hazardous wastes and their causes are extremely complex and
require some understanding before alternative control mechanisms
can be evaluated.  Second, mechanisms to induce care in hazar-
dous waste management already exist.  If these mechanisms are
assumed to work inadequately, then it is crucial to understand
the barriers leading to their malfunction; it is towards these
barriers that a regulatory scheme should be directed.

      The following analysis describes the legal and economic
framework within which resources are allocated between disposal
of hazardous wastes and protection of the public and the
environment from risks associated with disposal activities.  The
analysis begins with a description of the basic economic frame-
work within which transactions concerning hazardous wastes can
take place.  The limitations on economic transactions will then
be discussed in terms of their interaction with the legal
environment which influences hazardous waste management deci-
sions.  Following development of the theoretical economical/
legal framework, factors such as governmental regulatory
programs, imperfections in information concerning the "risk" or
uncertainty posed by hazardous wastes, and the costs of trans-
actions will be incorporated into the analysis.  It becomes
clear that the existing market fails to provide adequate safety,
indicating a potential need for federal or state regulatory
initiatives..  It is the existence of these market, breakdowns
that will help identify regulatory remedies.  By reviewing
private market allocation mechanisms and their possible fail-
ures, we hope to identify regulatory options that could address
such failures and supplement the private market.

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ESTABLISHING THE FRAMEWORK

       In economics terminology/ improper hazardous waste dis-
posal generates an externality.   That is, a private disposal
firm's decisions may impose costs on individuals whose environ-
ment is contaminated by the wastes.  To the extent that these
costs do not accrue to the firm (are external to the firm's deci-
sions), the private costs of the firm's actions are less than
the social costs.  This encourages illegal dumping.  The diver-
gence of private cost from social cost creates a misallocation
of resources; too few resources are devoted to safe disposal
activities.

       An ideal solution for reducing the hazardous waste dis-
posal externality is to force the victim's costs to be incorpo-
rated into the disposer's decision making.  In the simple case
where an activity on the part of party A imposes an externality
on party B and no others, party B can negotiate with party A to
reduce the externality or party B can seek damages (compensa-
tion) in court.  In either case, the need to deal with the ex-
pected costs of the externality will become part of party A's
decision process and the economically efficient level of the
activity in question will result.

       Transactions between generators of hazardous wastes and
the public will lead to the appropriate level of hazardous waste
management.  In this solution, additional care in disposal will
be undertaken up to the point where the public's marginal will-
ingness to pay  (the benefits of proper waste disposal) is equal
to the marginal costs of the improvement.  This level of care is
efficient in that it minimizes the total social costs of dis-
posal including private disposal costs and the costs of damages
to health and the environment.

       In this  ideal framework the transaction ground rules are
set by the legal system.  In particular, the legal structure
defines, through common or statutory law, who has the right or
.is "entitled" to do something.  Within an entitlement structure,
the legal system further defines the rules for market transac-
tions by protecting the structure through one of two ways:
property rules  or liability rules.  A property rule permits the
removal of an entitlement only if both the "entitled" and
"unentitled" parties agree to the terms of a voluntary transac-
tion  (e.g., a typical real estate transaction or the case dis-
cussed above),  In contrast, a liability rule allows the removal
of an entitlement as long as the entitled party is compensated
by an objectively determined amount  (e.g., eminent domain pro-
ceedings) , which is generally decided by a judge or jury.

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      For example, if the right to be free from the risk of a
hazardous waste disposal lies with the public, a property rule
would require that the unentitled party (generators or dis-
posers) attempt to buy or negotiate the rights to dispose the
wastes from the public.  Alternatively, under a liability rule
the generators and waste management industry can proceed to dis-
pose of waste and then compensate the public when harmful
effects take place.

      It has been established by several authors that if the
world could be characterized by perfect information and costless
transactions, then it would matter very little where the initial
entitlements are set or whether they are protected by property
or liability rules.10  in other words, an optimal, in the sense
of efficient, amount of hazardous waste management would result
no matter where the entitlements are set or how they are pro-
tected. 11

      Generally speaking/ American common law recognizes the
right to be free from the health and environmental hazards of
waste disposal.  Depending on a variety of factors, the entitle-
ment structure is protected by a property rule or a liability
rule or both;  (i.e., the hazardous waste disposal activity is
stopped or those injured are compensated).  Under common law
there are two basic types of nuisances:  private nuisance and
public nuisance.  A private nuisance is the "substantial and
unreasonable interference with the use and enjoyment of land"
owned by a particular person.  Public nuisance is the "unreason-
able interference with a right common to the general public."12
Since a waste site leaking hazardous substances to the surround-
ing area clearly constitutes an "unreasonable interference" both
to the enjoyment and use of one's land and to the public right
to be free from health hazards, both private and public nuisance
will usually be pertinent in the context of resolving hazardous
waste problems.  A public nuisance action has two advantages
over a private nuisance in that it is neither limited to protec-
ting interests in land nor subject to several equitable de-
fenses. 13  On the other hand, private nuisance obviates poten-
tial standingl4 problems and allows all citizens who are ad-
versely affected by hazardous waste sites to bring an action.

      In a nuisance action the court balances the rights of the
hazardous waste site owner with either the rights of the general
public (public nuisance) or the rights of the adversely affected
land owner (private nuisance).15  The factors most important
in the balancing include the:

      o   Utility of the hazardous waste operation,

      o   Cost and availability of suitable control measures
          and,

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      o   Severity and nature of the harm caused by the
          hazardous waste  operation.

Courts are vested with considerable discretion in the balancing
process, but are very apt  to enjoin activities which create
public health hazards.16

      A person in control  of a hazardous waste site can be held
liable or enjoined under a nuisance theory if the harm is
intentionally or negligently caused or if the activity is judged
to be abnormally dangerous.   Many hazardous waste site harms
are intentional in the sense that the owner or operator knows
he is improperly disposing of the wastes or has been notified
that harm is resulting from the activity.  Even if the owner or
operator did not know or was not notified of the harm, negli-
gence can form the basis of liability in the event that "reason-
able care" was not used to prevent possible harm.  Liability
under nuisance theory can  also result in the absence of inten-
tion or negligent conduct.  If an activity is "abnormally
dangerous," the person undertaking that activity is liable for
all foreseeable harms that result by the application of strict
liability theory. 1?  Regardless of whether the nuisance is based
on intent, negligence, or  strict liability, the interference
with the public or private right, must ,be "substantial" in order
for the nuisance action to be successful.  As common law has
developed, almost any health threat would be substantial.

PROBLEMS OF THE FRAMEWORK  WHEN APPLIED TO HAZARDOUS WASTES

      The framework established above suggests that any alloca-
tion of rights and any set of protection rules will lead to
market transactions that ensure an efficient allocation of
resources.  The validity of this conclusion, though, rests on
the assumptions of perfect information and costless transac-
tions, the reality of which is questionable.  Several pieces
of information are necessary for an individual or party to
bargain or bring action against a generator or disposer of
hazardous waste.  Specifically, information is required on the
number and location of currently active and abandoned sites and
on types of wastes disposed in sites.  In the case of before-
the-fact negotiations, information is required on the probabil-
ity of human and environmental exposure to hazardous wastes,
expected health or environmental responses to exposure, and the
value of the damages resulting from the exposure.

      It is often the case, though, that the information
requirements cannot be met.  Scientific controversy over the
health and environmental effects of the myriad of chemicals and
compounds often prevents drawing firm conclusions.  A notable
example, and one that is of legal importance, is the inability
to define threshold levels for health effects-, from many hazard-

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ous chemicals found in waste sites.  Uncertainty as to what
level, if any, of exposure to a toxic compound can be deemed
safe  complicates the determination of de minimus invasion of
the right to be free from adverse effects of hazardous waste
activities.

    Another example of uncertainty caused by inadequate informa-
tion concerns the long time period between exposure to some
hazardous wastes and the resultant effects.  The legal system
simply does not adequately handle health and environmental
effects subject to latency periods.  Many risks stemming from
hazardous waste disposal activities do not surface for many
years (e.g., when a 30-year-old inactive site begins to leak).
Additionally, the period between the exposure to a risk and the
manifestation of an injury is often long and transgenerational
(e.g., a pregnant mother, residing near a hazardous waste site,
gives birth to a child who later develops cancer)and, therefore,
difficult to establish.18

    Imperfect information concerning hazardous wastes directly
affects the working of the legal system.  Potential plaintiffs
(and courts) will often lack the requisite information or
knowledge to abate a dangerous hazardous waste disposal activ-
ity.  The hazards must be obvious, and some manifestation or the
hazard (e.g., sickness, deformities, death) must result befora
the legal system is activated to abate the hazard.  Of course,
the victims are entitled to be compensated by the legal system
for their injuries.  However, because of information gaps, the
victims do not have the opportunity to bargain in courts for
better protection.  In effect, the common law entitlements
structure favoring the public is transformed, due to informa-
tion gaps, to one in which the disposers of hazardous wastes
are not encouraged to provide sufficient care or share informa-
tion because damages are hard to prove  (i.e., the entitlement
is only weakly protected by a liability rule).  Of course, af'-er
the damage becomes obvious and substantial and after the cour c
action is brought, the entitlements are additionally protected
by a property rule.  By their very nature though, such rules
are retroactive; i.e., the hazardous activity is permitted to
continue during the interim, subject only to a liability rule,

    In addition, nuisance law requires that the invasion be
substantial before an injunction or damages will result.  Al-
though almost any health threat is considered to be more than
a de minimus invasion, neither the government nor the potential
victim may have enough incentive to institute an action in
marginal cases, although injuries of this sort may be signif-
icant in terms of their aggregate impact on hazardous waste
risks.
                              10

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      Although the bulk of the discussion so far has focused
on uncertainty as a particularly important type of transaction
cost, there are others of potentially equal importance in
specific cases.  These include search costs, bargaining and
decision costs, and policing and enforcement costs.19  For
example, it may be costly to determine who is the appropriate
bargaining party in order to arrive at a mutually agreeable
solution.  Further, it may be difficult to ensure that the
terms of the agreement are not violated (e.g. monitoring
costs).  All of these costs can be translated into costs of
uncertainty, yet it is useful to be aware of the different
types; the existence of one rather than another will suggest
different forms of government action.

      The existence of transaction costs associated with allo-
cating hazardous waste safety resources, suggests that the
earlier conslusions no longer hold. Bargaining towards optimal
allocation levels is inhibited and often does not take place at
all.  Different entitlements requirements and protection rules
will lead to different amounts of safety.   The decision on the
part of a hazardous waste disposal firm to dump wastes along "a
roadside rather than in a safely designed facility, imposes
costs on individuals whose water supply  may become contaminated
by the wastes.  In reaching a decision on how safely to dispose
of their wastes, a firm will select a level where the private
costs and benefits, at the margin, are equal.  Without bargaining
for compensation, the firms private costs (disposal costs plus
costs for damages) are less than the true social costs of its
action.  The result is too little resources, from a social point
of view, being devoted to limiting the risks of hazardous waste
disposal.

      In general, economic theory supports government actions to
counter the external effects of production or consumption
activities; these  actions serve to internalize the external costs.
Intervention can take the form of direct regulation, such as
command and control, or performance standards, or a broad range
of activities that are intended to reduce the transaction costs
that inhibit the legal/economic environment. The latter programs
might involve shifting the entitlement structure to favor uni-
formed parties, providing technical and scientific information,
or acting as a trading center for bargaining parties.  Economic
theory also limits the extent and form of government action by
requiring that the costs of the intervention be balanced by its
benefits.  So, for example, a program to reduce the transaction
costs associated with uncertainty is justified only if the costs
equal (in terms of administrative ti:ne, effort and research),
at the margin, the benefits (in terns of damages avoided) resulting
from increased bargaining or comp.• sation payments forcing
increased safety.  It is notewort.-,.  that this criteria allows for


                              11

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the possibility of no government action if the transaction costs
are so high that no program shows positive net benefits.

CONCLUSION

      This section has served several interrelated purposes.
First, it provided a brief summary of the legal/economic en-
vironment that determines how hazardous wastes will be managed.
Second, this review identified transaction costs as the major
factor influencing the effectiveness of legal/economic mechanisms
for controlling hazardous waste risks.  It showed that transaction
costs provide the justification and focus for government actions
to reduce costs and promote greater safety.   Finally,  the
importance of cost/benefit trade-offs from an economist's
perspective was highlighted.  The extent and form of government
intervention to reduce hazardous waste risks should be based
on an accounting of the costs and benefits of the reasonable
alternatives.  The next section examines in more detail the
application of cost/benefit analysis to environment and health
and safety regulatory issues, and identifies components of such
an analysis that can be usefully applied to policy decisions
concerning hazardous wastes.
                               12

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                          SECTION IV

               THE USE OF COST/BENEFIT ANALYSIS
                FOR HAZARDOUS WASTE MANAGEMENT
INTRODUCTION

     Cost/benefit analysis is an often cited economic tool for
guiding the development of effective and efficient government
regulatory policy.  In general,  it is asserted that regulatory
strategies based on cost and benefit considerations will
improve the allocation of society's resources.  The purpose of
this section is to assess whether cost/benefit techniques can
assist in the formulation of hazardous waste management-policy.

     This section is divided into three general parts.  First/
the distinguishing characteristics of cost/benefit analysis
and its variations, risk/benefit and cost-effectiveness analy-
sis, are briefly described.  Second, several pervasive diffi-
culties in formally applying these techniques to issues of
environmental health and safety (EHS) risks are stressed.
These problems include:  uncertainty over health effects and
economic costs, questions of intra- and inter-generational
equity, and the proper value of human life.  Wherever possible,
these issues are illustrated with examples from four federal
regulatory actions:  the Occupational Health and Safety Adminis-
tration 's (OSHA) coke oven exposure standard, the Food and
Drug Administration's  (FDA) proposed regulations on saccharin
and aflatoxin, and the Environmental Protection Agency's  (EPA)
regulations on uranium fuel cycle radiation.  (The case studies
for these regulatory actions appear in Appendix A)

     Finally, the concepts and characteristics of cost/benefit
techniques are evaluated in light of hazardous waste management
problems.  It is shown that there are severe limits to
the formal application of such tools for regulatory policy
design.  On the other hand, the section argues that the
characteristics and concerns of cost/benefit analysis do form
a general framework within which decisions concerning hazardous
waste rulemaking can and should be scrutinized. While the use of a
                              13

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cost/benefit perspective will not necessarily lead to more
economically efficient decisions, it does provide a clearer
picture of the ability of any problem to achieve the desired
results.

CHARACTERIZATION OF COST/BENEFIT, RISK/BENEFIT AND COST/
EFFECTIVE ANALYSIS

Cost/Benefit Analysis

     Cost/benefit analysis is one of the most important per-
spectives for evaluating proposed public expenditures.  Its
cornerstone, the principle of economic efficiency, is stated
clearly in the Flood Control Act of 1936.  This act requires
that only those projects for which the "benefits to whomsoever
they accrue exceed their costs" shall be submitted for con-
gressional action.  Stated in other terms, this principle
asserts that projects are considered to be worthwhile only if
the benefits of the action are equal to or greater than the
costs.

     The criterion that benefits must exceed costs applies to
entire projects as well as their constituent parts.  Thus one
must consider both marginal costs and marginal benefits as
small changes are made in a project plan and compare these
incremental changes with the relevant alternatives.  Of
course, the margin at which the costs and benefits are defined
may vary depending on the relevant policy issue.  The usual
margin is defined in terms of levels of control stringency;
others might include size of firms being included in a program
or timing of compliance.

     In a cost/benefit analysis, all positive and negative
consequences of an action are converted to a common unit of
measurement, most often dollars, but conceivably other metrics
such as lives saved or environmental quality could be used as
well.  When applied to the management of environmental, health
and safety risks, cost/benefit analysis would require that all
the benefits of a regulatory program (the value of reduced
health risks, for example) be compared to all the costs (the
opportunity costs of resources diverted to the program).

     A number of difficulties arise when one attempts to esti-
mate the benefits of programs designed to reduce environ-
mental, health, and safety risks.2"  First, rarely does
scientific and technical information permit a full determina-
tion of the health and environmental risks posed by various
substances or activities.  Data on generation of pollutants or
hazards, transmission of the substances, levels of exposure,
types of receptors exposed, and the relationship between ex-
posure and adverse effects are generally of poor quality, if
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know at all.  Second/ even if the precise health and environ-
mental risks were known, one would still need a means of
valuing these risks.

    Benefits are normally valued by the amount that benefici-
aries would be willing to pay to obtain the services that
flow from the program.  Where these goods and services are
bought and sold, market prices can often be used to value the
activity (for example, the value of increased crop yields due
to an air pollution control program can be estimated from the
market price for the crops).  Reduced environmental, health,
and safety risks present a quite different situation.  Because
these risks are not traded on markets, corresponding market
values do not exist and can only rarely be directly estimated.
Furthermore, the beneficiaries frequently are not identifiable
individuals.  Rather, the benefits typically accrue to larger
populations and are best expressed as a reduction in the
statistical probability of incurring an adverse health effect.

    A valuation procedure for these risks requires one, in
essence, to place dollar values on small changes in the proba-
bility of such adverse outcomes as cancer, heart disease and
ecosystem disruption,  in the absence of market transactions,
alternative techniques have been suggested and used to arrive
at values for risk.  For example, although markets do not
exist for environmental or health risks, they sometimes may be
a component of market transactions—as when wage premiums are
paid for risky employment.  But relatively few people partici-
pate in risky occupations, and these individuals may have
preference structures more accepting of risk than has the
general population.  Some individuals may not accept risky
forms of employment even with wage premiums 10 or 20 times as
large as those that presently exist.  Moreover, many employees
are probably largely ignorant of the actual risks inherent in
the workplace.  Thus, inferences based on market transactions,
even where possible, may understate the value of health, safety,
and environmental risks to certain  (perhaps large) segments
of society.

    Another common alternative, direct questioning of individ-
uals about their preferences for risk, encounters difficulty
as well.  Individuals often have little or no experience in
acquiring and consuming the commodity, "reduction in risk to
life."  And how many individuals can evaluate the significance
os small changes in probabilities for the adverse outcomes?
in fact, experimental evidence of human behavior indicates
that individuals underrate, in an expected value sense,
the losses from high-probability, low-cost outcomes, but overrate
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very low probability and highly adverse outcomes.21

    Although valuing health effects involves difficult questions
of the appropriate methodology and assumptions,  the underlying
philosophy of cost/benefit analysis, that the marginal costs
and benefits of a program should be equated, forms a quiding
principle for hazardous waste management.  So, for example,
if an additional unit of risk reduction, through regulation
of hazardous waste sites, is valued at $10 and it costs only
$8 to produce that reduction in risk, resources  should be
devoted to that program.  To the extent that exact valuation
of the risks cannot be undertaken, variants of cost/benefit
analysis, discussed below, may be implemented that at least
approximate the solution that would be ideally obtained
through a more rigorous framework.

Risk/Benefit Analysis

    Risk/benefit analysis starts from the same initial point
as cost/benefit analysis in evaluating all consequences of an
action.  However, risk/benefit analysis stops short of a total
aggregation of consequences, choosing instead to divide conse-
quences into two or more categories such as risks to health,
safety and the environment on one hand ana economic benefits
on the other hand.  These two catagories of consequences would
then compete against one another in the decision process.
In general, it is not necessary to place a value on the risks
imposed.

    As noted, in risk/benefit analysis one seeks to quantify
all of the consequences of a regulatory decision,  trading one
group of consequences off against a second Cor third)  group of
consequences.  One feature is that the final decision on how
to trade risks off against benefits is not resolved explicitly.
In this mode of analysis, certain alternatives can be shown to
dominate others, thereby narrowing the range of  decisions to
be considered.  However, one usually cannot eliminate alterna-
tives by simply comparing the ratio of benefits  to risks since
choices based on ratios are appropriate only when projects can
be extended in scale.  Some of these points are  illustrated in
Figure 1.
                              16

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 Increasing •
      Risks
                      B
                                  A"
            Figure 1.
            Increasing Benefits
Risk/benefit tradeoffs.
     Alternative A is preferred to B because it offers less
risk for the same level of benefits; likewise C is preferred
to B.  Alternative A is preferred to D only if A can be.-BX-
tended in scale, doubling to A* where it now offers greater
benefits and less risk than D.  If scale expansion is not
possible, one cannot choose easily between A and Dv

Cost/Effectiveness Analysis               ;        —       „.

     Cost/effectiveness analysis is a generalized version of
which risk/benefit analysis is the special-case..  Here, the
consequences are aggregated into categories but there is no
attempt to compare the two.  Cost/effectiveness analysis sets
the constraint that for a given level of control (or risk  .
reduction) the costs of achieving that goal are minimized.
Alternatively, this can be expressed as maximizing the amoutvi
of control (or risk reduction) for a given level of expendi-
ture.  It is possible, therefore, that costs could exceed
benefits in a cost effective solution.  As in the case of
risk/benefit analysis, cost/effectiveness techniques do not
strictly require the valuation of risk reduction.  Instead,
                               17

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cost/effectiveness analysis requires only the measurement of
the amount by which risks are reduced.

     This approach can be extremely useful in choosing among
alternative regulatory approaches or controls to meet a set
standard for emission control or some other environmental
parameter.  For example, when the Occupational Safety and
Health Administration (OSHA) promulgated the cotton dust and
coke oven emission standards, which were primarily technology
based regulations, questions were raised as to whether other
types of controls, such as personal protection devices, would
provide the same level of risk reduction at a significantly
lower cost.

Other Approaches

     One criterion that provides a tempting alternative to
cost/benefit approaches is "minimax" regret under which deci-
sionmakers minimize the chance that the worst thing can hap-
pen.  This approach provides a comfortable rationale for the
decisionmaker who wants to protect against a major failure but
is not concerned about a steady stream of small, possibly un-
publicized losses as a consequence.  For example, by mandating
extensive testing for new drugs, an agency may protect against
a very harmful drug reaching the market; however, the same
strict testing requirements may also block the approval of
many other beneficial new drugs if their total safety cannot
be demonstrated conclusively.  Such decisions would likely
meet with opposition from a fully informed public, for if the
worst outcome is highly improbable, it is likely that most
individuals would not seek such expensive insurance.

     Another alternative to cost/benefit analysis involves
public views on the value of risk reduction.  In a "demand
revealing process" information on the characteristics of a
specific regulatory program  (such as level of control, who -•'s
affected, costs, etc.) is placed within the framework of a
political decision model that predicts whether the public
would vote to undertake the particular program.  An interest-
ing aspect of the model is that voter response is not a func-
tion of net benefits but of the ratio of costs to benefits.
While 'the required socio-economic survey and benefit informa-
tion for this technique may be costly to obtain, it represents
an intriguing alternative to the other more traditional ap-
proaches.

     Yet another approach to risk management is to set a maxi-
mum acceptable level of risk for individual activities.  For
example, an agency could argue, as some do, that risks of
death below certain stated levels are acceptable.  A maximum
acceptable risk level currently gaining some adherents is a
                               18

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one in 10,000 chance of  death  from exposure to the hazard.
The problem with the approach  is obvious—there is no compari-
son with the costs of creating marginal changes in the risk of
death.  While one may be willing to give up a food colorant
that produces such a risk of death in strawberry sodas, one
may not be willing to forego travel by jet airplane because of
such an incremental radiation  risk.

     This introductory discussion suggests that cost/benefit
analysis and its variants can  provide valuable insights into
the manner in which society allocates resources for the reduc-
tion of environmental, health  and safety risks.  For example,
hazardous waste managers reviewing inactive disposal sites
often face situations where there is a small probability that
a serious pollution incident could result (e.g., a Love Canal)
and a large probability  that the wastes will remain safely
contained.  If waste management practices are all geared to
prevent the next Love Canal (a "miniraax" approach), a serious  ,
misallocation of resources could result,  That is, the health,
safety and environmental improvement purchased to guard
against future Love Canals may provide these improvements at
significantly greater cost than if resources were devoted to
improvements in other areas.   Such cost/effectiveness con-
siderations are dramatized in  Table 1 which provides estimates
of the cost per life saved in  several environmental, health
and safety programs supported, operated or mandated by the
government.

     The very large differences in cost per life saved indi-
cate the great potential for using resources more effec-
tively.  Were OSHA to abandon  its plans to protect so fully
against occupational exposures to coke oven emissions and
acrylonitrile and permit some  of the money to be spent in
areas where lives are saved more cheaply, hundreds of addi-
tional lives could be saved.   For example, if $10 million
could be diverted from the protection of coke oven workers
(where the average cost  per life saved may be as high as $5
million) to the elimination of railroad crossings (where the
estimated cost per life  saved  is $100,000), the loss of two
coke oven workers' lives might save the lives of 100 motorists.
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           TABLE 1.  ESTIMATES OF COST PER LIFE SAVED

_Cost per life saved
Program	(1000$)

Medical expenditure
   Kidney transplant                           $     72.0
   Dialysis in hospital                             270.0
   Dialysis in home                                  99.0

Traffic safety
   Recommended for cost/benefit
     analysis by the National Safety
     Council                                         37.5
   Estimate for elimination of all
     railroad grade crossings                       100.0

Military policies
   Instructions to pilors on when to
     crash-land airplanes                           270.0
   Decision to produce a special ejector
     seat in a jet plane                          4,500.0

Mandated by regulation
   Coke oven emissions standard, OSHA             4,500.0-
                                                158,000.0
   Proposed lawn mower safety
     standards, CPSC                                240.0-
                                                  1,920.0
   Proposed standard for occupational             1,963.0-
     exposure to acrylonitrile, OSHA            649,976.0
Source:  Reducing' Risk to Life, Martin J. Bailey, American
Enterprise Institute, 1979.
     Though  the usefulness of cost/benefit type analyses may
be obvious, several factors, some of which have already been
mentioned, act in concert to thwart the practical application
of these tools.  The next portion of this chapter will discuss
some of the major obstacles to performing a thorough cost/
benefit analysis of environmental, health, and safety risk
reduction regulatory programs.

PROBLEMS IN APPLYING COST/BENEFIT TYPE APPROACHES

     The case has been argued that a careful consideration of
the costs and benefits of proposed governmental actions may
lead to better policy decisions.  It is now appropriate to
reflect upon some of the difficulties with the approach.  In


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reviewing these problem areas it is important to recognize
that decision mechanisms other than cost/benefit analysis are
also plagued with serious methodological problems.  Thus
despite these shortcomings, cost/benefit analyses are at least
a useful supplement to and even a desirable criterion for
regulatory decision-making.

Scientific and Technical Uncertainty

     The area that has been singled out by the EPA Science
Advisory Board as most damaging to the cost/benefit mode of
analysis for health, safety and environmental regulations is
the paucity of hard scientific evidence on most of the sub-
stances the EPA will be regulating.  The Science Advisory
Board  {which includes a number of prominent environmental and
resource economists, political scientists, and natural scien-
tists) concluded that the poor quality of much of the scien-
tific  information on releases, exposures, and ultimate human
health impacts of many environmental pollutants renders the
direct application of cost/benefit analysis to many of the
regulatory decisions that EPA will be facing virtually useless.

     The weakness of much scientific information regarding
pollution and the environment is clearly illustrated by the
controversy over evidence on the carcinogenic properties of
saccharin.  At the time of the proposed rules, a series of
epidemiological and animal (rat) studies on saccharin were
available to FDA.  The epidemiological studies were inconclu-
sive as to whether saccharin caused an increased risk of
bladder cancer among the consuming population.  The animal
studies, on the other hand, showed, in general, a statis-
tically significant increase in bladder tumors among second
generation male rats.  All of these studies were plagued by
general methodological concerns  (for example, the ability of
epidemiological studies to detect low level health risks) as
well as questions more applicable to specific tests (such as
the purity of saccharin used).

     In the face of conflicting and uncertain evidence, FDA
chose  to rely heavily on the results of a two-generational
animal study in concluding that saccharin is carcinogenic.
Even then, questions were raised concerning how these results
could  be used to estimate the decrease in the risk of develop-
ing bladder cancer among consumers that could be attributed to
the proposed regulation.  Different techniques for extrapolat-
ing results from rats to humans as well as different tech-
niques for extrapolating the high doses fed to rats to tha low
doses  consumed by humans lead to remarkably divergent esti-
mates  of risk reduction.  Although FDA finally estimated that
0 to 4 fewer persons per 100,000 would develop bladder cancer
                               21

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if saccharin were  banned,  the  health  benefits  of  this regula-
tion are highly  uncertain  and  depend  on  several signifies!1::
.assumptions'.                                          '

    'Even,  if a fairly  sound  relationship between  exposure ':•-> a
substance  and the  resulting  health  effects  can be ostciblip^ed,
other variables  can  introduce  significant uncertainties in
estimating the reduction in  risk  due  to  a regulatory rrogr-'m.
One common problem is  providing an  accurate measurers'it "'
individual exposures to different levels of the ha-jrd.  v-ir-
ing the rulemaking process on  OSHA's  coke over: emission stan-
dard a wide range  of cisk  reduction estim?tes  were pro1'H~-i bv
various parties.   A  large  portion of  the differences v,-er  c*-.
supply systems is  justified  and any health  b9r;c- Lts ca^ be
viewed as  an unouantified  benefit.  While the  actual l-"fei  t
                                22

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corrosivity reduction that is chosen may be somewhat less than
ideal, the regulatory decision will at a minimum be guaranteed
to produce net benefits to society.  If decisionmakers can be
certain of producing positive net benefits, they can act with
much greater confidence.   However, at the present time allega-
tions are frequently heard that the benefits of many of the
nation's health, safety and environmental regulations are out-
weighed by the costs of achieving compliance.

     Even when the scientific data oase does not permit ac-
curate estimation of human health effects there exist a number
of methods, some of which have already been mentioned in
reference to saccharin, for making informed guesses about the
health effects.  One the more appealing is the use of subjec-
tive probability assessments provided by experts on the
issue.  Recently, EPA utilized this sype of analysis while
considering different air quality st^nda^ds for ozone.^2  in
such a procedure, the several steps frora release and exposure
to ultimate health effects are carefully described.  A panel
of experts is convened to evaluate tne parameters for each
step.  The resulting range of opinion c^n be used both as a
measure of the central tendency o£ expert opinion and as an
index of the dispersion of uncertainty Inherent in that body
of opinion.

     When scientific data is better, a number of other ap-
proaches may be used.  Where data permit it, multiple regres-
sion analysis can be used to assess the possible long-range
human health effects from exposure to a suspect substance,
expressing possible adverse health effects as the dependent
variable and exposures to suspect suostances as the inde-
pendent variables.23  in such an assessment, it is critical
to control for other variables that may also affect health—
such as income, occupation, age and smoking, eating and drink-
ing habits of the population.  Most criticisms of the epidemi-
ological approach, especially from the scientific community,
center around the inadequacy of these control variables and
the failure to specify the models according to well formulated
scientific hypotheses.  These criticisms can be overcome in
long-term case control studies, but doses of harmful sub-
stances ordinarily are limited to normal or near normal back-
ground levels.  Reliable results can be obtained only if large
populations are given varying exposures to the harmful sub-
stance.  A rare example of such an experiment is the long-term
study of Japanese A-bomb survivors discussed in Appendix A,
the section on radiation regulation.  While definite limita-
tions exist for epidemiological studies, these approaches can
provide useful information on the linkages between past ex-
posures and current health effects.
                               23

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     A related approach,  termed an episodic study, can be used
to measure short-run health impacts from current exposures to
a substance.   In episodic studies multiple regression analysis
may again be  used to explain hospital admissions,  for example,
with data on  current or  recent population exposures to various
air pollutants.  Such approaches reveal little or  nothing
about long-run impacts,  but they do reveal a wealth of in-
formation on  short-run morbidity impacts.  These latter im-
pacts may be  just as interesting to the regulatory agencies as
are chronic morbidity and mortality.

     Another  possible means of expressing environmental risks
is used in decision analyses and is termed the fault
tree.24  This approach has been widely used to assess the
probability of catastrophic events involving safety—for
example, the  safety of nuclear reactors.25  In a fault tree
assessment, all known pathways to an  ultimate catastrophy are
delineated and probabilities are attached to each  sopar;-te
division in the path.  The probability of adverse  outcomes is
obtained by summing the probabilities of successfully follow-
ing any of the separate paths to disaster.  The main criticism
of this approach is not so much that  the probability of the
events described is inaccurate, but that unknown pathways
often exist for relatively untried technologies.

     Although not stressed as often,  technological uncertainty
of the type mentioned above also plagues the calculation of
benefits.  Insenstive or  inaccurate hazard monitoring and
testing devices or untried testing control technologies, for:
example, can  lead to benefit estimation that^can only be
established as a range of possible effects.2^  por example,
OSHA health standards often rely on "technology forcing" as a
means of achieving a desired emission level.  That is, the use
of technologies "looming  on the horizon" can be required as
part of the standard.  To the extent  that these technologies
are not effective in achieving the desired goal, benefit as-
sessments based on their  use will be  uncertain and, in this
situation, overestimated.

     Just as  significant  uncertainty  may be associated with
benefit estimates, the costs associated with a particular
regulatory program may also be difficult to quantify accur-
ately.  Several groups provided cost  estimates for the 03HA
coke oven emission standards.  The wide range of these esti-
mates reflect the variation in the assumptions made concern-
ing:  a) how  the regulations are to be interpreted; b) tha
length of time before 100% compliance is achieved? and (c) the
cost elements that should be included in the analysis.  Per-
haps more important is the difficulty of predicting the actual
costs that will be incurred by an industry resulting from
shifts in the utilization of resources and technologies within
                               24

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a firm that occur after the regulation is in place.  For
example/ during the course of the rulemaking process on OSHA's
vinyl chloride standard, industry spokesmen claimed that the
regulation would impose huge costs on the industry.  In fact,
however, actual costs have been significantly lower due to
production and technology shifts in the industry.

     Cost measurement difficulties are compounded by the ex-
pense of acquiring information on firms in the industry.  For
all but the smallest industries, it is not possible to esti-
mate costs for each firm.  Rather, agencies must rely on model
plant data that is extrapolated to the industry as a whole.
If the model plant is descriptive of much of the industry,
such analysis may provide a realistic picture of the costs
imposed by a regulation; however, if the industry is particu-
larly heterogeneous, this approach may reveal little about
such problems as actual plant closings and unemployment.
Furthermore, in estimating these costs agencies must rely
primarily on data provided by industry.  If an industry f»els
that the regulation will cause significant financial harm,, it
may have an incentive to increase its cost estimates to the
agency.

     Finally, it is noteworthy that the usual engineering'cost
estimates generated during the course of a rulemaking .process
are not, in the form normally reported, appropriate for use in
cost/benefit analysis.  In an economic sense, the costs of a
regulatory program are measured by the change to consumer and
producer surplus that results from price changes.  Calculation
of surplus losses or gains requires a knowledge of the market
demand and supply conditions for the affected commodity and
the long-run shifts in the supply of the commodity due to
increased regulatory costs.  Innovation and technological  '   i
change in response to the regulatory stimulus is particularly
difficult to predict.  But when careful ex post facto analyses
are conducted, the social or welfare cost of a regulation is
often considerably lower than the simple capital, operating
and maintenance costs estimated.  Accurate social cost esti-
mates would require knowledge of demand and supply shifts due
to incresed regulatory costs.  Rarely are the parameters de-
veloped that are needed to estimate these shifts.

     This point is illustrated by the cost estimates provided
by FDA during promulgation of the proposed saccharin ban.
These costs were estimated to range from $715-$2079.6 million
and included lost sales to diet food and beverage industries,
lost sales to the sole domestic producer of saccharin and the
costs of reformulating products with alternative sweeteners.
(These estimates do not include the costs of banning tfre use
of saccharin in drug products.  These were treated separately
by the FDA.)  These costs are misleading in two respects.
                               25

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First, the value of lost sales is not a long-run cost since
resources previously used in the production of products con-
taining saccharin are transferred to other productive services
which generate other sales.  However, there is a short-run
cost involved in the loss of the production capacity.  If the
value of lost sales is subtracted from the cost estimates, the
potential cost of the regulation in terms of increased produc-
tion costs may be in the range of $107.8-$110.3 million.  (See
Regulatory Case Studies, Saccharin, Appendix A.)

     Second, if these costs were passed on to consumers
through price increases and then translated into consumer
surplus losses  they would  most probably  be significantly
less.  This is due to the fact that the proposed ban does not
restrict all uses for saccharin and the demand for saccharin
products may be quite elastic, considering the number of
alternatives to presweetened saccharin-containing products.
The Council on Wage and Price Stability estimated the lost
consumer surplus at $144-$182 million, but only by assuming an
inelastic demand and a total ban on saccharin consumption.

     Though useful techniques have been identified to help
analysts and decisionmakers treat uncertainty within program
evaluation, these methods have certain drawbacks.  For
example, if the probability distribution of costs and benefits
is roughly known, the expected value of the benefits and costs
can be computed by isolating the benefits and costs associated
with alternative outcomes and aggregating these values using
the probability of each outcome as weights.  Although this
approach would identify the most likely combination of costs
and benefits, it might also lead to decisions, particularly in
the case of catastrophic or irreversible events,  that are in-
consistent with the risk preference structure of society.  If
society can be characterized as risk adverse, they might be
willing to expend greater resources to protect against the
small probability of a disastrous event than would be sug-
gested by a cost/benefit analysis using expected value.  On
the other hand, as has already been mentioned, such "worst
case" decision-making could entail larger expenditures to con-
trol environmental, health, and safety risks than society is
willing to allocate.

Equity and Ethics

     The costs of regulatory programs directed at environ-
mental, health and safety risks are rarely imposed on the
beneficiaries of the program.  Benefits and costs often accrue
across different regions, income groups, and different genera-
tions.  The balancing of those who should pay and those who
should gain is essentially a political/legal decision defined
in terms of society's underlying ethical code.  With respect
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to such distributional considerations,  economics has little
normative advice to offer.   Economists  generally treat such
concerns by assuming that income transfers can always be ar-
ranged to compensate for  adverse distributional impacts.  Even
when intergenerational equity is at issue, as it is in the
case of radioactive waste management,  it may be possible for
the beneficiaries in one  generation to  set aside a portion of
the benefits to serve as  compensation  to the victims in some
future generation.   Such  reasoning falls apart, though, when
the potential adverse future outcomes  are large, as may be
case with ozone depletion by chlorofluorocarbons.  In these
situations it may be impossible for current beneficiaries to
invest the benefits so as to compensate future losers even if
institutional and political barriers to establishing compensa-
tion funds could be overcome.

     Recently, economists have become  more aware of the dis-
tributional consequences  of their analyses, and have tried to
go beyond a simple accounting statement of who wins and who
loses.  A study by economists at Resources for the Future and
the Universities of Wyoming and New Mexico represents one of
the first careful attempts by economists to determine the
intergenerational distribution consequences of cost/benefit
analyses.27  Their study  addresses the  effect of alternative
ethical assumptions on the solutions obtained through a
balancing of costs and benefits.  Treatment of inter- and
intra-generational issues is dependent on the implied valua-
tion of the ethical precepts.  An in-depth description of the
study's assumptions and results is not warranted here; it is
sufficient to note that cost/benefit techniques are not value
free and that ethical considerations do play a dominant role
in decisions that involve future costs  and effects or that
have impact on the distribution of wealth and income.

Value of Life

     An increasingly controversial issue in cost/benefit an-
alysis is the value that  should be assigned to human lives
saved.  Though this thorny issue is skirted in cost/effective-
ness and risk/benefit analysis, cost/benefit analysis must
directly confront the problem of valuing morbidity and mor-
tality effects in dollar  terms  (or some other metric).  In-
formation on these values can be obtained through a variety of
avenues, such as the present value of future earnings, the
wage premiums earned in risky occupations, or expenditures on
life and medical insurance.  Martin Bailey in Reducing Risks
to Life describes these and other approaches in considerable
detail and concludes that willingness to pay to avoid risk is
partly measured by wage premiums for risky occupations, but
that other adjustments must be made for social insurance and
other social benefits of reducing risks.  He recommends that a
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range of about $250,000 to $450,000 be used as the value of a
life for purposes of program evaluation.  This valuation is
independent of other factors that one may want to consider--
such as the average age and health of the population at
risk—and consequently is not the final word.

     Others are not convinced that such techniques are appro-
priately applied to human lives and would rather leave the
valuations as implicit in legislative or policy decisions.  An
attempt to resolve this controversy will not be made here.  It
is noteworthy, however, that although many regulatory deci-
sions imply certain values to the reduction in risk to human
life, explicit determination is the final step in a process
fraught with inadequate data and uncertainties.  As a practi-
cal matter, these uncertainties will limit the usefulness of
cost/benefit analysis before human life valuations will.

Legislative Constraints

     One of the most significant factors affecting the appli-
cability of cost/benefit analyses (and for the large differ-
ences in cost per life saved in Table 1) is not a function of
the techniques themselves.  Rather, OSHA and other regulatory
agencies typically have been given strict legislative mandates
that limit their flexibility for more effective agency deci-
sion-making and their consideration of cost/benefit trade-
offs.  For example, promulgation of the coke oven emission
standard was directed by Section 655(b)(5) of the Occupa-
tional, Safety and Health Act (OSH Act) which states:

     The Secretary . . . shall set the standard which
     most adequately assures, to the extent feasible, on
     the basis of the best available evidence, that no
     employee will suffer material impairment of health
     or functional capacity even if such employee has
     regular exposure to the hazard dealt with by such
     standard for the period of his working life. . . .
     In addition to the attainment of the highest degree
     of health and safety protection for the employee,
     other considerations shall be the latest available
     scientific data in the field (and) the feasibility
     of the standards. . . ,28

It is clear that the Agency is to give greater emphasis to
reducing health effects than it is to related costs.  Although
feasibility is required, the term has been loosely defined by
the courts to include technological feasibility  (currently in
use or "looming on the horizon") and economic costs (allowing
some firms to go out of business but not to force "massive
dislocation").  While there is a legal question as to whether
OSHA must explicitly weigh costs and benefits, current Agency
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interpretation dismisses this requirement.   Under the OSH Act
OSHA is left little leeway if a substance is thought to in-
crease a health risk, it must regulate up to the point of
economic and technological feasibility, regardless of the
relationship between costs and benefits.

     A similar but distinct example involves FDA's handling of
saccharin and aflatoxins under the Food, Drug and Cosmetics
Act (FDCA).  Both substances are known to be potential car-
cinogens in humans, saccharin very weak and aflatoxins rela-
tively strong.  Because the FDCA places a much greater empha-
sis on food additives such as saccharin than on naturally
occurring substances such as aflatoxin, FDA is forced to
regulate saccharin closely while limited action is taken
against aflatoxin.

     While legislative mandates affect the extent to which and
the manner in which regulatory resources can be allocated/
cost/benefit considerations are almost always a part of a
regulatory program.  Variances, relaxed enforcement, and
delayed compliance schedules permit the agency some degree of
flexibility in trading off costs and benefits.  A recent
example is OSHA's decision not to enforce portions of its cot-
ton dust standard for certain segments of the cotton industry
where exposures are relatively low.  Although such decisions
are rarely accompanied by a formal cost/benefit analysis they
represent an implicit judgment by the decisionmakers that the
benefits of forced compliance may not, in some cases, justify
the costs.

IMPLICATIONS FOR HAZARDOUS WASTE MANAGEMENT

     The preceding discussion has attempted to provide an ac-
curate overview of cost/benefit techniques and their ability
to guide the development of environmental,• health and safety
rules.  This final section offers some general observations on
the incorporation of cost/benefit concepts in hazardous waste
management.  The remaining sections c-f this report provide the
necessary detail.  Before beginning, two general conclusions
that bear directly on the regulatory problems posed by hazard-
ous wastes should be highlighted.  First, though data limita-
tions and uncertainties will almost always preclude the formal
application of cost/benefit approaches, the economic spirit of
these techniques provides indispensable information to deci-
sionmakers.  Specifically, the emphasis on identifying and
quantifying, to the extent possible, all positive and negative
consequences of an action forces decisionroakers to look at the
full range of alternatives in regulating EHS risks and mini-
mizes the chance that important effects are overlooked.  This
observation is hardly new; many people have stated that cost/
benefit consideration is a useful way of organizing and
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arranging information.   Second,  the use of cost/benefit tech-
niques cannot be viewed separately from other allocative
forces such as equity concern and legislative/legal con-
straijits.  These decision criteria are crucial guideposts
within which regulatory consequences must be considered.

     All of the factors limiting the application of cost/bene-
fit technique to EHS risk management apply to hazardous waste
management policy.   The most severe barrier is the paucity of
information concerning  the nature of the hazards, which is
particularly acute  in regard to  the management of inactive or
abandoned sites. Although there have been recent attempts to
identify the location of disposal sites, many more are still
undiscovered."  The cost to the government of locating
abandoned hazardous waste disposal sites is huge, and the
entire process will become progressively more difficult as the
easily identifiable areas are found.  Even if all the sites
can be identified,  the  wastes contained in the sites (their
chemical composition, etc.)  and  the health risks posed are
largely unknown. Extensive testing of the site must be under-
taken to determine  what hazards  are posed by the washes.  Fur-
thermore, safe inactive sites have to be distinguished from
those sites that have the potential to become health hazards.

     The current regulatory approach to the problems briefly
discussed above requires that the federal and state govern-
ments take the lead in  locating, identifying and characteriz-
ing waste disposal  sites.  Cleanup costs and penalties are
being sought from the current owners and past users in civil
proceedings.  Unfortunately in this process, there exist in-
centives for the disposing party to conceal valuable informa-
tion from the government and perhaps to contribute to further
social harm.  The total cost of  acquiring the necessary in-
formation could be  lessened if the entities that can generate
the information most cheaply, private firms for example, had
incentives to volunteer whatever site and waste characteris-
tics they have.

     Private firms, when deciding whether or not to reveal
past dumping activities that may represent a health or en-
vironmental hazard, weigh the expected private consequences
from providing the  information.   In the face of potential
civil or criminal proceedings if they are found culpable, it
may be in their best interest to reveal as little as pos-
sible.  In structuring  a cost/effective regulatory policy the
government must take these private calculations into account.
For example, the government may  want to consider exempting
firms from legal proceedings if  the firms make their knowledge
on the existence and characteristics of disposal sites avail-
able.  Coupling such a  policy with harsh sanctions against
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recalcitrant firms could provide an effective mechanism for
obtaining necessary information.

     Serious distributional questions arise when considering
any options for cleaning up hazardous waste disposal sites.
One of the most important questions is concerned with who
should pay the cleanup costs.   Generally accepted notions of
equity would suggest that those who benefited from the dis-
posal operations (i.e., the firm that experienced lower dis-
posal costs and therefore the consumers of the output produced
by the firm or in the case of a municipal site, local tax-
payers) should pay the costs associated with the activity.
Unfortunately, implementing this concept is complicated by the
long periods between disposal and the date of regulatory
action; these time lags make it difficult to identify the
actual beneficiaries of the waste-generating activity.  In
addition, even if the responsible firm or disposal entity can
be identified, it may be out of business or unable to meet the
cleanup costs.  If the firm is able to pay the cleanup costs
and transfer these costs to consumers in the form of higher
prices, the ultimate incidence of the costs will likely bear
little relation to the earlier distribution of benefits from
improper disposal.  In situations such as these where it is
impractical or impossible to identify the beneficiaries of the
unsafe disposal practices or where the responsible parties are
not able to pay the bill, the regulating agency must decide
how the cleanup efforts will be financed.

     Most of the current proposals that address the problem of
financing cleanup efforts make no attempt to cope with the
distributional questions raised here.  Litigation efforts
directed at demonstrating liability are only focused on cur-
rent owners of land if a site is found.  As is sometimes the
case, the present owner may have purchased the land with no
knowledge of the disposal site's existence.  Although the
current owner may be able to institute similar litigation
against the individual from whom he purchased the property, it
must be demonstrated that the seller misrepresented the
property to the buyer.  This may be difficult to prove unless
the issue of the disposal site was made explicit at the time
of sale.

     The recently enacted superfund represents an attempt to
deal with cleanup costs for hazardous wastes and to compensate
victims of spills for their economic losses.  In general,
initial funding of the superfund would be achieved by taxing
current production of materials that produce hazardous wastes
as residues, with the federal government supplementing the
fund with other tax revenues.  Generally, the superfund would
supply funds immediately for cleanup and compensation? later,
the spiller would be sued in order to replenish the fund.
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     The concepts behind superfund raise the previously noted
equity issues of whether current consumers should pay for past
mistakes from which they may not have benefited and whether
firms that are now safely disposing their wastes should have
to subsidize, in effect, less clean or environmentally sound
firms.

     Thus far this discussion has focused on the proper man-
agement of abandoned disposal sites.  Regulations now being
developed under the Resource Conservation and Recovery Act
address management practices for active disposal sites.  These
regulations are structured largely to prevent contamination of
underground aquifiers.  Cost/benefit analysis can contribute
to the regulatory decisions; the maximum amount that should be
spent to protect ground water is given by the minimum cost
associated with the alternative options of (1)  doing nothing
and suffering the adverse effects on health and the environ-
ment, (2) treating the contaminated water before consuming it,
and  (3)  obtaining alternative supplies from uncontaminated
areas.

     A broader perspective of hazardous waste management prac-
tices would also include actions that could be taken to reduce
the flow of hazardous wastes.  In fact, current regulatory
efforts may work against this scale.  By raising the costs of
transportation and disposal of wastes, the regulations do pro-
vide an incentive to reduce the quantity of waste which re-
quires handling; however they may also provide an incentive to
bypass the legal treatment system and dispose of more wastes
improperly.  Cost/benefit consideration would suggest a
greater emphasis on regulatory programs with direct economic
incentives that may be more cost-effective in a long-run.  For
example, coupling a product charge on hazardous waste generat-
ing activities with subsidized disposal centers, marketable
disposal permits, tax credits for recycling hazardous wastes,
and variable fine structures should be considered and evalu-
ated as possible control mechanisms.

     In addition, the current regulations assume implicitly
that the supply of safe hazardous waste disposal facilities
will keep pace with the expanding volume and number of wastes
requiring treatment.  Public opposition, though, to the siting
of disposal plants may severely limit the number of available
sites for such facilities.  In an economic sense, this opposi-
tion is a rational response if communities feel that a hazard-
ous waste disposal plant would impose external costs (i.e.,
increased risk of adverse health effects) without providing
corresponding benefits.  This skewness of costs and benefits
(where the benefits accrue to a larger regional area) might
result in a scarcity of sites and/or in sites that are located
too far from generating activities.  As public concern and
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awareness of the potential risks posed by hazardous waste dis-
posal facilities increases, it is likely that federal or state
policy initiatives will have to be developed that provide for
an adequate number of waste treatment centers.

     Finally, it is useful to discuss briefly the importance
of distinguishing between different levels of hazardous waste
health risks in setting regulatory policy.  The previous dis-
cussion on cost/benefit analysis suggests that more stringent
(and therefore more costly) standards should be set for the
more hazardous wastes and less stringent standards for those
wastes that pose smaller health risks.  If this flexibility is
not present, a serious misallocation of resources will result
with some risks being overregulated, in the sense that dollars
spent elsewhere would provide greater reduction in health
risks, and some risks not being regulated strictly enough.

     The regulations under Subtitle C of RCRA only allow for a
minimal amount of such ranking of hazardous waste health risks
or of alternative regulatory strategies by health risk class.
Though the required scientific and medical information for
establishing such classes may not yet be available, research
efforts directed toward the goal of generating that informa-
tion would be valuable.

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

     The important characteristics of cost/benefit analysis
and its principal variants, risk/benefit and cost/effective-
ness analyses, have been outlined and described.  While these
techniques have been applied recently to the issues of health,
safety and environmental risk, some difficulties are en-
countered.  Uncertainty over health effects, environmental
effects, and economic costs is a characteristic common to most
of these risks,  in addition, many of the risks involve sig-
nificant redistributions of wealth and income among those of
us alive today or between present and future generations.
These issues have been illustrated with examples from case
studies of four federal regulations.

     The remainder of this section turned to special issues in
hazardous wastes management.  While the scientific uncertain-
ties and distributional questions effectively constrain the
formal application of cost/benefit techniques, the general
concerns or "spirit" of cost/benefit analysis can provide
invaluable insights to the development of sound regulatory
policy.  Regulation of hazardous waste should utilize cost/
benefit concepts because they provide a fuller analysis of all
the regulatory alternatives and an examination of their posi-
tive and negative consequences.
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     The final two sections of this report demonstrate in more
detail how the concepts of cost/benefit analysis can.be ap-
plied ; to two specific regulatory problems posed by hazardous
waste, generation and disposal.  First, an existing but new
program, superfund, affecting past, present and future dis-
posal practices is evaluated.  Superfund was selected for this
investigation because it incorporates some of the transaction
cost reduction alternatives suggested in Section 2; and be-
cause it directly and indirectly affects all aspects of
hazardous waste management.  The focus of the analysis will be
to identify some of its more important costs and benefits,
both of which are often hidden, and to use this information to
make qualitative statements of its relative effectiveness.

     The second problem analysis involved a hazardous waste
management concern that has yet to be directly addressed at a
federal level, but where suggestions of a potential government
role have been made:  siting of hazardous waste disposal
facilities.  A careful economic review of the underlying
causes of the siting problem and the costs and benefits of
federal action can help determine the level of government that
is required and the form of that action, if any.

     The two studies suggest a thought process that can be
applied usefully to regulatory analyses.  The discussion is
qualitative and is intended to provide a general model in
which more rigorous analyses can be conducted.  The economic
focus of the studies serves to organize the available informa-
tion on the issue, identify its strengths and weaknesses, and
identify some likely regulatory alternatives.
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                           SECTION V

           SUPERFUND:  COPING  WITH  ORPHANED HAZARDOUS
                    WASTE  SITES  AND SPILLS
     Of the range of  problems  presented by hazardous wastes,
perhaps none are  more difficult  to  cope with than those asso-
ciated with past  dumping  practices  and accidental spills or
discharges.  More than 30,000  chemical waste dumpsites may
currently exist,  and  as many as  2,000  of those may pose a sig-
nificant risk to  businesses, residents and wildlife located
near the site.3"   Although  responsible parties have often
made efforts to locate and  clean-up such sites, at least two
factors limit the number  of sites  to which this applies.
First, waste sites are often "orphaned" to the extent that the
original responsible  party  is  no longer known or that the cur-
rent or past owner is not able financially to cover the
clean-up costs and potential compensation damages.  Second, a
strong incentive  exists for responsible firms or individuals
to withhold information on  a particular site; if they withhold
the data and are  not  caught, they  are  far better off.

     In addition, if  toxic  wastes  were accidently spilled or
discharged, few avenues,  until recently, were available for
individuals or the government  to mitigate potential environ-
mental and health risks.  The  heavy information requirements
to bring common law actions have already been noted.  Though
several federal statutes  provided  some basis for action, they
are limited in their  scope. Finally,  given the potentially
high costs of volunteering  information on a spill or discharge
versus the low probability  of  being caught and held liable if
a party withholds relevant  data, there was little incentive to
come forward and take responsibility for an accident.

     In direct response to  these,  and  other problems, Congress
enacted the Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation
and Liability Act in  the  fall  of 1380   (hereafter referred to
as Superfund) .  In essence, the bill provided broad federal
government emergency  response  authority for hazardous waste
spills and provided tools for  coping with orphaned sites.
This section will describe  the statutory shortcomings that led
to the enactment of Super fund  and  will then review the Act in
light of those limitations. After  establishing the statutory
background the analysis will  then  attempt to cast Super fund in

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a qualitative cost/benefit framework.  This will demonstrate
the usefulness of such an approach for identifying the criti-
cal policy questions to be considered before promulgating
Superfund regulations.

BACKGROUND

     The law existing before Superfund was inadequate for
cleaning up abandoned hazardous waste sites.  Although at
least 21 federal statutes provided some authority for control-
ling hazardous waste sites,31 with the major provisions
being in the Clean Water Act (CWA)32 and the Resource
Conservation and Recovery Act (RCRA),33 the federal govern-
ment was limited in its ability to respond to dangerous
hazardous waste disposal sites or to require the responsible
parties to take clean-up actions.  Recovering the government's
costs associated with cleaning up a dangerous site was in most
circumstances nearly impossible.  In addition, the government
could not compel companies and individuals to disclose the
history of their waste dumping practices and th-3 location of
their dumpsites, further restricting its ability to identify
the sites in need of remedial action and as well as to build
cases against the responsible parties.  These points are dis-
cussed in more detail below.

Response Authority

     Before the passage of Superfund, three sections of
statutory law provided some limited response authority.
Section 311 of the Clean Water Act allows the government to
take remedial action, or require the responsible parties to do
so, for spills of oil or approximately 300 designated hazard-
ous chemicals in navigable waters.  This response authority is
characterized by several notable deficiencies.  First, it
applies to only a small portion of the actually hazardous
chemicals; some observers claim that several thousand chemi-
cals should be considered sufficiently dangerous to be in-
cluded among those chemicals for which the government has
response authority.34  Second, spills into navigable waters
constitute only a small portion of the hazardous releases into
the environment; spills often contaminate groundwater, soil,
or air without affecting navigable waters and cannot be ad-
dressed under this section of the Clean Water Act.  Finally,
as of May, 1980, the fund used to finance the government's
initial clean-up operations under Section 311 was virtually
depleted.35

     Section 504 of the Clean Water Act36 (CWA)  also pro-
vides broad authority for response, enabling the government to
provide assistance in any pollution emergency.  However, the
$10 million designated to be placed in a fund for providing
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such assistance was never appropriated;  in any case this
amount would have been too small to cope with the hundreds of
abandoned hazardous waste sites.

     Section 7003 of RCRA permits the government to bring an
enforcement action against any person contributing to the
release of hazardous waste which presents an imminent and sub-
stantial endangerment to public health and the environment.
Although intended to address directly the problem of spills
and orphaned sites, the judicial proceedings under this provi-
sion are cumbersome, slow, and expensive.  Further, it re-
quires that the government identify the responsible parties
before bringing suit and that such parties have the resources
necessary for cleaning a site up before any remedial action
could be taken.  Under this process remedial action could have
taken several years.

Cost Recovery

     Before Superfund the government could not recover emer-
gency response costs of all hazardous waste contamination
incidents.  Sections 311 and 504 of the Clean Water Act (CWA)
empowered the government to recover only those costs associ-
ated with cleaning up spills in navigable waters of oil or the
designated hazardous substances; recovery was obtained through
civil actions.  Because of the dependence on the judicial sys-
tem, years could pass before the government would be reim-
bursed for the expenditures made to clean up a spill.  Thus,
the government's ability to recover costs was limited to a
relatively narrow subset of potentially dangerous spills, and
was subject to the normal delays found in judicial proceedings.

Reporting and Notification

     Although requirements for reporting spills and notifying
authorities about hazardous waste contamination of the en-
vironment existed before the passage of Superfund, they-were
not broad enough to cover all hazardous wastes.  The only
spills that responsible parties were required to report were
those where oil and designated chemical substances were
spilled in navigable waters.

Summary

     In summary, statutory law existing before the passage of
Superfund left serious institutional and legal gaps.  More
than 21 federal statutes pertained to hazardous waste manage-
ment, but the only spills that were required to be reported  to
government officials were those of oil or a limited number of
hazardous chemicals which contaminated navigable waters.  Many
other soills, either those of different substances or those
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not contaminating navigable waters, were never disclosed so
that authorities and pollution victims were unable to take
action to force clean-up and compensation payments.  Simi-
larly, the government had authority for cleaning up and re-
covering costs only for those spills covered under Section 311
of the CWA, which left out a large number of sites.  Even for
spills covered under Section 311, EPA was given inadequate
resources to finance clean-up operations.  Judicial proceed-
ings to force clean-up of spills often took years to resolve.
Superfund and the many versions which preceded it sought to
address these issues.  The approach taken in Superfund to
resolve each of these problems is described below.

PROVISIONS OF SUPERFUND

     Superfund expands the scope of government response
authority to cover more substances—not only those under CWA,
but also substances listed under specific sections of RCRA,
the Clean Air Act, and the Toxic Substances Control Act.  In
addition, the government can designate additional hazardous
substances if needed.  In general, response authority is pro-
vided for "any pollutant or contaminant which may present an
imminent and substantial danger to the public health or wel-
fare. "3^  with the exception of certain statutorily excluded
substances, such as most petroleum fractions and various forms
of natural gas, response authority under Superfund appears to
include a broad class of substances.

Response Authority

     Superfund authorizes the federal and state governments to
undertake removal and remedial actions necessary to protect
public health and welfare or the environment.^8  The govern-
ment is to broaden the scope of the National Contingency Plan
developed under the Clean Water Act to respond to releases or
to substantial threats of releases of hazardous substances.
The sole exception is if the President determines that the
party responsible for the release will conduct the removal or
remedial actions properly.  The responses include, but are not
limited to, containing or treating the wastes at the site and
providing alternative water supplies and monitoring.

     Funding of governmental response efforts comes from the
Hazardous Substance Response Trust Fund.  This fund will con-
tain 1.6 billion dollars over a 5-year period, of which 12.5%
will come from government general revenues and 87.5% from
taxes on industry.  The taxes are to be levied on feedstocks,
inorganic chemicals, and oil.-^9
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Cost Recovery;  The Liability Provisions

     Considerable controversy surrounded the development of
the liability provisions of Superfund.  The original Senate
version would have authorized the recovery of removal costs
incurred by the government or any person by mandating strict,
joint and several liability against parties involved in the
generation, transport, or disposal of hazardous wastes.4^
The responsible parties would also have been liable for cer-
tain other damages, such as resource restoration and replace-
ment.  The final bill makes no mention of strict, joint and
several liability and does not provide victims with direct
access to federal courts.  On further examination, however,
the liability provisions may be, due to precedents in inter-
preting similar wording in other statutes, very close to
strict, joint and several liability.

     Strict liability is the holding of parties involved in a
disposal process liable regardless of any negligence.  The
standard of liability in the new law is intended to be the
same as that imposed in Section 311 of the Clean Water Act,
which has been interpreted to be strict liability.^  Cer-
tain specifically enumerated defenses are available, namely
showing that the release was caused by  (1) an act of God,  (2)
an act of war, or  (3) an act or omission of an independent
third party; however, the third party defense is narrowly
defined to exclude the actions of employees, agents or con-
tractors.42  This would make a generator liable for the
actions of its transporters and disposers.  The weight of this
evidence, particularly the precedent of the interpretation of
similar language in Section 311 of CWA, suggests that Super-
fund applies strict liability to parties involved in hazardous
waste management.

     Whether the parties involved in hazardous waste disposal
will be held jointly and severally liable is a more difficult
question.  Joint and several liability could make any partici-
pant liable in an action, regardless of the extent of partici-
pation.  For example, under these liability rules a single
generator could be held liable for all costs and damages
caused by the combined wastes disposed at one site by several
generators.  Costs could be recovered from one generator while
distribution of the costs and damages among the other con-
tributing parties  is left to future law suits.  Support for
assuming that parties involved in hazardous waste management
are jointly and severally liable under Superfund is found in
the language of the Act which states "nothing in  (it) shall
affect or modify in any way the obligations or liabilities
under other Federal or State law, including common law, with
respect to releases in hazardous substances."4^  According
to the Department of Justice, common law provides for joint
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and several liability where the act or omission of the respon-
sible parties results in an indivisible injury.44  Further
support for holding the parties jointly and severally liable
is found in several pending suits in which the Department of
Justice interprets Section 311 of the Clean Water Act as ap-
plying joint and several liability.4-*  The issue of whether
joint and several liability will be imposed on parties con-
tributing to a hazardous waste site will be developed and
clarified through case law.

Reporting and Notification

     Superfund establishes requirements for reporting and
notifying authorities about unpermitted hazardous waste
facilities and hazardous substance spills (Section 102).  It
requires any person in charge of a vessel or facility that is
releasing hazardous substances that are equal to, or greater
than, a given quantity to report immediately the release to
the National Response Center.  Failure to do so exposes the
person to the threat of up to 10,000 dollars in fines or up to
one year imprisonment, or both (Section 103).

     Under Superfund, the existence of unpermitted facilities
must be reported to EPA within 180 days of the law's enact-
ment.  Failure to report these facilities may result in up to
10,000 dollars in fines, or one year imprisonment, or both,
for any person involved in putting hazardous wastes at the
site.  In addition, Superfund prohibits any person from know-
ingly destroying records that specify, in accordance with EPA
regulations, the location of and hazardous constitutents
present in a facility.  This prohibition applies for 50 years
after the enactment of the Act, or 50 years after establish-
ment of a record, whichever is later.  Any person who violates
this requirement may be fined up to 20,000 dollars, or impri-
soned for up to 1 year, or both.46

COST/BENEFIT ANALYSIS

     The problem of coping with past disposal practices is a
classic case of an externality.  Before RCRA and Superfund,
few incentives existed for generators, transporters, and di-
posers of hazardous wastes to take precautions against adverse
health and environmental effects.  The underlying reasons for
the lack of incentives were given in Section III.  High trans-
action costs in terms of informational uncertainty and iden-
tification of responsible parties led to fewer negotiations
between affected parties before an activity commenced and
fewer tort actions after the fact.  Therefore, costs imposed
by hazardous waste activities were not internalized by the
responsible party, and the level of safety reached in dealing
with hazardous wastes did not fully reflect society's risk
                               40

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preferences.  These transaction costs were exacerbated by
problem sites where a financially viable owner no longer
existed.

     In many respects Superfund directly addresses the root
causes of the externalities associated with hazardous wastes.
It implicitly recognizes the role played by transaction costs
in inhibiting economic/legal transactions that would internal-
ize the social costs of unsafely disposed and treated wastes.
High costs resulting from informational uncertainties  (i.e.,
the location of past dump sites, current spills, and composi-
tion of the wastes) are intended to be lessened through the
notification requirements.  This intention corresponds to a
theoretical argument that in the case of uncertainty over the
least cost avoidance of an externality, responsibility for
avoidance should be placed with the party who can estimate
these costs most cheaply, in this case, generators, trans-
porters, and disposers of wastes.4'  The liability provi-
sions, to the extent that they are interpreted as meaning
strict, joint and several liability, also shift the burden of
-transaction costs to the private sector.  The effects of un-
certainty concerning exact causal relationships is somewhat
mitigated in favor of the damaged party and the use of the
fund does not require the identification of all of the respon-
sible parties.

     Reviewing Superfund within a cost/benefit framework can
be done at two different levels.  First, one could evaluate
the relative value of the Act itself.  That is, the marginal
costs and benefits of Superfund could be compared to other
options available to Congress to determine if the chosen route
maximizes net benefits.  Alternatively, one could take Super-
fund as a given and assess alternative agency actions within
the Act to assure that costs and benefits are equated at the
margin for each selected action.  The latter approach is
clearly more relevant for the EPA in the sense that it must
choose among alternatives that fit within the legislative
mandate; the more detailed and restrictive the Act is, the
less flexibility EPA has in determining efficient regulatory
and implementation policies.  This section offers a general
analysis that applies at both levels mentioned above.  By
identifying the major cost and benefit elements of the Act,
some specific concerns in revising Superfund and in imple-
menting its requirements can be isolated.  For example,
cost/benefit concepts can be used to organize regulatory pro-
gram information in order to determine its effectiveness in
addressing problems such as data requirements and uncertain-
ties and- gaps or overlaps with existing legislative or market
mechanisms.
                               41

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Benefits

     The general class of benefits from Superfund is the value
of damages avoided from improperly disposed wastes.  These
benefits are generated through several avenues.  Shortened
clean-up response time to dangerous sites or spills is ex-
pected to lessen potential damages.  For example, the benefit
of controlling a site that has been leaking a particular sub-
stance that harms surrounding plant life is defined by the
value of the difference in plant damages averted as the result
of acting promptly.  The liability provisions create an addi-
tional Incentive for the firms handling hazardous wastes to be
more cautious.  Benefits therefore result in the present and
future as firms re-design or close existing sites and as they
incorporate better control technologies to reduce their poten-
tial liability.  Again, the benefits are defined in terms of
the value of damages avoided as a result of these actions.

     The earlier discussion isolates two specific classes of
damages from hazardous wastes:  health (chronic and acute) and
natural resource (including wildlife).  Because Superfund per-
mits the government to seek compensation for natural resource
damage as well as clean-up costs, reduced natural resource
damage as well as reduced clean-up costs is a direct benefit
from the program.  Even though Superfund does not explicitly
address personal injury damages, there will be health benefits
from the Act.  To the extent that the internalization of other
social cost elements acts to induce safer behavior on the part
of firms, health damages will also be averted.

     Benefits from the fund mechanism and tax scheme are more
difficult to generalize.  On one hand, that part of the act
represents solely an income transfer mechanism and the only
benefits that accrue are those that result from the emergency
response authortiy and increased compensation payments to in-
jured parties.  Where the money comes from is of little in-
terest from an efficiency standpoint.  On the other hand, the
tax does act as a partial incentive to control hazardous waste
streams.  It states, in essence, that a firm must buy the
right to generate wastes.  Ideally, some firms, depending on
their cost structures, would pay the tax, and others would opt
for changing production processes and not generating wastes.
The limitations of this incentive from the Superfund scheme
will be discussed later.  At this point it is sufficient to
note the possibility of some benefits resulting directly from
the taxing authority of the act.

     Actual estimation of the benefits from Superfund involves
a process similar to the estimation of benefits from any other
regulatory program.  Estimates must be made of:
                               42

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     1)  the change in ambient environmental concentrations--
         for Superfund this means the difference in the number
         of uncontrolled or cleaned up sites now and in the
         future;

     2)  the change in the number of exposed individuals,
         natural resources (acres of land, or numbers of
         animals) resulting from Superfund;

     3)  the change in the level and type of exposure experi-
         enced by the population (for example, ten fewer
         people will be exposed to contaminated groundwater);

     4)  the relationship between the level of exposure and
         resulting health or damage effects--for health ef-
         fects, exposure will be defined in terms of dosage--
         for resource damages, che relationship will be
         defined as level and duration of exposure to toxic
         chemical;

     5)  the change in number of adverse health or natural
         resources damages—for example, as a result of
         Superfund there will be 5 few^r mortal cancers each
         year for the 30 years and 2000 fewer destroyed wet-
         land breeding habitats; and

     6)  the economic value of the change in health and
         natural resource damages.

     Obtaining numerical estimates for each stage of the com-
putational procedure is thwarted by data, methodology and
technology uncertainties that are common to any benefit as-
sessment.  In addition, there are several problems with ob-
taining accurate estimates that are somewhat, but not en-
tirely, unique to hazardous wastes.  These will be briefly
discussed in turn.

     Conducting a prospective rather than retrospective an-
alysis is always complicated by having to superimpose a regu-
latory program, in this case a legal/economic/regulatory
scheme, on existing patterns of behavior ac the individual and
market level.  Where the regulation specifies a particular
target level, predicting the number of sites that each year
will be brought under control by the government can be ap-
proximated by the amount of funds available for clean-up
actions and the average clean-up cost per site.  The number of
future sites or spills, the clean-up of which will be avoided
because of more cautious industry behavior, requires a number
of assumptions.  These would include, for example, the ulti-
mate effect of the tax on producer behavior, the degree of
change in the level of uncertainty and therefore transaction
                               43

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costs associated with bringing personal injury actions, and
the extent to which the costs internalized through recovery of
clean-up and natural resource damage costs accurately reflect
true social costs.

     Computation of economic values is made difficult by the
wide variety of potential damages within the two general
classes of benefits.  Some of these benefits may be reflected
in property value changes for land located near or next to a
site.4®  Estimates of property value changes that have
occurred at a few known sites could be used to value expected
benefits if the degree of change could be characterized by
size of site, type of chemicals, location, geo-physical vari-
ables, etc.  The value of expected health benefits, assuming
health effects can be quantified, could be estimated by one of
the techniques discussed in Section IV.  Of course, the rele-
vant uncertainties still hold.  The problems of placing values
on benefits to future generations of clean-up activities re-
sulting from Superfund have already been mentioned and are
complicated by the selection of an appropriate discount rate,

     Short of computing dollar values for the positive effeccs
of Superfund, a less demanding measure of effectiveness cculci
be designed that would provide useful information to the
policymaker.  For example, it may be possible to define a
series of categories for orphaned hazardous waste sites that
reflect varying degrees of health or environmental risks.  For
example, sites that pose a large risk of causing human healtt.
effects would be placed in a higher class than sites which
have a risk of destroying the productive capacity of surround-
ing land, but not of damaging health.  The effectiveness of
Superfund, or alternative implementation strategies, could
then be measured in terms of the number of sites or spills in
each class that were controlled or averted.  As will be din-
cussed later, this type of approach might be useful in a
cost/effectiveness analysis.

Costs

     In general terms, the costs of Superfund are:  the change
in clean-up and restoration costs; direct costs to firms of
reporting and notifying EPA of spills; increased compensation
costs to firms resulting from common actions involving per-
sonal damages; and the fund tax.  Ideally, estimates of pri-
vate costs accruing to the firms should be translated into
social costs, i.e., estimates of consumer and producer surplus
losses.  The most important steps are summarized generally
below.

     1)  Estimate the number of sites or spills that will
         require clean-up action at each point in time.
                               44

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     2)   Estimate the  costs associated  with  those operations
         including restoration costs and  natural resource
         damage costs, compensation for which can be obtained
         through the fund and, later, responsible parties.
         Most likely these cost estimates would only be ap-
         proximated by the average cost of clean-up per site.
         A further refinement would allow estimates based on
         certain site  characteristics such as size or type of
         wastes.

     3)   Estimate the  total costs of the  clean-up operation
         (1x2).

     4)   Estimate the  shift in the cost or production func-
         tions of affected firms.

     5)   Estimate the  resulting shifts  in the supply and de-
         mand of the goods, the production of which generate
         hazardous wastes.

     If each step is carried out properly, it is possible to
determine how much of  the costs of Superfund are passed into
consumers in the form  of higher prices, and  therefore estimate
consumer surplus losses, and how much are pased on to stock-
holders or input suppliers.  But inadequate  data, complex
market relationships and methodological uncertainties interact
to limit the accuracy  and usefulness of cost estimates.  Al-
though these problems  characterize almost any cost assessment
for a regulatory program, the different type of incentives in
Super fund further complicate the analysis.  Predicting the net
effect of the liability provisions of the Act on producer
behavior is a particularly difficult task.  Yet, it is this
mix of producer responses that determines not only how much
less waste will be produced or more cautious disposal tech-
niques will be applied, but also whether  firms will comply
with the notification  provisions or try to conceal potentially
hazardous sites or spills.

     Although it is not possible to evaluate all of the spe-
cific cost/producer response relationships that are important
from the standpoint of understanding the  cost elements of
Super fund and their impact, two particularly interesting and
potentially critical effects are discussed in more detail
below.  The first looks at the effect of  cost changes brought
on by the change in liability provisions  on  market structure.
This relationship will determine, in part, the disposal
facility capacity shortfall, an issue of  current interest at
EPA.  The second briefly looks at the relationship between
compliance costs and the level of compliance.  This often
neglected interplay ultimately determines one major part of
                               45

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 the benefits and costs of regulatory programs and has a sig-
 nificant role in selecting optimal implementation mechanisms.

 Types ;of Liabilities and Changes in Market Structure

      To predict the economic impacts on market structure of
 imposing strict, joint, and several liability it is necessary
 to determine their effect on the cost functions of relevant
 firms.-  Although there may be several types of structural
 changes, the focus of this section is on the choice of dispos-
 ing on-site or off-site.49

      Assume, for simplicity, that the total cost function of a
 representative firm generating hazardous wastes is given by:
              n
 (1) ..... TC = E X.W. + YW  + ZWz
        W= f IC     C    ( TT     TT   ) )
      ™   •L^1'^ 1' ^"7 t \ v 1 '  •? •) ' '
      z      z, j_   ^, •<•  z, -I   ^/^


where X. are the production inputs, other than hazardous waste
disposal; Y is the waste disposed by generator; Z is the waste
disposed by outside service; W. are the input prices or unit
costs; C.j_ j_ are expenditures on constructing and maintaining
disposal facility; C$_  2 are expenditures for health and environ-
mental damages due to'improper release of the hazardous washes
(i=y and z) ; TT^ ^ is the probability of improper release  (i=  y
and z) ; and ir.j_ ^ is the propability of being held liable.

   Some of the more important relationships within the function
are:

   3W^ .:            3C.  .
   3Ci/j               37T



where 3 = 1, 2
      The total cost function includes disposal service as yn
 input into producing a given output, with on-site and off-site
 disposal services as substitutes.  The cost of either service
 consists of construction, operating and maintenance costs and
 the expected value of restoration costs and health and en-
 vironmental damages if the wastes are improperly released.
 The latter cost is an inverse function of the disposal cost
                                46

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element since as disposal expenditures increase, the proba-
bility of a release of hazarodus wastes decreases (assuming
increased expenditures mean safer sites).

     In the absence of Superfund, where high transaction costs
limit the liability of irresponsible disposers, assuming on-site
and off-site disposal costs are the same,  generators may often
opt for contracting the disposal to outside services.  This is
because the probability of being held liable is smaller with
outside disposal (^y,2 was usually smaller than ^z,2^'> tne less
the generator has to'do with the wastes the better.   This con-
clusion is especially true if the off-site disposer thinks that
the probability of being caught and held liable is insignificant,
and does not incorporate the expected value of the damages into
the price the disposer charges (Wz).

   The introduction of strict liability through Superfund causes
^1,2 to increase, since the disposer is responsible for the
damages regardless of the amount of care taken.  The generator
may now be more hesitant to dispose of the waste on-site although
the option of using an outside disposer is also less attractive
if the likelihood of being held liable is reflected in the higher
price.  The net outcome (holding all other variables constant),
depends on the relative probabilities of being caught, (iry 2 vs
wz,2)-

     Joint and several liability introduces the term Wx to the
generator's cost function:
            n
(2)	TC = E X.-W. + YW,, + ZW_ + Wv
             . i i     y     ^    •*
           i=l

where Wx = f (ir^, C2 2)

      TT-: the probability that the party who contracted for off-
          site disposal is held jointly liable for damages
          caused by the contractor either because the trans-
          porters and disposers cannot shoulder the cost of
          damages or simply because a court -apportionment is
          made.

The cost of outside disposal is now represented by the last
two elements in equation  (2).

     The damage expenditures, CZf2, appears in both parts of the
costs of outside disposal.  In the first expression, liability
influences the price the disposer charges as a risk premium,
i.e., the amount the disposer must be rewarded for accepting
the risk of a spill or leak.  The actual premium is difficult
to predict and would depend, in part, on risk adverseness of the
particular firm.  The second expression shows that damage costs
can be a direct cost to the generator under joint liability.

                               47

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     If the generator attempts to minimize costs, the addition
of the last term increases the incentive for on-site disposal
of wastes, holding all other variables constant.  For those
firms that have no current on-site capacity, the total costs
of constructing, operating and maintaining a site must be com-
pared to the sum of the last two terms in equation  (2) .  If
the final decision is to continue to use off-site services, or
change the current mix of on-site versus off-site, the genera-
tor will seek to minimize the probability of being held
jointly or severally liable.  This might be accomplished
through contract terms that stipulate various proper manage-
ment techniques or selecting responsible disposers.  This
will, in turn, increase off-site disposal costs and generate a
further incentive to dispose on-site.

     It is possible to imagine at least two specific types of
responses to the increased incentive to dispose on-site.
First, generators can construct new facilities on their own
property or expand existing capacity.  The fact that most
generators have sites adjacent to production sources points to
many advantages of this approach such as proximity, comple-
mentarity to existing production technology and total control
over disposal firms.  Such vertical integration can allow the
firm to control the entire process of disposal and maintain,
if necessary, economies of scale by accepting outside wastes.
In addition, it is possible that hazardous waste disposal
firms will be forced to horizontally integrate.  This might
occur if only large firms could put together adequate finan-
cial resources to meet potential liability payments or in-
surance premiums.  The importance of this latter element is
growing as generators demand that contractors carry insurance
to cover spills or accidents.

     Of course, the actual effects of changes in the indus-
try's cost function can only be determined empirically.  Al-
though it seems safe to assert that the increased costs of
disposal  (through increased probability of being held liable
for a spill or leak) will tend to concentrate the disposal
industry and lead to increased on-site disposal, the degree of
these shifts is difficult to predict in the absence of good
data.  While it may rarely be feasible to conduct such a de-
tailed analysis of every regulatory alternative, it is im-
portant to understand, if only in qualitative terms, the major
interactions that characterize regulatory cost elements.

Incentives to Provide Information

     It was suggested earlier that the benefits and costs of
Superfund would depend partially on the degree of compliance
with the regulations promulgated under the act.  Although
                               48

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analyses of regulatory costs and benefits normally assume 100%
compliance, there are at least two important reasons for in-
corporating some assessment of potential noncompliance.  A
model that allows for less than full compliance will, in many
instances, (1) provide a more realistic picture of the likely
effects and (2) identify certain behavioral relationships
that, if taken more explicitly into account, would result in
greater benefits at less cost.  The private decision process
that will determine compliance with the notification and re-
porting sections of Superfund is abstracted below and several
important issues highlighted.50

    A firm deciding whether or not to comply with the Super-
fund notification requirements will compare the private costs
and benefits of doing so with the costs and benefits of non-
compliance.  Simply put, the firm's decision-making process
will be:

(3) C + GI + Cj >K  (C + C,+ Pn)  noncompliance

(4) C + C-L + C2 
-------
penalty of $20,000 ($10,000 for failure to notify EPA of the
existence of a site and $10,000 for failure to establish an
adequate insurance fund)  and one year in jail,for both offen-
ses. .,In addition, and perhaps more importantly,  violators of
Supeffund requirements are no longer subject to any limit on
their liability.

      Equations  (3) and (4) provide a rough guide for predic-
ting whether or not an incentive exists to reveal information
on waste sites.  For example, assume that a firm becomes aware
of a hazardous waste spill from one of its disposal sites.
The firm knows that it will cost $2 million to control the
spill and that damages will be around $500,000.   The alterna-
tive is to not notify EPA and let the spill remain as is.  If
they pursue the latter course and are caught they will face, in
addition to the cleanup and damage costs,  a penalty of $20,000.
The.point at which the firm will be indifferent between hiding
the site or notifying EPA can be determined by substituting
these figures into equation (3)  and solving for IT.   In this
simplified case, the probability of being caught  would have to
exceed 0.997 for the firm to have an incentive to reveal in-
formation about the site.   The report ing ar.d notification costs
have not been included in this calculation,  but would only
serve to buttress the incentive to not reveal information.

      A more realistic formulation would allow for the effects
of fear of imprisonment,  loss of corporate image  and increaserl
liability limits.  These intangible costs would appear as addi-
tional variables on the right hand side of equations (3) and (4) .
Depending on their relative size they could tip the balance
between compliance and noncompliance.   Although data on the
likely value for these effects is not available,  cost data from
several hazardous waste dump site case studies, presented In
appendix B, can be used to illustrate the general concepts out-
lined here and give same idea of the relative magnitude of the
intangible costs that is necessary to shift a firm from non-
compliance to compliance.

      Table I presents clean-up costs and damage  compensation
payments, where available,  for 4 hazardous waste  sites.  As in
the previous hypothetical example these costs can be substituted
into equations  (3) or (4)  to solve for the detection probability
(ir) that would make a firm indifferent between revealing informa-
tion on a site  (again, reporting and notification costs are not
included and the maximum fine is assumed to be $20,000).  For all
4 sites the probability of being caught would have to exceed 90%,
an unlikely level, for the firm to come forward with information
on the site.  A lower, more realistic probability would, of course,
                              50

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only strengthen the case for noncompliance.  If one assumes a
lower value for IT, for example, 10 percent, these cost figures
can be used to estimate the dollar value of the aggregate
intangible cost elements necessary to tip the balance in favor
of compliance.  Remembering that the intangible costs can be
represented by an additional variable within the right hand
side parentheses of equations  (3)  and (4),  they can be solved
by substituting in the assumed detection probability and for
the cost figures from Table I.  Making these calculations, the
costs of lost corporate prestige,  jail terms and increased
liability would have to be valued at a low of $2.5 million in
the Dover, N.J. case to over $28 million in the Bullit County
case to lead .to compliance.

    It should be clear that the cost figures and calculations
used in these examples provide only a very rough gauge with
which to judge the incentive structure of Superfund.  Addi-
tionally, the compliance model itself abstracts from reality in
several important respects.  Most notable,  a large percent of
individuals and companies comply with the law even though a
strictly rational decision model would suggest otherwise.
Nevertheless, the model serves several important purposes.

  TABLE I:  COST ASSOCIATED WITH HAZARDOUS WASTE INCIDENCES:
            SELECTED CASES
Case
Bullitt
County ,
KY
Chemical
Organic
Compunds
Volume
17,006
drums
Compensation
for
Clean up
Cost ($)
3,148,000
Health and
Env ironment
Damage.
*
Chester, Hazardous
PA       Materials

North    PCBs
Carolina
Dover,
NJ
Organic
Chemicals
50,000
gallons

30,000
gallons

 5,500
barrels
1,250,000-
3,000,000

1,580,000


   49,350
210,000
* Not quantified
                              51

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    First, it demonstrates the possible strong incentives
for the private sector not to comply with Superfund reporting
and notification requirements.

    Second, the model provides a crude method by which the
level of compliance can be more explicitly taken into account
in regulatory policy analyses, assuming data on the cost and
probability elements (the latter, of course, could be subjec-
ted to sensitivity analysis to determine its importance).

    Third, it highlights the critical role played by other
policy control variables, which though carefully considered
by Agencies, are not often made part of a formal analysis.
Certainly, a more complete and realistic analysis would provide
for simultaneous manipulation of the standard level, fines,
penalties, and the enforcement level to design optimal regula-
tory programs.

    Fourth, and finally, the compliance model suggests alter-
native means of structuring the requirements of Superfund
that would meet the goals of the Act at potentially lower
costs.  This might include, for example, placing strict limits
on the liability of disposers who comply (lowering the private
costs of compensation and clean-up)  or using economic incentives
to induce owners or operators of sites to voluntarily reveal
information (this option actually adds a negative cost element
to the model,  offsetting the positive costs).

    Of course, these alternatives would have to be judged in
a cost/benefit analysis to determine if the costs of the
incentives to the government or society are offset by increased
compliance and therefore greater damages avoided or benefits.
                               52

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                           SECTION VI

         SITING OF HAZARDOUS WASTE MANAGEMENT  FACILITIES
INTRODUCTION

     The siting of hazardous waste facilities is currently one
of the most significant obstacles to proper hazardous waste
management.  A sufficient quantity of treatment, storage, and
disposal capacity for hazardous wastes is critical for proper
waste management as well as for the success of current govern-
ment hazardous waste regulatory programs.  However, recent
attempts to site hazardous waste management facilities have
been rebuffed by an alarmed public.  Public opposition to
hazardous waste facilities poses a serious obstacle to meeting
the increasing industrial and municipal demand for these ser-
vices.  A study for EPA, completed in 1979, concludes that
"public opposition to the siting of hazardous waste management
facilities, particularly landfills, is a critical prob-
lem. "52  if a shortfall of new facilities occurs, generators
may be forced to dispose of their wastes at older, inade-
quately engineered facilities or to dispose of their wastes
illegally.  If this occurs, the proper management of hazardous
wastes and the protection of human health and environment de-
sired by Congress will be jeopardized.

     Both federal and state governments have become concerned
about the possibility of a shortage of hazardous waste facili-
ties.  Many government officials and facility developers be-
lieve that because the private marketplace is incapable of
allowing adequate new hazardous waste facilities to be sited,
some form of government intervention is necessary.  While EPA
has decided not to intervene, states have begun to facilitate
the siting process through the use of various strategies.  One
such strategy adopted by several states is to preempt the
right of the potential host community to reject the siting
through local ordinances.

     The purpose of this section is to define the siting prob-
lem and to use the economic framework developed in previous
sections to examine the need for a government presence in the  .
siting of hazardous waste facilities.  Two issues will be ad-
dressed:  1) the justification for federal or state government
intervention, and 2) the most effective types of government
                               53

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intervention for siting hazardous waste facilities.  In an-
alyzing the first issue an evaluation of the role of transac-
tion costs and the possibility of the government acting as a
beneficiary is addressed.  In analyzing the second issue a
cost/benefit analysis framework will be used to evaluate al-
ternative intervention schemes.

     The lack of adequate data on variables such as the cost
of siting facilities and the cost of potential health and en-
vironmental risks associated with such facilities limits this
analysis to qualitative observations.  While this is obviously
less satisfactory than a thorough quantitative analysis of the
costs and benefits of facility siting, a qualitative analysis
does allow for the identification of alternatives facing
policymakers.  Presenting these alternatives in a cost/benefit
framework provides a balanced and comprehensive view of policy
alternatives so that policymakers can carefully consider and
clearly understand the aggregate social impact of each al-
ternative before it is implemented.   In this regard this sec-
tion establishes some of the critical boundaries that would
define a more formal and rigorous analysis.

THE SITING PROBLEM:  PUBLIC OPPOSITION

     One of the primary obstacles to expanding hazardous waste
management capacity is local public opposition to the siting
of new facilities.  Facility developers often find it diffi-
cult to obtain the necessary development permits in the face
of public opposition to the potential risks posed by a site,
Tactics employed by residents and local officials to block,
bar or slow construction of hazardous waste facilities include
using the public hearing process to show political influence,
threatening or initiating law suits, developing technical
arguments against a proposal, and changing land use ordin-
ances.^  Regardless of the specific form of public opposi-
tion, they are all evidence of a deepseated concern over
hazardous waste facilities on the part of the public.  Some of
the more important elements underlying this public response
are briefly described below.

Public Fear

     In seventeen case studies involving public opposition,
citizens cited a fear of becoming a "dumping ground," and
experiencing adverse health effects and natural resource
damage.  The public may view a site as a future Love Canal,
refusing to trust technologies minimizing public health
risks.  Fear of mismanagement and possible accidents during
transport and storage phases also plays a major role in moti-
vating public apprehension.  Finally, the public fears impacts
such as decreased local property values and a depressed local
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economy from having a hazardous waste facility located in
their neighborhood.

Geographical Inequity

     Local opposition to the siting of a hazardous waste
facility may be aroused by a feeling of unfairness toward the
geographical location.   Often the public believes the most
appropriate location for a waste facility is in the area which
generates the wastes, the underlying factor being a feeling of
inequity in having to shoulder the burden of another local-
ity's or state's hazardous wastes.  Local residents may be-
lieve alternative locations are safer.  Such a rationale may
be based on geologic or hydrological data on the site which
introduces uncertainties of the site's safety or a general
bias that any alternative is preferable to one's own neighbor-
hood.

Mistrust of Hazardous Waste Management Businesses

     Mistrust of hazardous waste business spurs local opposi-
tion in several ways.  Learning that the facility sponsor has
been associated with health and environmental damages else-
where increases the public's skepticism of the facility's
safety even when the type of operation is very different from
the one which caused the damage.  Incidents of releases and
spills have increased public concerns to the point that citi-
zens do not believe evidence presented by facility sponsors
demonstrating the relative safety of a facility or that the
wastes to be handled by the facility are relatively innocuous.

Community Alienation

     Community alienation may result when local residents per-
ceive their interests to be unrepresented, or misrepresented,
during the hazardous waste facility approval process.  Fre-
quently, community leaders are given only an advisory role or
have only minority representation in the permit approval
process.  Lacking representation, citizens believe that their
interests are compromised by the decisionmakers.  Such local
feelings may generate highly emotional opposition.

ANALYSIS OF THE SITING ISSUE

     Strong public opposition poses the most difficult ob-
stacle to the siting of hazardous waste facilities.  To
examine this problem and the extent to which the government
can intervene, the siting issue can be defined in terms of a
simplified cost/benefit framework, similar to the analysis
presented in Section III.  This definition will permit a clear
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analysis of the role that governments can play in siting
hazardous waste facilities.

A Conceptual Framework

     The real issue of adequate hazardous waste capacity in
the face of public opposition is the allocation of the right
to construct, expand and operate such a plant.  Even though a
firm might own the land on which they propose to site a
facility, the public or a local government entity can attempt
to thwart development by asserting their right to control what
substances are placed in their community, and how the place-
ment is carried out.  This siting right is traded in different
ways such as through the courts, the political process or more
informal discussions between a town and facility developer.

     In some respects, the siting right is like a private
good; one developer's consumption of it decreases the quantity
of sites available to other developers and excludes them from
using the right.  A developer has an incentive to compensate
communities (buy the right to site) as long as this cost can
be covered by the revenues from waste disposal.

     The consumers of the site or the right to site are the
developers, and the suppliers of the right are the local com-
munities.  On the demand side, need for siting is derived from
the demand for disposal services, which in turn depends on the
level of industrial production that generates the wastes.
Sites for hazardous waste facilities are an input to disposal
services.  The willingness-to-pay of the disposer is the maxi-
mum price he/she is willing to incur for the right to site a
facility.  The supply of the site is derived from the local
community's willingness-to-sell the right for siting.  The
willingness-to-sell is the minimum amount of compensation that
will make the community indifferent to the siting.  If the
community's willingness-to-sell the site equals the devel-
oper's willingness-to-pay, a trade beneficial to both sides
occurs.

     The need for economic compensation in siting locally
undesirable facilities has long been recognized as a component
of siting tactics.  In Michael O'Hare's article "Not On My
Block You Don't," O'Hare argues that "an important failing of
current practice in siting a facility is the strategic problem
that results from failure to pay compensation to neighbors who
suffer costs not found to be a 'taking' under law."5*  In
the past compensation was implied by local employment and tax
revenue to be generated by the facility.  Explicit forms of
compensation, such as subsidy to local treasury or construc-
tion of local public facility was considered as "bribery" and
generally avoided.  Besides such image problems, the economic
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incentive approach faces other serious shortcomings such as
information requirements, political process of determining the
willingness-to-sell and income redistribution effects.  Never-
theless, most of these shortcomings can be addressed as
policymakers gain more experience in using economic incentives
as a siting tool.

     Finally, willingness-to-sell on the part of the communi-
ties consists of two components:  1) the expected value of
damages resulting from the siting; and 2) a risk premium.  The
second component arises because most of us are risk
averse."  This component is especially important because
risk from the operation of a hazardous wste facility often
eludes accurate assessment.   Being risk averse, the community
needs to be compensated for  taking the risk, as well as for
the expected value of damage.

JUSTIFICATION FOR GOVERNMENT INTERVENTION

Transaction Costs

     Within the economic construct presented here, a role for
government in facilitating the transfer of siting rights re-
quires a valuation of. whether or not the current allocation
system is working and willingness-to-pay and sell are being
equated at the margin.  In other words, if the legal, politi-
cal and other public participation programs through which
siting right transactions presently occur, do not accurately
reflect the desires of suppliers and consumers of the right, a
role for government may be necessitated.  Government then
could intervene through an appropriate mechanism to redress
the causes of the imperfection and substitute an alternative
trading mechanism.

     The existence of burdensome transaction costs may be one
major reason for ineffective functioning of the transfer
mechanisms affecting siting.  In the broadest sense, Several
categories of costs can be identified that would work to in-
hibit trades.  First, the costs of obtaining relevant informa-
tion on, for example, the geophysical characteristics of a
site, the health and environmental risks posed by a site and,
more generally, the willingness of the parties to buy and sell
could prohibit meaningful bargaining.  Second, the costs of
bargaining itself could act to thwart rights transfer negotia-
tion.  This would be particularly true if some of the trading
mechanisms mentioned earlier do not exist in a specific case
(e.g., no opportunity for public hearings) or in an attempt to
negotiate through court proceedings.  Third, costs associated
with ensuring enforcement of the terms of the bargain (for
example, a requirement that the developer will conduct monthly
safety inspections of the plant) may be so high, or perceived
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to be so high, that no party sees their best interest being
served by entering into a trade.

     These three classes of costs do not represent the entire
range of transaction costs with the potential to affect rights
transfer.  Further, the relative importance of these and other
costs in influencing trading mechanisms can only be determined
on a case by case empirical basis.  Nevertheless, they provide
sufficient reason to question the effectiveness of the exist-
ing transfer mechanism to equate marginal willingness-to-buy
and sell.  Ineffective transfer mechanisms could lead to too
few and too many hazardous waste sites, although it is diffi-
cult to say in which direction the bias will be.

     In order to examine the direction of the bias it is
necessary to investigate the effects of transactions costs
more fully.  There are at least two cases (subject, of course
to empirical verification) where transaction costs woulo in-
hibit the production of hazardous waste management capacity.

     First, the willingness-to-sell of the communities can be
inflated.  The community's price for the right to site hazard-
ous waste facilities is defined by the expected value of
damages and a risk premium.  If the community's assessment of
the risks from a specific plant overstates the actual risks,
both elements will be overestimated, resulting in too few
sites.  The costs of collecting and assimilating information
on the risks of alternatives, complex and often new disposal
technologies would lead to such a situation if in the face of
these costs, the public bases their risk estimates on past
disposal practices and technologies.

     This historical perspective would suggest inflated risk
estimates in spite of the extensive new regulations promul-
gated under RCRA.  Even if the public perceives the RCRA
regulations as lowering the risks of facilities, they may
still base their risk assessments on historical trends if they
doubt the ability of government to effectively enforce the
standards.

     Second, willingness-to-pay of the developers can be
underestimated.  Even if willingness-to-sell is accurately
reflected within the trading mechanism, the developer or dis-
posal facility owner may not be able to express accurately
their willingness-to-pay for siting rights.   This distortion
can be explained in several ways.  Developers may engage in
strategic bidding behavior if they feel that by initially of-
fering a low price for the right, the existence of transaction
costs will work in their favor.  Alternatively, the communi-
ties may request exaggerated payment from the developers.
Where bargaining costs are prohibitive, negotiations raay never
reach the point wnere more realistic bids and offers can oe

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equated.  Also, it is likely that an avenue through which
willingness-to-pay can be expressed may not be available; the
lack of bargaining forums can work against as well as for the
developer.  Finally, the developer may not be aware of the
level or type of payment that the public would accept for a
siting right and, as a result, make inadequate offers.  Trans-
action costs again would lead to this outcome if existing
mechanisms for trade limited the ability of the public to ex-
press their concerns and fears.  For example, a developer
might offer compensation in the form of a park abutting the
site, when the public's real concern is assuring the safety of
the site; in such a situation the developer may have been
willing to offer more had it been aware of the public needs.

     The above analysis suggests that impediments exist in the
siting right trading mechanism.  Such impediments lend jus-
tification to government intervention to reduce the transac-
tion costs of trading siting rights between communities and
developers.  In general, the government should reduce trans--
actions costs if net benefit can be realized at least cost.
Benefits will result from increased trade through, for
example, provision of information^ (e.g., economic sta-
tistics) or a forum of exchange (e.g., Security Exchange
Commission).  However, in this case the government also has to
argue that the private marketplace does not provide enough of
such service to reduce the transaction costs, or that it will
be more costly for the private marketplace to produce the same
services.

     Such a situation occurs when it is difficult to exclude
non-paying users of a service.  For example, private producers
are discouraged from offering a socially desirable level of a
service, such as information on the risk of hazardous wastes,
because compensation cannot be collected.  It is useful to
further illustrate this point.

     Information on the potential health and environmental
hazards of hazardous waste facilities is a public good which
could substantially reduce the transaction costs in siting.
Toxicological data, for example, is not specific to an area
and is very expensive to develop.  An animal test on a single
chemical can cost $300,000.  Clearly, unnecessary expense and
redundancy will result if individuals or each state develop
toxicological information.  The federal government already
possesses centralized information on substances that can be
readily used in siting.  Data banks on toxic substances, ex-
posure records, and other information on generation and dis-
posal of hazardous wastes can be used to reduce the uncer-
tainty surrounding the risks associated with facilities during
negotiations between the developer and the community.  The
public benefits from the information do not encourage a
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developer to provide the information,  since the private bene-
fits may be less than the costs.

     There may also be a role for government in reducing
transaction costs through institutional arrangements.  For
example, the permitting process for siting hazardous waste
facilities could be streamlined to allow the developer to
avoid delay and provide a forum where  the interests of the
various participants can be more easily identified and neces-
sary compromises made without lengthy  court actions.  Govern-
ment could also prepare a list of geologically safe sites to
narrow down the search cost of the developers.  An extreme
example of reducing transaction costs  is the use of preemptive
authority to override objections of the local communities.
Again, the extent of government action is determined by the
benefits and costs of the alternative  arrangements; do the
benefits of preemptive authority outweigh the costs?

Government as Beneficiary

     There are times when government intervention results in
an increase in its economic or political base.  This is es-
pecially true on regional or state level where industrial
activities produce tax revenues and employment.  A hazardous
waste facility in a locality supplies  treatment and disposal
capacity to generators dispersed over  a larger area than that
absorbing the facility's risks.  Although the locality bene-
fits from the facility development to  the extent that new jobs
and a broader tax base are provided, they are also made avail-
able to a much wider region.  A state  government is more
likely to consider the larger area benefited by a facility,
and absorb the transaction costs of developing and communicat-
ing information about the facility to  the residents of an af-
fected area.

     In addition, if no nearby facilities are available,
hazardous waste generators may have to transport their wastes
long distances for treatment and disposal.   This practice
imposes high transport costs and a greater  risk of hazardous
waste transport spills.  An industry deciding where to locate
a plant will consider the cost of hazardous waste disposal at
each potential location.  It will prefer, all other things
being equal, areas offering low-cost hazardous waste disposal,
which will probably be areas where a facility will be close to
the plant.  Regions without hazardous  waste facilities may
eventually lose industries generating  waste thus reducing the
state's employment and tax base.   An interesting example of
the crucial role hazardous waste facilities can play in at-
tracting industry involves an Allied Chemical plant in
Baltimore, Maryland that threatened to move out if no landfill
site was established for the plant's chemical wastes.

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     Because of these benefits from the operation of hazardous
waste facilities, states have an active interest in facility
siting.  However, this interest is offset by their concern for
the health and environment of the state.  Thus, states often
seek to facilitate siting by reducing the transaction costs
while protecting the residents near the site.  State govern-
ments can accomplish this goal by providing information on
various aspects of hazardous waste management, such as geo-
logical and hydrological characteristics of the sites, types
of wastes that are to be disposed, past performance of the
developers, and economic impact on the communities.  States
may also attempt to improve the environment for negotiation
through providing neutral parties such as local university
scientist and professional mediator.

Summary

     The discussion so far has focused on the important eco-
nomic considerations that define and limit the activities of
governments with regard to siting of hazardous waste facili-
ties.  It was argued that while mechanisms for transferring
the right to site a facility exist, transaction costs may
limit their effectiveness in equating demand and supply.
Further, there appear to be sufficient reasons to assume that
as a result, trades are biased towards too little hazardous
waste facility capacity.  Although the presence of transaction
costs was seen as an appropriate justification under certain
situations for government actions, externality theory did
not.  Finally, economic benefits to states or regions were
identified as another basis for government action.  It should
be noted, though, that in a strict sense this justification
does not rest on an economic rationale, but is rather politi-
cally motivated.

     Given this background, it is now possible to identify
some alternative government actions that address the problems
noted above and briefly review these within a cost/benefit
framework.  Before this, it is necessary to address the issue
of what level of government should respond.  Both federal and
state governments can reduce transaction costs.  The following
discussion on siting policy alternatives, though, focuses on
state level actions.  There are two major reasons for viewing
the analysis from this perspective.  First, to the extent that
the state is the chief beneficiary of efforts to facilitate
the trading of siting rights, they should bear the costs.
Second, the states are generally in a better position to de-
velop responses that are compatible to local needs or re-
sponses that affect their own industrial development.  This
view does not minimize the important role for the federal
government in setting uniform safety standards and providing
information that has nationwide uses.  The theory and practice
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of this latter has already been well established else-
where.^  Finally, this perspective fits the current federal
siting strategy which leaves most of the decision making to
the states.

ALTERNATIVES FOR STATE GOVERNMENT SITING POLICY

     State governments are taking active roles in managing
hazardous wastes through a varied set of regulatpry pro-
grams. 57  Their concern about the availability of management
capacity is based on several considerations.  First, state
governments understand that lack of management capacity will
lead to improper handling of hazardous wastes which in turn
will threaten the residents' health and the states' environ-
mental resources.  Indeed state agencies, such as departments
of natural resources and health, actively monitor the handling
of hazardous wastes.  Second, states are concerned that in-
dustrial establishments find adequate management capacity for.
the wastes they generate.  Since waste disposal is an integral
part of industrial production processes, the performance of
the states' industries will be affected by the availability of
waste management capacity.  Third, states are aware that some
industries are attracted to locations where proximity to
hazardous waste facilities minimizes costs of transporting
their hazardous wastes.

     In attempting to reduce the transaction costs between
developers and communities a state government can select among
various policy intervention measures.  Direct intervention
measures, such as government ownership of the sites or preemp-
tion of local zoning authority, directly replace the market-
place in determining the optimal level of siting or transfer
of siting rights.  Instead of relying on the supply and demand
of si'tes as discussed in the conceptual framework, the state
makes the allocative decisions.  The measure is effective in
reducing transaction costs since the communities can no lonaec
delay the siting and, in essence, now enter into an involun-
tary trade.  Indirect intervention measures do not in them-
selves allocate siting rights.  However, they do influence the
resulting outcome of the trade depending on the initial direc-
tion of bias.  For example, providing information on the risks
of the wastes reduces the transaction costs to the developers
and subsequently increases the developers' gain from the trade.

     The decision on which type of measure to use should fol-
low the criterion that costs to the government be less than
the benefits accrued by the public.  Thus, cost/benefit analy-
sis can be a useful selection guide.  Without actual data en
the costs and the benefits of the measures, quantitative
cost/benefit estimation cannot be derived.  However, this
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section will identify some of the cost/benefit elements and
show how they can ba organized to aid decision-making.

Direct Measures of Intervention

     State governments can directly intervene in the siting
process to assure the availability of sites for additional
hazardous waste facilities through central planning supported
by either owning and leasing the sites or using preemptive
siting strategy.  Because the benefits and costs of the two
measures are essentially the same, they will be discussed
together after a brief description of each alternative.

Government Ownership--
     Under this option, the government would first identify
geographical areas where a shortage of hazardous waste facili-
ties exists and then either develop facilities on state owned
land or simply buy the appropriate site.  The choice has to
consider the pattern of industrial waste generation, popula-
tion density, critical environmental areas, transportation
systems and regional £rvd local economic impacts.  Once the
site is available, the state can either establish and operate
the facilities or lease the site to disposers.  In the former
case, the government would be the producer of disposal ser-
vices.  However, it is more likely that the land will be
leased leaving the development and operation of the facilities
to the private sector.  The identification of costs and bene-
fits will be based on this latter assumption.

Preemptive Siting Authority--
     In an effort to streamline the siting process some states
have developed siting boards which are authorized to preempt
the host community's right to reject the siting.  An example
is Michigan, which passed a comprehensive act for statewide
management of hazardous waste in 1979.  The Act is often cited
as a model for state siting authority because it established a
facility site review board with final permit review and pre-
emptive authority over local land use and zoning ordin-
ances.^  The board does not participate in the state
hazardous waste management plan or in the initial site selec-
tion process,  it is insulated from management activities in
order to insure unbiased decisionmaking and prevent a conflict
of interest between acting as regulator as well as developer.
The Michigan Act embodies several key elements in resolving
the siting problem.  It requires that the siting board be com-
posed of nine members; three are permanent representatives
from state agencies and two are scientists with technical
expertise in geology and chemical engineering.  All permanent
members must be appointed by the governor.  In addition, four
ad hoc members represent local interests.  Local
representatives must be appointed by the local community or
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County Board of Commissioners in the jurisdiction of the
proposed facility.

     Since Michigan's 1979 Act, other states including
Tennessee, Pennsylvania, and Maryland have established siting
boards with preemptive authority.  However, because these sit-
ing boards are so new, none have yet made a siting decision.
Therefore, the effectiveness of a board's preemptive authority
over local zoning has not been tested.

Costs—
     The costs of government undertaking the direct interven-
tion measures of government acquisition of land or preemptive
authority over local ordinances are the following:

     Land (not included under preemptive siting)—The cost of
the land can be either its market price when the land is
acquired or the implicit value when the land already belongs
to the government.  The implicit value should reflect the op-
portunity cost of the and, i.e., value to users who will be
deprived of the uses once the facility is established.

     Administrative--Costs of the ownership option can be
divided into:T)selecting the site, including surveying geo-
physically physical constraints, identifying location and the
amount of wastes generated; 2) arranging the purchase if the
land is not owned by the state; 3)  leasing the land to devel-
opers; and 4) administrating the leases.  For the preemptive
siting option the costs are:  1) establishing the siting
authority; 2) surveying and judging the proposal sites; and 3)
implementing the preemptive authority.

     Inefficiency--Direct measures replace the allocative
functions of the"marketplace with a centralized allocative
plan.  If the central plan misjudges the social demand and
supply of sites there will be a loss in allocative effi-
ciency.  This occurs, for example,  if the state presuming that
excess demand for additional siting of exits, sites a new
facility only to later find the facility is not able to cover
its costs, or misjudging the level of public opposition to the
siting, the new facilities are shut down by continuous harass-
ment.  In this case valuable resources (e.g., the land used
for the site) could have been used for other socially desir-
able activities.  The reduced opportunities result in loss of
efficiency in terms of foregone consumption and production of
the activities.  The raisjudgment can also cause income dis-
tribution impacts, such as loss of employment.  The extent of
inefficiency on the part of the state government is impossible
to measure beforehand and is often left out of actual cost/
benefit calculations, assuming tne efficiency effects are

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negligible and the consequence of ignoring this cost component
is not serious.

Benefits—

     Health and environmental risk—The benefits of any siting
program are represented by damages to public health and en-
vironment that are avoided.  This follows from the govern-
ment's concern that an ability to site new facilities may
result in damages to public health and environment due to lack
of disposal services.  Although conceptually simple, measuring
the damages avoided by new siting is complex.   The primary
problem is to assess the hazardous waste releases that are
caused by lack of management capacity or high  prices of dis-
posal services.  Ideally, one hopes to identify the relation-
ship between the level of excess and the likelihood of harmful
releases, holding all other variables constant.  For example,
Figure I portrays one possible form of this relationship.

        Hypothetical  Relationship  between Excess Capacity
               and Likelihood of Harmful Releaaes
                    1.00.. Probability of Release
                                             Excess Capacity
                            Figure I


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     The marginal benefits of siting facilities come from the
reduction in the likelihood of releases.  The level of bene-
fits from a new siting depends on the level of existing capa-
city; benefits increase as excess capacity approaches zero.
When excess capacity becomes excess demand (in the lefthand-
side quadrant), the benefits peak.  Thus, identifying the level
of excess capacity at the time of developing additional
hazardous waste facilities is crucial.

     The benefit analysis also shows the relationship between
benefits and the price of disposal services.   Decisions on
whether to handle waste legally depends on the costs of
complying with the RCRA regulations, one of which is disposal
costs.  Moderate variation in disposal costs is not likely to
precipitate substantial noncompliance.  However, as the waste
management industry reaches full capacity, large increases in
disposal costs may push firms into noncompliance resulting in
decreased benefits.

     Industrial activities—Another source of benefits is the
increase in the states'Industrial activities brought forth by
the siting measures.  For example, if the direct alternative
provide the waste management capacity needed to sustain or
expand the states' industrial activities, the surplus of these
activities should considered as benefits.  The level of the
benefits depends on how sensitive the industries are to the
availability of facilities.  For instance, if the states'
industrial activities are service oriented, such benefits will
be negligible.  The level will also depend on the neighboring
states' hazardous waste management attitude,  their desire to
compete for the location of the same industries and the cose
of transporting the waste across state boundaries.  It should
be noted that industrial activity increases are not benefits
in a strict economic sense, but may be important to a specific
states' accounting of benefits.

Indirect Measures of Intervention

     In the siting framework presented earlier, high transac-
tion costs were shown to be a major obstacle to trade between
developers and communities.  This suggests that instead of
replacing the marketplace mechanisms through direct interven-
tion, governments can complement the marketplace by reducing
these costs and facilitating trade between host communities
and developers.  For example, if the government could assist
communities in obtaining the information necessary to reduce
uncertainties and provide a forum to negotiate for adequate
compensation, more siting attempts might be successful.
States can absorb the cost of providing the communities the
information necessary to accurately estimate their willingness
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to sell and developing other types of information which re-
quire large scale economies to produce.

     The selection of potential alternative schemes would
follow directly from the type of analysis presented earlier in
this section where the various kinds of transaction costs were
identified.  Of course, states would need to understand the
specific requirements of a general region on a particular site
to determine what types of transaction costs are most limit-
ing.  These could include:  information programs on risks and
technologies; establishment of mediation services; the state
acting as the enforcer of developer/community contract terms;
or identification of likely, safe sites.  The expected result
of these programs is to allow participants in trading siting
rights to more accurately express their willingness-to-pay or
sell.

     As in the case of direct intervention measures, the type
of indirect technique selected and the extent to which it is
applied is ultimately determined by a comparison of its costs
and benefits.  Some of the more critical elements are dis-
cussed below.

Costs--
     The costs of the indirect measures differ slightly from
the costs of the direct measures.  Because the government does
not own the sites, the land value component is not relevant.
For the same reason the bulk of the administrative costs dis-
cussed above can also be saved.  Further because indirect
measures do not replace the allocative function of the market-
place, there should be no efficiency loss due to demand and
supply misjudgments.  Of course, some administrative costs
remain in generating and providing information and support
services for facilitating negotiations or enforcing contract
terms.

Benefits—
     The benefits of the indirect approach, the same as the
direct approach are:  health and environmental damages avoided
through additional siting of facilities and surpluses from
increased industrial activities due to added capacity.  How-
ever, the level of the benefits is difficult to determine
since the number of sites is ultimately left to the private
sector to decide.  The question is:  how many facilities will
be sited through voluntary trade where the government provides
the necessary information and negotiation forum?  This will in
part depend on the risk preference function underlying the
host communities.  Given full information communities will
have varying responses in terms of their willingness to accept
a certain level of risk to their health and environment.  Some
communities are simply not price or compensation responsive
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and they will refuse siting at any price.  While others, once
they possess enough information, will quickly trade with the
developers.  Another crucial element is the willingness of the
developer to pay for the siting.  Depending on the demand for
disposal services facing the developers, the developers will
have varying degrees of ability to meet the level of compensa-
tion set out by the communities.  If the developers cannot
cover the cost of compensating the communities through future
revenue, trade will not occur.

Conclusion

     Without empirical information the actual comparison of
the cost/benefit ratio between direct and indirect measures
cannot be made.  This analysis merely identified some of the
important cost and benefit elements of the two approaches in
qualitative terms and has examined some of the underlying
assumptions of the analysis.

     It is possible that gross benefits from the direct siting
measures will exceed the gross benefits from the indirect
measures that reduce transaction costs.  Siting facilities on
government property circumvents the primary obstacle of public
opposition because local zoning and other land use ordinances
cannot impede the siting process.  The direct approach will
also produce a higher level of benefits since with the ability
to quickly expand disposal costs are likely to be lower.  The
lower costs will encourage more generators to properly handle
and dispose the hazardous wastes, resulting in less risk to
the public health and environment.  On the other hand, deci-
sions concerning the allocation of public funds must be made
on the basis of net benefits and, there fair costs must be
considered.

     The direct measures will probably be more expensive due
to the value of the land to be used as sites.  On the other
hand, it is not clear whether the indirect measures will incur
more costs in gathering information and facilitating negotia-
tion than the direct measures in devising and implementing a
centralized siting plan.  This will depend on the comprehen-
siveness of the plan.  Ideally, the plan should consider all
the relevant factors underlying the supply of and demand for
facilities and provide the optimal number of sites based on a
socially desirable balance between risk to public health and
environment and need for waste management capacity.  The costs
of developing the plan will depend on the government's desire
to approximate such a balance.

     A hidden cost perhaps substantial enough to tip the
balance in favor of indirect measures is the potential ef-
ficiency loss of the direct approach.  Too many or too few
                               68

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sitings will distort the optimal social allocation of re-
sources and result in consumer or producer surplus losses.
Further, misinvestment in new facilities can cause painful
struggles for both the community and the developer.  When the
community's preference is estimated incorrectly, the cost can
be found in all forms of local opposition after the facility
is sited, such as protests,  court actions, strikes, shutting
down the facility, and even  violent disruptions throughout the
community.  Such a cost, although occurring after the siting,
should not be ignored.

     Efficiency losses are a very real possibility with direct
intervention measures as the state's role of deciding whether
the risk level of operating  the facility is acceptable to the
residents.  The divergence between those who make the decision
and those who suffer the consequences of the decision creates
a new externality that can result in significant social costs.

     In the final analysis the policymaker has to balance all
the costs and benefits to select the most appropriate alterna-
tive.  It is clear that even with improvement in data, not all
of the costs and benefits will be quantifiable.  Unlike decid-
ing whether to build a dam,  choosing a hazardous waste siting
policy cannot rely totally on cost/benefit analysis.  However,
the application of the cost/benefit framework can help the
policymaker sort out interrelated factors, identify uncer-
tainty, and choose a policy  whose impacts are understood and
accepted.
                               69

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                            FOOTNOTES

                            SECTION  I

1.   U.S. EPA, Damages and Threats Caused by Hazardous
     Material Sites, Oil and Special Materials Control
     Division, Wash. D.C., May 1980.

2.   Ibid.

3.   Federal Register, May 19, 1980.

4.   Environmental Protection Agency,  supra, note 1.

5.   Ibid.

6.   Congressional Research Service, Six Case Studies of
     Compensation for Toxic Substances Pollution:  Alabama,
     California, Michigan, Missouri, New Jersey and Texas,
     Washington, D.C., 1981.

7.   U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, Preliminary Assess-
     ment of Cleanup Costs for National Hazardous Waste Prob-
     lems , prepared by Fred C. Hart Associates, 1979.

8.   Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress,
     Resource Losses from Surface Water, Groundwater, an
     Atmospheric Contamination;  A Catalog, March^ 1980."


                           Section II

9.   Executive Order 12291 requires agencies to maximize net
     benefit in selecting regulatory goals.


                           Section  III

10.  See  Demsetz, H., "When does the Rule of Liability
     Matter?" Journal of Legal Studies, 13  (1972) and
     Calabresi, G. and A.D. Melamed, "Property Rules,
     Liability Rules and Inalienability:  One View of the
     Cathedral," Harvard Law Review, 1972.
                               70

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11.  Clearly, this will depend on the original distribution of
     wealth among the entitled and unentitled parties.  Al-
     though the final allocations may be different, given an
     initial distribution of wealth,  it will be efficient.

12.  Rodgers, Environmental Law (West:   1978), p.  102.

13.  For example, the defenses of estoppel,  prescriptive
     rights, and laches are not available.   Those  defenses
     generally prevent one from enjoining an activity (i)
     which has been encouraged or accepted by the  injured
     party  (estoppel); (ii)  which has continued over a long
     period of time with knowledge and acquiescence of the
     injured party (prescriptive rights); or (iii) which has
     not been contested by the injured party in a  timely
     fashion (laches).

14.  Standing defines who has the right to sue.

15.  The judge does the balancing in  a non-jury trial; whereas
     the jury does the balancing in a jury trial.

16.  See, e.g., Harrison v.  Indiana Auto Schredders Co., 528
See, e.g., Harrison v. Indiana Au
FTTd TTtEcir., 1976)  at 1122-23.
17.  Note that even under a strict liability nuisance theory,
     the activity is not automatically enjoined.  The activity
     could continue as long as those injured are adequately
     compensated.

18.  Supra., Footnote 4, provides several examples of and
     problems in compensation cases involving toxic substances
     in Alabama, California, Michigan, Missouri, New Jersey
     and Texas.

19.  Dablman, C.J., "The Problem of Externality," The Journal
     of Law and Economics, 22 (1979).
                           Section IV

20.  For a complete review of the economic theory underlying
     benefit analysis and estimation techniques see:  Freeman,
     A.M. Ill, The Benefits of Environmental Improvement,
     (Baltimore!Johns Hopkins,University Press,1979).

21.  For an interesting treatment of common biases in the
     interpretation of statistical information see:  Fischoff,
     B., P. Lichphtenstein, "Weighing the Risk", Environment,
     Vol. 21, May 1979, p. 17-38.
                               71

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22.  U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (Office of Air
     Quality Planning and Standards).  A method for Assessing
     the Health Risks Associated with Alternative Air Quality
     Standards for Ozone.   (Draft) July 1978.

23.  See:  Lave, L.B. and E.P. Seskin, Air Pollution and Human
     Health, (Baltimore:  Johns Hopkins Press,1977)and
     Brookshire, D.S. et al., Methods Development for Assess-
     ing Air Pollution Control^Benefits,(Washington:U.S.
     EPA, 1979 600/5-79-001 a-e) .

24.  Decision analysis and other policy tools are described in
     Stokey, E. and R. Zeckhausen, A Primer for Policy Analy-
     sis, (New York:  W.W. Natan and Co., 1978).

25.  U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission.  Reactor Safety
     Study.   USNRC report (NUREG-75/014).  WASH-14-0.  October
     1975.

26.  A general review of some of the technological uncertain-
     ties associated with benefit analysis is found in:
     Dower,  R.C. and D.C. Maldenado, An Overview;  Assessing
     the Benefits of Environmental, Health and Safety Regula-
     tions,(Washington:U.S. Regulatory Council, 1981).

27.  Ben-David, S., A.V. Kneese and W.D. Schulze.  A Study of
     the Ethical Foundations of Benefit-Cost Analysis Tech-
     niques, Resource Economics Group, University of New
     Mexico, Working Paper,  August 1979.

28.  29 U.S.C.  § 655(b)(5)  (1970).

29.  Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce (U.S. House
     of Representatives).  Waste Disposal Site Surrey, Print
     96-IFC  33, October 1979.
                            Section V

30.  Douglas M. Costle, Foresight vs.  Fear:  Learning the
     Right Lesson from Love Canal.  Portland, Maine:  Remarks
     prepared for the Maine Hazardous  Waste Conference,
     May 30, 1980.

31.  Durwood Zaelke, Attorney, Land and Natural Resources
     Division, U.S. Department of Justice.  Materials for
     Workshop on Investigation and Control of Hazardous Waste
     Sites.  Prepared for a workshop at: the National Enforce-
     ment Investigations Center, Denver, Colorado, April 30 -
     May 2, 1979.
                               72

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32.  33 U.S.C. § 1251.

33.  42 U.S.C. § 6901.

34.  The Need for Additional Legislation on Hazardous Chemi-
     cals;  Hearing on  H.R.  85.   Before the Water Resources
     Subcommittee of the House Committee on Public Works and
     Transportation, 96th Cong.,  2d Sess. (1980)  (Statement by
     Kenneth S. Kamlet).

35.  U.S. Senate Committee on Environmental and Public Works.
     Environmental Emergency Response Act.   Report No. 96-848,
     Washington, D.C.:U.S. Government Printing Office,
     July 11, 1980.

36.  33 U.S.C. § 1364.

37.  Comprehensive Environmental  Response,  Compensation and
     Liability Act § 104(a)(1)(B).

38.  CERCLA, § 104.

39.  26 U.S.C. 4611, 26 U.S.C.  4661.

40.  S. 1480.

41.  See Testimony by Rep. Florio,  Congressional Record,
     Dec. 3, 1980, p. H-ll 781.

42.  CERCLA, § 107(b).

43.  "Superfund - How It Will Work, What It Will Cost," Chemi-
     cal Week, December 17,  1980,  pp. 38-41.

44.  See, Testimony by Rep.  Florio, Congressional Record,
     December 3, 1980,  p. H-11787;  and Letter by Alan A.
     Parker, Assistant Attorney General, U.S. Department of
     Justice, Congressional Record, December 3, 1980, p. H
     11788.

45.  Ibid.

46.  CERCLA, § 103 (d).                                       .

47.  Calabresi, Guido,  and A. Douglas Melamed, "Property
     Rules, Liability Rules, and  Inalienability:  One View of
     the Cathedral," Harvard Law Review, 85, No. 6 (April
     1972), pp. 1089-1123.
                               73

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48.  The theory and practical application of property value
     studies is reviewed in:  The Benefits of Environmental
     Improvement, supra note 20.

49.  For the rest of this section, the term off-site will be
     used to refer to facilities owned and operated inde-
     pendently of a generator.

50.  The issue of noncompliance in hazardous waste regulation
     is studied in:  Ed Yand and Roger Dower, "Compliance vs.
     Noncompliance:  The Case of Hazardous Waste Disposal,"
     Forthcoming in Environmental Professionals.

51.  This enforcement probability was chosen for illustrative
     purposes only.
                           Section VI

52.  U.S. Environmental Protection Agency,  Siting of Hazardous
     Waste Management Facilities and Public Opposition.  Pre-
     pared by Centaur Associates, Office of Solid Waste Report
     SW-809.  1979.

53.  Ibid.
54.  See Michael O'Hare, "Improving the Use of Information in
     Environmental Decision Making," Environmental Impact
     Assessment Review, Vol. 1, No. 3, 1980.

55.  For example, if given the choice of $1,000 witn certainty
     or a 50-50 chance for $2,000, most people would opt for
     the former even though the expected value of the two
     choices is the same.  They are risk adverse rather than
     risk neutral.

56.  Supra, note 3.

57.  See Hazardous Waste Management:  A Survey of State Laws
     1976-1979, Prepared by National Conference of State
     Legislatures, Washington, D.C., 1980.

58.  Public Acts of 1979, State of Michigan,  H.B. 4380,
     "Hazardous Waste Management Act," enacted 7/25/79 (see
     also Hazardous Waste Report, Vol. 1, No.  21, "Hazardous
     Waste Siting Boards," pp. 21-24, 1980).
                               74

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                           APPENDIX A

               CASE  STUDIES OF REGULATORY ANALYSIS
COKE OVEN CASE STUDY

Introduction

     On October 22, 1976,  the Occupational Safety and Health
Administration (OSHA),  an  agency of the Department of Labor,
promulgated a standard  regulating worker exposure to coke oven
emissions.  Under Sections 6(b)  and 8(c) of the Occupational
Safety and Health Act of 1970 (OSH Act), OSHA lowered the then
current permissible exposure limit to coke oven emissions and,
in addition, specified  certain engineering and work practice
controls designed to allow coke oven plants to meet the per-
formance standard.

     Coke is formed by subjecting metallurgical coal to ex-
tremely high temperatures  in one of two different, but simi-
larly designed, ovens.   Several ovens make up a battery, and
any given coke plant will  have several batteries.  Simply put,
coal is placed or "charged" into the top of the oven and
heated.  After a specified period of time the carbonized coal
or coke is "pushed" out the end of the oven.  Most coke pro-
duced in the United States is used as an input in the produc-
tion of blast furnace pig  iron which then becomes an input  in
the production of steel.

     During the process of carbonization a complex mixture  of
gases is emitted in the oven.  Since these gases have useful
by-product properties,  most ovens are equipped with devices to
capture the emissions for  further processing.  There are
several points, though, in the process where the emissions
escape or are released into the general work environment.
Based on a long history of medical research, these emissions
are known to represent a serious health hazard and have been
associated with increased  risk of cancer among workers exposed
to the emissions.  The highest risk workers are those employed
on the topside of the ovens where gases escape as the oven
doors are opened during the charging process.

     The statutory directive contr ,>lling the setting of per-
manent standards for occupational exposure to toxins, such  as


                               75

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that for coke oven emission, is Section 655(b)(5) of the OSH
Act.  It provides in relevant part:

         The Secretary...shall set the standard which
         most adequately assures, to the extent fea-
         sible, on the  basis of the best available evi-
         dence, that no employee will suffer material
         impairment of  health or functional capacity
         even if such employee has regular exposure to
         the hazard dealt with by such standard for the
         period of his  working life....  In addition to
         the attainment of the highest degree of health
         and safety protection for the employee, other
         considerations shall be the latest available
         scientific data in the field, [and]  the feasi-
         bility of the  standards....^

     Though the paramount concern is worker safety, the
"feasibility" qualification established a limitation on the
stringency of standard.  The guidance which this provision
offers OSHA in standard setting is far from complete as a num-
ber of important considerations are left unaddressed, includ-
ing the manner of defining "feasibility" and the manner in
which the Secretary is  to deal with scientific uncertainty.
Also, the statute fails to offer concrete direction on the
crucial issue of how the competing concerns of worker safety
and the economic or technological difficulties accompanying
stringent standards are to be balanced.  As described in the
following sections of this report, the case law had elucidated
several aspects of these issues at the time that the coke oven
standard was under consideration.

     As mentioned above, the Act allows OSHA considerable
flexibility in choosing the standards it will promulgate.
Although it is difficult to form a complete picture of the
OSHA regulatory decision process, interviews with Agency
officials have provided some general observations on OSHA's
priorities in setting and enforcing workplace safety and
health standards.

     The intention of the OSH Act was that standards be
developed through an organized process.  The Act formed the
National Institute of Occupational Safety and Health (NIOSH)
as the research arm of OSHA.  One of NIOSH's responsibilities
is the preparation of criteria documents, which act as the
scientific underpinnings of new standards.  NIOSH's priority
setting process for the preparation of criteria documents de-
pends on such factors as the extent of exposure, the toxicity
of the substance, whether the exposures are likely to rise or
fall in the future based on demand for final  :utputs, and so
forth.
                              76

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     Although OSHA can request NIOSH to prepare such docu-
ments, it tends to act independently of NIOSH and does not
necessarily use the criteria documents in setting regulatory
priorities.  Several OSHA officials suggested that in the past
the criteria documents have been weak from the viewpoint of
cost estimates, technological feasibility assessments, and
even the scientific evidence.

     Upon its creation, OSHA adopted several thousand industry
developed health and safety standards as National Consensus
Standards.  The priorities for setting new health standards at
OSHA appears to be dictated by three factors:  political pres-
sure  (primarily from unions), availability of sound scientific
data on a particular hazard, and internal OSHA priorities.
The latter are dependent on personal interests of the OSHA
leadership as well as informal assessments of the magnitude of
the various hazards.  All of these factors are highly de-
pendent on one another making it nearly impossible to separate
out the influence of one over another in any particular case.

     In addition to these three general factors, several more
specific considerations enter the decision process as to
whether to proceed with the rule-making procedures.  The ex-
pected ease of enforcement is important and availability of
OSHA enforcement personnel and the machanisms for monitoring
and enforcement are reviewed.  Once a standard has been is-
sued, the degree of enforcement appears to be a function of
(1) the level of possible health effects  (i.e., are fatalities
involved);  (2) union pressure;  (3) industry acceptance of the
standard; and  (4) employee complaints received.

     The health hazards of coke oven emissions were formally
recognized by industry at least as far back as 1967 when the
American Conference of Governmental Industrial Hygienists set
a threshold limit value to coke oven emissions,  in 1971, the
Department of Laoor adopted the 1967 threshold limit value as
the National consensus standard for exposure to coal tar pitch
volatile  (CTPV), which includes most of the organic components
which are released from coal when it is heated.  This standard
was not specific to coke ovens, but was applicable to any
source of CTPV which occurred in the workplace.

     The American Iron and Steel Institute  (AISI) petitioned
OSHA, in 1971, to relax the existing standard as it applied to
coke ovens.  A second petition was filed a month later by the
International Onion of the United Steelworkers of American
(USWA) which requested OSHA to promulgate a more stringent
standard for exposure to CTPV around coke ovens.  OSHA denied
both petitions pending further study.

     The decision to review the then current coke oven emis-
sion standard, although formerly prompted by the Union and
                              77

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industry petitions, was affected by a feeling among OSHA de-
cision makers that because many coke oven plants are owned and
operated by large steel firms, the industry was felt to be
financially sound enough to bear the cost of a more stringent
standard, if one was required.  Nonetheless, it is clear that
the two primary pressures that induced OSHA to undertake its
review of the standard were the union request, and an exten-
sive body of medical evidence detailing the adverse health
effects of coke oven emissions.

     Once the decision to review had been made, OSHA requested
NIOSH to develop a criteria document examining worker exposure
to coke oven emissions and submit proposals for regulation, if
necessary.  NIOSH proposed the use of various technical and
work practice controls combined with the use of respirators to
meet the existing standard, but did not recommend a change in
the level of the standard.  Following the NIOSH report, the
Assistant Secretary of Labor for OSHA established an advisory
committee.  The committee, consisted of nine members:  three
industry representatives, scientists, and union representa-
tives.  The establishment of an advisory committee is standard
procedure when reviewing a situation for regulation.

     The advisory committee submitted a majority and minority
report to OSHA.  In the majority report, representing the
findings of the union and science representatives, the commit-
tee proposed that emissions from coke plants be reduced to a
zero exposure level, taking into account natural background
levels.  This would be more stringent than the existing stan-
dard.  In addition, a number  of technical and work practice
controls were suggested.  The minority or industry report
called for either a less stringent performance or a technical
specification standard.

     In 1975, OSHA published a proposed standard for coke oven
emissions.  While the proposed standard was essentially the
same as the majority committee's report, the indicator sub-
stance was changed from Benzo(a)pyrene  [B(a)P] to respirable
particulate matter (RPM), which was correlated with the sug-
gested B(a)P level.2  The actual level still remained at the
zero exposure level.  Following the release of the proposed
standard, hearings were held and additional information was
supplied by industry, unions and other interested parties.

     An Environmental Impact Statement  (EIS) and an Infla-
tionary Impact Statement (IIS) were prepared and submitted by
OSHA.  Throughout the comment period on the proposed standard,
industry, unions and scientists debated the issues of:  what
level of exposure should be permitted; what the indicator
substance should be; whether to have a performance standard
and/or a specification standard;  what control technologies and
                              78

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work practice controls should be required;  and if the esti-
mated cost of the various controls justified their use.  In
making a decision in each of these areas OSHA had to deal with
informational uncertainties, limitations in the scientific
evidence and analysis, and disputes over the conclusions which
would be reached from the available evidence.  Each of these
controversies will be discussed in more detail in later
sections.

     On October 22, 1976, OSHA promulgated the final standard
regulating worker exposure to coke oven emissions.  OSHA set a
permissble exposure limit of 150 ug/m^ of the benzene
soluble fraction of total particulate matter averaged over an
8-hour period and, in addition, specified certain engineering
and work practice controls designed to allow coke oven plants
to meet the performance standard.   This standard was more
stringent than the original, but less stringent than the pro-
posed standard.

Benefits of Regulatory Action—Health Risks

     Occupational cancers resulting from the byproducts of coal
combustion were first noted in 1755 and have been the subject
of a long history of medical research since that time.  Epi-
demiological, animal and chemical studies have linked coke
oven emissions exposures with an increased incidence of skin,
scrotal and respiratory tract cancer.  In addition, these
emissions have been shown to increase the risk of nonmalignant
respiratory disease such as bronchitis and emphysema.

     In promulgating the coke oven emission standard, OSHA
relied primarily on a series of epidemiological studies,
Redmond et alo,^ to demonstrate the adverse health effects
of the emTs¥Tons.  One study found that those workers with
five or more years fulltime topside experience on coke ovens
have ten times the lung cancer mortality rate of other steel-
workers.4  In a later study, Redmond, Cioccc, Lloyd and Rush
reported that topside workers, partial topside workers and
sideoven workers have 7, 2 and between 1.5 and 2 times the
expected risk of developing lung cancer, respectively.5
Updated studies support the conclusion of excess lung cancer
mortality for coke oven workers.°

     The epidemiological studies conducted by Lloyd and
Redmond were part of a University of Pittsburgh study begun in
1962 which examined the occupational health hazards associated
with the steel industry.  The first study, published by Lloyd
in 1971, compared the cause of death (mortality experience) of
coke oven workers in 7 Allegheny County coke plants and
non-coke oven workers with expected deaths by age, race, etc.
for the total population.  Two groups were studied with sample
sizes of 1,327 or 2,048, depending on whether coke oven

                               79

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workers who worked in the plant before 1953 but were there-
after employed elsewhere were included in the sample.  In ad-
dition to the results discussed above, coke oven workers were
found to experience a mortality rate from respiratory cancer
of 2.5 times that which is expected.

     The Redmond et al. study provided support for these
findings by comparing the Lloyd results for 2 of the 7 coke
plants with lung cancer mortality rates in 10 plants outside
Allegheny County.  There were a total of 4,661 workers in both
groups including workers in the outside Allegheny County
plants employed from 1951-1955 and a non-coke oven control
group which was examined through 1966.  Again the results
showed an excess risk of lung cancer mortality for coke oven
workers.  At the time of the hearings on the proposed stan-
dard, the Allegheny County findings had been updated through
1970.  These results buttressed the earlier studies.

     The results of these studies and the conclusion that coke
oven emissions are carcinogenic were not questioned during the
OSHA rule-making process of a coke oven emission standard.''
Controversy did, however, arise in the interpretation of the-
findings and how they should affect the exposure limit to be
set for the industry.

     The difference in the interpretation of the conclusions
for the medical studies resulted primarily from the use of
different theories concerning the calculation of a dose-
response relationship.  One theory states that a single ex-
posure to a carcinogen has the potential to cause cancer.
Under this theory, the safe level of exposure is the maximum
dose a person can be exposed to at one time and still not get
cancer.  This theory does not take into account repeated
low-level exposure.  The second theory assumes that repeated
exposures have a cumulative effect.  Therefore, a low dose
which is experienced several times, or daily in the case of
workers, can cause cancer, although each exposure by itself
may not.  The second theory generally results in a lower safe
level of exposure.8

     OSHA and the steelworkers union concluded from the
Redmond studies that there was no safe level of exposure^ to
coke oven emissions and set the proposed standard at
300 ug/m^ of respirable particulate matter (RPM), basically
a zero exposure level if ambient background levels are taken
into account.10  This was an extremely stringent standard.
The steel industry claimed that it could not be met feasibly,
arguing that if the background levels in a particular region
were higher than the standard permitted, it would be impos-
sible to meet the permissible exposure limit.  Industry held
that the Redmond study indicated a safe exposure level of
                               80

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560 ug/ra3 11 of the benzene-  soluable fraction of total par-
ticulate matter (BSFTPM),  which would be less stringent than
the OSHA levels.  This level was derived from a Redmond study
conclusion that 200 ug/m3  months of exposure of BSFTPM would
not result in excess risk  of cancer (0.560 ug/m3 is the
exposure level calculated  in the study which over a 30-year
time period would result in accumulation of 200,000-ug/m3
exposure months or 200,000 ug/m3 divided by 360 months or 30
years).

     The Redmond study finally concluded that a 200-ug/m3
exposure level would probably be necessary to provide adequate
protection when coke oven  workers with more than 30 years of
experience are taken into  account.  Furthermore, during the
course of the rule-making  hearings Redmond testified that if
several additional factors were considered, the study's epi-
demiological data would support a finding of a much lower safe
exposure level, perhaps a  zero safe exposure level.  These
factors included (a) the use of an extrapolation model more in
conformance with currently accepted cancer theories than the
one used in her study;^ (b)  the comparison of excess cancer
rates in coke oven workers to U.S. population cancer rates as
a whole and not just other steel workers; and (c) the use of
an alternative, and available, data set showing lower levels
of exposure.

     Facing the uncertainties over the interpretation of the
available data and appropriate methodologies for determining a
"safe" exposure level, OSHA, in following its legislative man-
date, held firm to its decision to err on the side of worker
health and adopt a conservative posture.  The agency argued
that the safe exposure level must account for repeated expo-
sures to coke oven emissions, therefore finding no safe level
of exposure.  Having made  this determination, it remained for
OSHA to decide what standard limit would constitute a feasible
level.

     During the public hearings on the proposed standard it
became obvious to OSHA that the 300 ug/m3 RPM and
0.2 ug/m3 B(a)P permissible exposure level could not be met
by the coke oven industry.^3  In response to these concerns,
OSHA adjusted the standard upwards to 150 ug/m3 BSFTPM.  Two
factors influenced this decision:  economic and technological
feasibility.  The issue of technological feasibility is dis-
cussed below.  The issue of economic feasibility is treated
under economic costs.

Technological Feasibility—
     Much of the evidence  of technological feasibility came
from an analysis of a U.S. Steel coke oven plant in Fairfield,
Alabama.  This plant had been rehabilitated and had the lowest
emission levels of any battery in the country.14  studies of

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 the emission levels at this plant showed that for one out of
 three days for which there was testing,  the emission levels
 were equal to or below the new permissible exposure limit ..
 being considered by OSHA for each of seven job categories.
 This•was•taken by OSHA as a demonstration of feasibility.
 Drawing from the Advisory Committee^ suggestions of pos-
 sible engineering controls, controls in  place at the Fairfield
 plant, and industry documents on suggested control technolo-
 gies,  OSHA determined both engineering and work practice
 controls that would enable industry to meet the standard and
 required these as part of the standard.   If industry could  not
 meet the permissible exposure level with these controls.
 respirators would be required as a backstop technology.*•&

      Whereas there was little controversy on whether the sug-
 gested controls could reduce emission levels,  there were at
 least two major questions concerning the ability of the  known
Control techniques to reach the permissible exposure level.
 First, it was generally felt that the methods of compliance
 suggested in the proposed standard were  overly specific.^7
 The characteristics of each plant with regard to geographic
 location and other factors would affect  the ability of any  one
 plant to achieve the exposure level.  Industry felt that more
 flexibility should be allowed and the feasibility of various
 controls should be evaluated.  Second, the Fairfield plant  was
 in compliance only one-third of its operating time.  It  was
 argued that if the cleanest plant in the industry could  not
 meet the required standard all the time, how could OSHA  expect
 the other plants to comply.

      In the final standard, OSHA responded to the concern over
 technological feasibility by:  (1)  deleting some of the  sug-
 gested controls that industry claimed would be be techno-
 logically or cost effective, while requiring the remaining
 control and work practice portions of the standard; and  (2)
 arguing that the Fairfield plant had not yet implemented all
 of the required methods in the final standard, and that  if
 they were to do so the standard could probably be met.  In  the
 event that the permissible exposure limit was still unattain-
 able,  OSHA claimed that there was evidence of new technologies
 being developed that could be used to meet the standard.
 Furthermore, OSHA required the coke oven industry to undertake
 research to identify other possible control techniques.   It is
 noteworthy, though, that when questioned on the issue of de-
 ciding that a feasible level was one that was being met  only
 one-third of time, an OSHA official did  comment that while
 they realized the somewhat arbitrary nature of the choice,  the
 dispersion of the best results from the  Fairfield Plant  seemed
 to indicate that this level was feasible.  Finally, OSHA
 realized that variances under the OSH Act would allow them to
 tailor technical requirements to the specific needs of any
 particular plant.

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     The issue of technological feasibility had an additional,
indirect effect on the OSHA rule-making process for coke
ovens.  Early on in that process,  OSHA felt that it did not
have enough information on the technical aspects of the prob-
lem.  This situation was compounded by the fact that OSHA did
not have a person on their staff who could adequately assess
the relevant technical information.  In order to remedy this
deficiency, according to an agency official, OSHA proposed a
standard calling for a zero exposure level, even though OSHA
realized that this standard could not possibly be met.  OSHA
did this because it felt that a strict standard would prompt
industry to supply more technical information.  The additional
information would facilitate the determination of a feasible
emission level.

     Even then, one former OSHA official has remarked that
OSHA lacked the expertise to adequately evaluate the engineer-
ing and technical information supplied to them by industry.
OSHA had to rely on industry assessments of the technical
feasibility of the proposed controls throughout the decision
process.

Conclusion--
     OSHA did not formally quantify the benefits of the coke
oven emission standards in terms of lives saved or value per
life saved.  Although the information with which to calculate
benefits was available to OSHA, the agency stated that, "it is
not appropriate to quantify even a range of the benefits of
the final rule."  Some estimates were provided, though, by
other groups.  For example, the Inflationary Impact Statement
(IIS) calculated the range of lives saved by the proposed
standard at between 26.6 and 240 per year.  This estimate was
challenged by both OSHA and the Council on Wage and Price
Stability  (CWPS).  CWPS argued that the IIS has exaggerated
the population at risk, among other things, and estimated that
between 8 and 35 lives per year would be saved.^  OSHA, on
the other hand, using the CWPS technique, but a different
estimate of excess mortality, calculated that 109 deaths per
year would be averted.

     The wide range of benefit estimates from the coke oven
standard is due to the uncertainty surrounding two key vari-
ables:  (1) the appropriate excess risk figure; and (2) the
exposed population at risk.  Furthermore, these estimates
refer only to the benefits of reduced mortality from lung
cancer and do not include estimates of reduced mortality from
other cancers (prostate, pancreas, or large intestine), or
reduced morbidity.  Nor do they include estimates of those
health risks averted for coke oven construction and repair
workers, coal gas workers, and exposed neighboring popula-
tions.  There were and are major difficulties in obtaining


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data on these types of health risks since the major scientific
studies have been limited to lung cancer for coke oven workers.

     In light of these uncertainties, OSHA merely stated that
they expected reduced exposures to result in significantly
reduced mortality rates.  Although by this position it was not
necessary to carry the discussion any further, OSHA went to
some length to describe various methodologies for valuing life
and then dismissing them with the statement, "OSHA believes
that these methodologies do not adequately quantify the value
of life.  Accordingly, we decline to do so."19

Cost of Regulatory Action

     After having chosen a proposed exposure level, OSHA was
required by the OSH Act to show that the standard was eco-
nomically feasible (the role of technological feasibility in
the standard setting process has already been discussed.)

Economic Feasibility--
     The issue of how great a financial strain a standard
could place on the regulated employer and still be considered
"feasible" was addressed in Industrial Union Department,
AFL-CIO v. Hodgson.20  The court concluded that a standard
(in this case OSHA's asbestos standard)  could be a great
economic burden, even putting some employers out of business,
and still be feasible.

         [S]tandards may be economically feasible even
         though, from standpoint of employers, they are
         financially burdensome and affect profit mar-
         gins adversely, nor does concept of economic
         feasibility necessarily guarantee continued
         existence of individual employers.21

     While small scale industrial closing may be considered
acceptable, "massive dislocation" would be very suspect.22

         ...Congress does not appear to have intended
         to protect employees by putting their em-
         ployers out of business—either by requiring
         protective devices unavailable under existing
         technology or by making financial viability
         generally impossible.

         Although Congress contemplated that Secre-
         tary's rulemaking pursuant to this section
         would put out of business some businesses so
         marginally efficient or productive as to be
         unable to follow standards otherwise univer-
         sally feasible, court would not impute to
         congressional silence a direction to the

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         Secretary to disregard the possibility of
         massive economic dislocation caused by an
         unreasonable standard.23

     With this rather vague statutory and case law directive,
OSHA contracted with D.B. Associates (DBA) to conduct a cost/
economic impact analysis of the proposed standard.  The
economic analysis was subcontracted to Avril V. Adams and
Associates.

Cost Estimates--
     DBA estimated the costs of compliance through an informal
survey of 12 coke producers, representing three-fourths of the
coke production in the United States.  Capital and annual
operating and maintenance expenditures were estimated for
paragraphs D-M^4 in the proposed standard and for the
engineering controls and other items listed in the
Appendix B*5 of the proposal.26  in any one cost category
three or four firms may have provided cost estimates.  Where
costs could not be obtained through interviews, other sources,
such as trade journals, or best guesses were used.  There
costs were then extrapolated to all coke producers.

     Two major adjustments were made to the data before the
final cost figures were calculated.  (1) the costs were ad-
justed downward by an amount representing the degree of com-
pliance already in place or committed to under other state or
federal programs.  No adjustment was made for the "costs asso-
ciated with items that might have been used to achieve com-
pliance with the existing standard but were not used."27
(2) A comparison of DBA's cost estimates with industry-
provided costs reveals that the data may have been adjusted
for possible overestimates by industry,28 but without the
raw data on which the DBA estimates were based, it is diffi-
cult to ascertain if such modifications were actually made.

     By totaling annual capital costs (total capital costs
were annualized using a .15 capital recovery factor) and
annual operating and maintenance expenditures, DBA calculated
total annual costs attributable to the coke oven standard.
The low estimate, based on costs of complying with paragraphs
D-M of the proposed standard, was $240 million per year and
the high estimate, including costs of Appendix B items, was
$1.28 billion.  DBA stated that these are minimum costs of
compliance and do not consider possible shortages, bottle-
necks, etc.

     Ideally, one would like to calculate costs of compliance
at each plant in the industry and sum these costs to arrive at
the total cost of compliance; rarely is this a practical pro-
cedure.  Given the time and budget constraints on the contrac-
tors, the approach used by DBA seems to have been justified.

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This conclusion is buttressed by the relatively minor interest
of the industry or unions in the costing model technique.  A
careful review of the economic analysis does, though, suggest
several problems or questions with the cost data or cost esti-
mates that may have introduced some uncertainty.

     (1)  DBA analyzed and additional set of cost figures from
a set of nine coke companies and compared these costs to their
cost estimates derived from the original twelve firms.  The
large Discrepancies between the two sets of estimates are
attributed by DBA to:  (a) a failure by the firm to use a
standard method of costing; (b) different interpretations of
standard requirements; (c) lack of differentiation between
costs necessitated by other pollution control regulations; and
(d) inclusion by some companies of the cost of lost coke pro-
duction.29

     While all of the above points have soiT.e merit, there are
other reasons for the wide variation between company estimated
costs and DBA estimates that are inherent in the costing tech-
nique used.  In general, these include regional differences
between plants, different plant sizes (OSHA admits that it may
cost smaller plants more to comply than larger plants), dif-
ferences in types of technologies used, and age differences
between plants.  Because it would be impossible to account for
all the factors affecting the costs of compliance across the
industry, and one cost estimate must be accepted with a cer-
tain degree of caution.  DBA acknowledged this problem and
cautioned that no technical statistical confidence could be
attached to the cost estimates.

     (2)  Industry comments centered less on the different c.;st
values used by DBA and more on which costs should be included
in the final total cost figures.  The major issue involved was
whether cost of lost coke production due to the increased down
time projected for oven repair maintenance should be in-
cluded.  Such costs, based on the cost of acquiring more ex-
pensive coke in the import market, were estimated for one firm
to be around $100 million.30  DBA and OSHA "did not consider
these costs to be realistic."31

     If such costs are a relevant factor, industry claimed
that a higher cost estimate than the $240 million should be
used by OSHA.32  This entire argument represents an area of
uncertainty.  U.S. steel companies often import coke to sup-
plement domestic supplies.  The amount of coke imported varies
from year to year and tends to increase during periods of near
capacity utilization of blast furnaces.  It is difficult to
gauge the extent to which the OSHA standard will increase
these demands.
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     (3) The United steelworkers of America (USWA) argued that
some of the specific cost estimates used by DBA extremely
overestimated the actual costs that would be incurred.33
They suggested major modifications in several of the capital
cost categories (such as correcting for overestimates of cash
requirements for hygiene facilities, ovendoors, and double
drafting) and the capital cost calculations.  Inclusion of
these suggestions would have reduced the DBA capital cost
estimates by more than 50 percent.

     Without attempting to evaluate which cost estimates are
more appropriate, the union comments bring up a more general
problem involving the industry-provided cost estimates.  There
is reason to believe that industry may have an incentive to
overestimate the costs of compliance.34  Furthermore, if
some firms stand to gain a competitive edge because of the
regulation, they may have an incentive to underestimate the
costs.  For example, Inland Steel was the only company showing
an increase in expected earnings per share as a result of the
standard and their cost estimates were substantially lower
than estimates for other firms.35  Again, this suggests that
the cost estimates should have been treated carefully.

     Table A-l shows the wide range of costs estimates for the
proposed standard that were calculated by various groups.36

                           TABLE A-l.
        COST COMPLIANCE  ESTIMATES FOR PROPOSED  REGULATION
                    (in millions of dollars)
Source of
estimate
Total capital
    costs
Annual
capital
 cost
Other
annual
costs
Total
annual
 cost
DBA 1-1             451

DBA 1-2             451

DBA II              860

CWPS LL-1           410

CWPA LL-2           410

Steelworkers  (e)    200
                     68

                     45

                    130

                     62

                     41

                     30
               173

               173

             1,150

                98

                98

               173
             241

             213

           1,280

             160

             139

             203
                              87

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Economic Impacts—
     Using the cost data estimated by DBA, the potential eco-
nomic impacts of the proposed standard were calculated.  The
analysis included consideration of employment, productivity,
costs of production, market structure, competition, inflation
and financial impacts.  In assessing the ecomomic feasibility
of the standard, the most important class of impacts are those
that relate to the ability of the industry to meet the costs
of compliance.  The IIS recognized the difficulty coke produc-
ing firms might find in borrowing capital to meet the coke
oven standard's requirements and that the actual financial
impact would be a function of the size of the firm (the IIS
stated that it would be harder for smaller firms to raise the
required capital); the length of time over which the costs are
financed; the adequacy of internal capital generation; and the
costs of compliance.  [The IIS stated that, "While such
figures  (annual operating and maintenance costs as a percent
of an eight year average of after tax profits) are substan-
tial, particularly since the OSHA coke over regulations repre-
sent only a fraction of the ultimate impact of possible OSHA
standards, the more severe impact is caused by the capital
requirements of the proposed standard."]37  Because of the
variability in the performance of the overall economy and
factors listed above, the financial impact of the standard is
highly uncertain.   The IIS though did admit that "... a
potentially serious financing problem faces the steel industry
during the next decade.  The capital costs of the proposed
OSHA coke oven regulations may exacerbate this financing
problem."38

Conclusion—
     OSHA acknowledged most of the uncertainties noted above,
but did not modify the DBA cost estimates in light of the
comments.  They declined to accept any one estimate,  stating
that,

         ...OSHA has concluded it would be inappropri-
         ate to accept any one of these estimates as
         its own or to make a definitive estimate of
         the actual costs necessary to comply with the
         proposed standard...39

Instead they stated that costs of the final regulation would
be in the $200 million range.  They also admitted that the
estimates of future costs of control (lost coke production)
and possible research and development expenditures are too
speculative to be estimated.40  it in noteworthy that the
OSHA cost range, depending on how broadly one defines a range,
includes the lower of the DBA cost estimates ($240 million)
and the lower of the CWPA estimates ($160 million).  The CWPS
estimates were calculated by deflating the DBA estimates by

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the Inland Steel estimates to account for potential overstate-
ment of costs.  This suggests some distrust for the industry
data on OSHA's part; a distrust acknowledged by one OSHA of-
ficial.

     OSHA did not address or resolve uncertainty over the
financial impacts of the standard.  Their legislative mandate
was met as long as there were no mass closings of the firms in
the industry.  OSHA was content to defend financial feasi-
bility by the fact that:

         ...none of the steel industry spokesman tes-
         tified that the proposed standard for coke
         oven emissions would imperil the existence of
         the coke industry in the united States.41

Summary and Conclusion

     From the beginning of OSHA's rule-making process on the
coke oven emission standard, the agency was forced to address
significant issues involving uncertainty.  Two of the most
important, scientific and technological uncertainties, have
been highlighted in this case study.  OSHA's treatment of un-
certainty was guided principally by its legislative authority
and case law.

Scientific Uncertainty--
     The highly protective tenor of Section 655(b) which seeks
"the attainment of the highest degree of health and safety
protection" suggests an intent to resolve scientific uncer-
tainties in a manner which provides more complete worker
protection.  This is evident in the legislative history.  The
House report states:  "It is not intended that  [OSHA] be para-
lyzed by debate surrounding diverse medical opinions."42

     The case law has in general followed this construction.
In Society of Plastic Industry, Inc. v. OSHA, challenging the
regulation of occupational exposure to vinyl chloride, the
court stated:

         ...[T]he ultimate facts here in dispute are
         "on the frontiers of scientific knowledge, "
         and, though the factual finger points, it does
         not conclude.  Under the command of OSHA, it
         remains the duty of the Secretary to act to
         protect the working man, and to act even in
         circumstances where existing methodology or
         research is deficient ,..43

     Courts have been consistent in regarding the resolution
of scientific uncertainty as not simply a factual determina-
tion, but also a policy judgement.,

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         Some of the questions involved in the promul-
         gation of these standards are on the frontiers
         of scientific knowledge, and consequently as
         to them insufficient data is presently avail-
         able to make a fully informed factual deter-
         mination.  Decision making must in that cir-
         cumstance depend to a greater extent upon
         policy judgements and less upon purely factual
         analysis.44

     This approach engenders greater deference in judicial
review of OSHA's resolution of issues on the "the frontiers of
science."  Instead of the more stringent "substantial evi-
dence" test traditionally applied to administrative factual
determinations, review focuses on rationality and general
conformance with the legislative mandate.

         Regardless of the manner in which the task of
         judicial review is articulated, policy choices
         of this sort are not susceptible to the same
         type of verification or refutation by
         reference to the record as are some factual
         questions ..,4^

         ...The paramount objective is to see whether
         the agency, given an essentially legislative
         task to perform, has carried out in a manner
         calculated to negate the dangers of arbi-
         trariness and irrationality in the formulation
         of rules for general application in the
         future.46

     This position was further articulated in the Third Cir-
cuit's review of the coke oven emissions standard, a challenge
brought by a variety of steel and coke manufacturers.47
Here, the court upheld the exposure limitation finding that
OSHA's factual determination on the carcinogenic effects of
coke oven emission was supported by substantial evidence.

         The Secretary's factual determination that
         coke oven emissions are carcinogenic and that
         there is no absolutely safe level of exposure
         to them is supported by substantial evidence
         in the record.  Therefore, we have no diffi-
         culty in concluding that the Secretary's
         effort to meet a perceived health need by
         establishing an exposure limit to coke oven
         emissions was proper.4^

Technological Feasibility--
     The considerations governing the extent to which OSHA can
set standards requiring the use of presently unavailable

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technology closely parallels those discussed earlier in
reference to economic costs and impacts.  Generally stated,
small-scale dislocation may be allowable, whereas widespread
industrial dislocation would meet very careful judicial
scrutiny and almost surely result in a decision that the
standard was not "feasible."^^

     Clearly, at least some degree of technology forcing is
permitted.  In Society of Plastics, OSHA had established a
permissible exposure level of one part per million (ppm) of
vinyl choride over an eight hour period.  Even though no plant
had been able to reach this level at the time of adjudication,
Justice Clark, sitting by designation, upheld the standard.

         We cannot agree with petitioners that the
         standard is so clearly impossible of attain-
         ment.  It appears that they simply need more
         faith in their own technological potentiali-
         ties, since the record reveals that, despite
         similar predictions of impossibility regarding
         the emergency 50 ppm standard, vast improve-
         ments were made in a matter of weeks, and a
         variety of useful engineering and work prac-
         tice controls have yet to be instituted.50

     As has already been described, OSHA went through a de-
tailed analysis of the feasibility of alternative technologies
for the control of coke oven emissions.  This began with a
review of the existing information from which were drawn the
control techniques suggested in the proposed standard and con-
tinued with a re-evaluation of those controls due to industry
comments.  The final regulation acknowledged some of the prob-
lems with the control technologies suggested in the proposed
standard and omitted those that the Agency felt were not prac-
ticable.  The remaining controls were required.  Clearly, the
Agency did address technical feasibility as the statute re-
quired,  OSHA also took advantage of the technology forcing
interpretation of the OSH Act, by requiring firms to implement
new technologies that may become available in the future.51

     The Agency's approach to technological uncertainty was
only modified, though, in the Third Circuit's decision.  While
the court held that OSHA could require the development and use
of technologies "looming on the horizon," it also stated that
the agency did not have authority to require "openended" tech-
nological development.

Balancing Costs and Benefits—
     OSHA did not undertake a formal cost/benefit analysis of
the coke oven emission standard, nor did the agency attempt to
compare the costs of the regulation wth the expected benefits
in a less structured manner (i.e., dollars spent per cancer

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death avoided).  Again, the agency's legislative mandate, as
interpreted by OSHA, provided the guiding justification.  To
assure adequate protection of worker health, the agency need
only consider whether industry is capable of meeting the stan-
dard (in a technical or economic sense).  Benefits need not be
compared to costs.

     The issue of OSHA having to balance costs and benefits in
setting health standards, though, is by no means clear cut,
and is yet to be finally settled.  In a parallel case involv-
ing OSHA's benzene exposure standard, the Fifth Circut in re-
manding the standard back to the agency held that the benefits
from the standard must bear a "reasonable relationship" to the
costs.   The court was somewhat ambiguous, though, in outlining
in practical terms exactly what type of analysis is necessi-
tated by this requirement.

         Although the agency does not have to conduct
         an elaborate cost-benefit analysis,... it does
         have to determine whether the benefits ex-
         pected from the standard bear a reasonable
         relationship to the costs imposed by the
         standard.

         The only way to tell whether the relationship
         between the benefits and costs of the benzene
         standard is reasonable is to estimate the ex-
         tent of the expected benefits and costs.52

     The cost/benefit question was not given a further clar-
ification in the recent Supreme Court Review of the benzene
standard in which they upheld the Fifth Circuit's deci-
sion. 53  whether OSHA can continue to disregard cost/benefit
comparisons remains to be seen.

     CWPS, during the course of the public hearing on the coke
oven standard, did attempt to calculate the implicit value of
lives saved in the proposed standard.  By comparing alterna-
tive cost estimates to benefit estimates from lung cancer
deaths averted, CWPS estimated a range of implied value of
human life of between $4.5 million and $158 million.  Further-
more, they cited that these estimates, albeit uncertain and
relating only to lung cancer deaths (a benefit estimate in-
cluding morbidity effects was calculated at $2.25 million by
dividing the lowest estimate by 2), were many times larger
than value of life estimates used by other agencies, CWPS
argued that less costly ways of achieving the standard should
be considered.

     There are several substantially different methods which
could reduce worker exposure to coke oven emissions.  (1) The
amount of gases which escape from the ovens could be reduced

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through the use of technical  controls on the ovens.   (2)
Workers could be required  to  wear  safety equipment such as
respirators. -(3)  Workers'  total exposure could be reduced by
rotating workers off the coke ovens.   (4)  OSHA could simply
require industry to reduce  worker  exposure to a specific level
without specifying how to  reach that  level.

     OSHA did not formally  examine these alternatives exten-
sively.  OSHA rejected the  possiblity of relying on respira-
tors because of the problems  involved with getting workers to
wear them all the time,  since they are uncomfortable and pro-
hibit communication.  OSHA  did require them as a back up
measure until the emissions levels are met.   Worker rotation
was also rejected by OSHA  as  unreasonable since it would ex-
pose many more workers to  the hazard.

Footnotes

 1.  29 U.S.C. §655(b)(5>  (1970).   For an insightful analysis
     of this provision see  Donigerr Federal Regulation of
     Vinyl Chloride;  A Short Course  in the Law and Policy of
     Toxic Substances Control. 7  ELQ 497 (1978).~

 2.  As explained in a later  section  of the report, the
     numerous substances in coke oven emissions require, for.
     regulatory purposes,  that one substance be chosen as an
     indicator for measurement purposes.

 3.  Carol K. Redmond, J.W. Lloyd, A. Ciocco, H. Robinson,
     B.M. Smith, H.W. Rush, F.E. Lundin, Jr., P.B. Geiser,
     Long Term Mortality Study of  Steelworkers," Journal of
     Occupational Medicine, June 1969, 11:6 pp. 299-310;
     August 1969, 11:8,  pp. 411-416;  October 1969, 11:10,
     pp. 514-521; May 1970, 12:5,  pp. 151-157; February 1971,
     13:2, pp. 53-68.

 4.  Ibid.

 5.  Report by American Iron  and Steel Institute — Informa-
     tion and Data for Use  in Preparation of National
     Institute for Occupational Safety and Health (NIOSH)
     Criteria Document.

 6.  Office Research and Development, U.S. Environmental Pro-
     tection Agency, An Assessment of the Health Effects of
     Coke Oven Emissions (Washington, D.C., 1978) .   ""     ""

 7.  Occupational Safety and  Health Administration, U.S.
     Department of labor, Final Environmental Impact State-
     ment;  Coke Oven Emissions, August 197^, p. 20.  41 Fed.
     Reg. 46746 (October 22,  1976).


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 8.  For a description of various mathematical models for high
     dose to low dose extrapolations, see:   Scientific Basis
     for Identification of Potential Carcinogens and Bstima-
     .toion of Risks,  [44 Fed. Reg. 39858, (July 6, 1979)].
   •• bv      -         •             -                   -' • •
 9.  141 Fed. Reg. 46755 (October 22, 1976)].   United
     Steelworkers of American, AFL-CIO,  Post-hearing Brief of
     Standard of Coke oven Emissions, June  16, 1976, p. 60.

10.  Throughout the rule making process  for the coke oven
     -emission standard, several different indicator substances
     were considered by the agency.  Each of these substances
     measure a different aspect of the emission (for example,
     B(a)P is a specific component of coke  oven emissions
     while BSFTP, contains all the organic  components of the
     emission).  It is important to note that  the numerical
     values alone are not indicative of  the stringency of the
     standard;  the indicator substance must also be con-
     sidered.  The table below ranks the alternative standard
     levels considered by the agency in  order  to increasing
     stringency.

     Most Stringent     300 ug/m3 RPM based      Proposed
                        on .2 ug/m3 B(a)P          Standard
                        (zero exposure level)

                        150 ug/m3 BSFTPM         Final Standard

                        200 ug/m3 CTPV           Original
                                                   Standard
                                                   (1967)

                        200 ug/m3 BSFTPM         Redmond
                                                   Study Value

     Least Stringent    560 ug/m3 BSFTPM         Industry value

11.  Although the common scientific notation used when defin-
     ing these substances is mg/m3 (milligrams per cubic
     meter), due to the small magnitude  encountered in this
     case, the notation used in this text is ug/m3 (micro-
     grams per cubic meter)  to make the  numbers more manage-
     able (1 mg = 1,000 ug).

12.  For example, the relative risks of  developing lung cancer
     at 200  ug/m3 exposure level at latency periods of 0,  5,
     10, and 15 years were calculated at 6.27%, 7.7%, 9.5%,
     and 13.1% greater than normal using one type of model and
     41%, 45%,  52%, and 63% greater using an alternative model.

13.  Coke oven emissions contain a variety  of  compounds, many
     of which have hot yet been identified, and cancer causing

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     aspects of the emissions  are  not  well  understood.   It is
     therefore necessary  to choose one component  of  the emis-
     sions as an indicator to  define the  permissible exposure
     level.  During the rule-making, considerable controversy
     centered on the issue of  which indicator  substance should
     be used.  In the proposed standard the Advisory Committee
     suggested that the indicator  substances by B(a)P (a known
     carcinogen) and RPM  which is  a lung  irritant and possible
     cocarcinogen.  The industry wanted to  use coal  tar pitch
     volatiles  (CTPV)  which is essentially  the same  as
     BSFTPM.  This substance contains  all the  organic matter
     in the coke oven emissions and therfore the  cancer caus-
     ing agents.  OSHA chose in the proposed standard to use
     RPM as the indicator substance, and  B(a)P as an addi-
     tional measure, but  changed to BSFTPM  in  the final stan-
     dard.  This decision was  based on several considerations,
     the most important of which was that the  available epi-
     demological studies  were  conducted in  terms  of  BSFTPM and
     that no such evidence was available  for RPM  or  B(a)P.
     Furthermore, OSHA, as well as others,  held that CPTV and
     BSFTPM were for all  practical purposes the same sub-
     stance.  Other reasons for chosing BSFTPM include:
     easier and more accurate  testing  and its  relatively
     specific nature.

14.  National Institute for Occupation Safety  and Health,
     Report on Survey of  Fairfield Coke Batteries, Fairfield,
     Alabama (Washington, D.C., 1975)  Table 1.

15.  Report of the Standards Advisory  Committee on Coke Oven
     Emissions  (Washington, D.C.,  1975) pp. 30-43.

16.  National Institute for Occupational  Safety and  Health,
     Criteria for Recommended  Standard...Occupational Exposure
     to Coke Oven Emissions  (Washington,  D.C., 1973).

17.  Report of the Industry Members of the  Standards Advisory
     Committee on Coke Oven Emissions  to  the Secretary of the
     Department of Labor  (Washington,  D.C.,1975)p. 21.

18.  Council on Wage and  and Price Stability,  Testimony Before
     the Occupational Safety and Health Administration, U.S.
     Department of Labor, Informal Public Hearing on Proposed
     Coke Oven Emissions  Standard  (Washington, D.C., May 13,
     1976) Transcript pp. 4688-4798,  (CWPSTR).

19.  41 Fed. Reg. 46751  (October 22, 1976).

20.  499 F.2d 467  (D.C. Cir. 1974).
                              95

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21.  499 F.2d 467, 478 (1974)  see also American Federation of
     Labor and Congress of Indus. Organizations v.  Brennan,
     530 F.2d 109 (3d Cir. 1975).

22.  But mass closings would not necessarily be  invalid  in all
     cases.   With a very dangerous risk and an  unimportant
     industry such an action might be upheld.   See  above
     footnote.

23.  (See note 19).

24.  40 Fed. Reg. 32273-32275  (July 31, 1975).

25.  Ibid, p.  32281.

26.  Paragraphs D-M outline the work practice,  medical
     surveillance, and record  keeping provisions of the
     standard.  Appendix B contains the suggested control
     technologies.

27.  IIS supra, p. 13.

28.  CWPS supra, p.  3.

29.  IIS supra, p. 25.

30.  Bethleham Steel Corporation, Statement for the U.S.
     Department of Labor Public Hearings on the Inflationary
     Impact Statement of Occupational Exposure  to Coke  Oven
     Emissions (Washington, D.C., 1976)  p.  4.

31.  IIS supra, p. 25.

32.  United States Steel Corporation, Position  Concerning the
     Inflationary Impact Statement of the proposed  Coke Oven
     Emissions Standard (Washington,  D.C.,  1976)  p. 4.

33.  Union Statement on Capital Costs.

34.  CWPS supra, p.  3.

35.  Ibid, p.  3-4.

36.  IIS, p. 89.

37.  Ibid, p.  91.

38.  41 Fed. Reg. 46749 (October 22,  1976).

39.  Ibid, p.  46749.

40.  41 Fed. Reg. 46748 (October 22,  1976).


                               96

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41.  Ibid, p. 46748.

42.  H.R. Rep. No. 1291,  91st Cong.,  2d Sess.  18  (1970).

43.  509 F.2d 1301, 1308  (1975);  see  also Industrial" Union
     Dept., AFL-CIO v.  Hodgson 499  F.2d 467  (1974)  [herein-
     after Industrial Union].

44.  Industrial Union Dept.,  AFL-CIO  v. Hodgson,  499  F.  2d
     467, 475; Other circuits had adopted similar approaches
     at the time that the coke oven standard was  under  con-
     sideration.  See Society of  Plastics Indus., Inc.  v.
     OSHA, 509 F.2
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53.   For  discussion of  the  Supreme Court's Benzene decision  in
     light  of OSHA  policy on worker health risks see:  Scalia,
     A.  "A  note  on  the  Benzene Case," Regulation, July/August
     1980,  pp. 25-28 and Doniger, D.D. "Occupational Health,"
     %*he  National Law Journal, Sept. 15, 1980> pp. 26-27.
                              98

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AFLATOXIN CASE STUDY

Introduction

     Aflatoxins are a group of highly toxic compounds produced
by naturally occurring molds that are found on growing nuts
and grains and multiply rapidly under poor storage condi-
tions.  In high doses, aflatoxin can cause acute effects, such
as liver disease, and usually death.  In lower doses, which
are much more frequent, aflatoxins are a potent liver carcino-
gen in some laboratory animals and are thought to be a liver
carcinogen in humans.

     Aflatoxins were first identified in 1961 after an unknown
disease caused an estimated loss of at least 100,000 turkey
poults in England.1  Death was due to serious liver damage,
a condition now known as aflatoxicosis.  Investigations showed
that the common molds, Aspergillus flavus and Aspergillus
parasiticus, found in tha Brazilian groundnut meal  (peanut
meal commonly used for animal feed) metabolize the aflatoxins
responsible for the deaths (henceforth, "A. flavus" will
denote both A flavus and A parasiticus).  Since that time
aflatoxin has been found to contaminate several other com-
modities.

Government Policy

     The first steps in rhe United States to reduce levels of
aflatoxins in foods were taken in the early 1960s when the
peanut industry, fearing that an aflatoxin scare could destroy
the market for peanuts, asked the Department of Agriculture
(USDA) to establish a quality control program.2  USDA de-
signed such a program in 1964, and continues to administer a
voluntary peanut marketing agreement program through the
Peanut Administrative Committee (PAC), an 18-member committee
composed of peanut producers and shellers from each of the
three producing regions.,  The program diverts peanuts with
high aflatoxin content from being processed into human food.

     Regulation of aflatoxin content in final peanut products
began in 1965 when the FDA set an administrative guideline
(action level) of 30 ppb.  The authority for this action was
the Federal Food, Drug and Cosmetic Act (FFDCA) §402(a) (2)
which states that foods containing added poisons or added
deleterious substances are considered adulterated and pro-
hibited from entering interstate commerce.  The 30 ppb limit
was based on the level of aflatoxins which could at that time
be consistently detected at a reasonable cost.^  To further
reduce aflatoxin exposure would either entail much higher
inspection costs or a ban on peanut products, alternatives
considered infeasible by FDA.  In 1969, FDA determined that


                               99

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analytic techniques had improved enough that the action level
could be lowered to 20 ppb.4

     The current PDA proposal to further lower permissible
aflatoxin levels in consumer peanut products involved two
policy changes.  First, PDA proposed to regulate aflatoxin
under §406 instead of §402(a)(2) of the FFDCA.  Under §406,
PDA could issue a regulation setting permissible levels of
aflatoxin as opposed to the more informal action levels per-
mitted under §402(a)(2).  If a case should go to court, under
§402(a)(2) FDA must demonstrate that aflatoxin is an added
poison or added deleterious substance; under §406 with a regu-
lation FDA need only demonstrate that the aflatoxin level in
the product exceeded the permitted amount.  The problem with a
regulation is that it is harder to change than an action
level, and thus less flexible in adapting to technological
change.  Generally, FDA would propose to use tolerances when
the technical procedures and information concerning the health
risk are static; otherwise an action level is more appropriate.

     The second proposed policy change was to lower the ac-
ceptable level of aflatcxin in peanuts and peanut products
from 20 to 15 ppb.  In determining the appropriate tolerance
the Commissioner sought to balance four factors:

     1.  the need to minimize human exposure to aflatoxins;

     2.  the capabilities of sampling procedures and ana-
         lytical methods to detect, measure and confirm the
         aflatoxin;

     3.  the capability of agricultural and manufacturing
         technology to prevent and remove contaminated
         peanuts; and

     4.  the need for the continued availability of peanuts as
         a low cost protein source.

The 15 ppb tolerance level was held to be feasible because 93
percent of the peanut butter and 97 percent of the other
products sampled since 1969 already met that limit.  The
Commissioner considered setting the tolerance level at 5 or 10
ppb but felt that these levels would impose significant losses
on producers, manufacturers and consumers since, according to
a 1973 FDA survey, only 89% of peanut butter and 82% of other
peanut products could meet a 10 ppb tolerance.

     In addition, for producers to reach a 10 ppb tolerance,
they would have to set inspection standards at 1-5 ppb in
order to allow for the large sampling error.  But, in this
range, present sampling techniques have considerable error


                              100

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making adherence to the limit technically infeasible for the
industry.  FDA felt that the 15 ppb level was technically
feasible for the industry to meet, and thus it was the supe-
rior option.5  FDA has not finalized the 15 ppb tolerance
level as of this writing (October 8, 1980) although it has
continued to investigate aflatoxin.

     In the interim, FDA has deliberated the problem with
increasing sophistication.   In January of 1978, FDA issued a
risk assessment in which it quantified the benefit to public
health from setting various tolerances for aflatoxin in peanut
products.  Based on the epidemiological studies, FDA extrapo-
lated lifetime liver cancer rates resulting from ingestion of
peanuts and peanut products to be an average of 1.1 per
100,000 with a 20 ppb action level.  Based on the incidences
expected at lower tolerances, FDA concluded that "relatively
no significant gain" in the protection of public health would
be obtained by tolerances lower than 15 ppb.6  It reopened
the comment period on the 15 ppb tolerance on March 3, 1978.7

     The FDA has identified other crops susceptible to afla-
toxin contamination and has established control programs.
(See Table A-2)  For other commodities, such as domestically
produced sorghum, rye, wheat, rice, barley, oats, soybeans,
figs and treenuts,* FDA has determined that they do not con-
tain enough aflatoxin to warrant control measures,  imported
filberts, Brazil nuts and pistachio nuts have had high afla-
toxin levels, but the levels have been greatly reduced, with
the implementation of import inspection programs.8

     Other than peanuts, the commodities in which aflatoxin
continues to pose a significant health problem are corn and
cottonseed.  Contamination in corn is largely confined to the
southeast where per capita consumption of grits and cornmeal,
two of the corn products in which afLa-toxins are not elimi-
nated during processing, is quite high.9  Both corn and cot-
tonseed are fed to food-producing animals and if contaminated,
can leave residues in tissues.  The ratio of contamination in
the feed to tissue residue varies between animals and or-
gans.10  (See Table A-3)  In all cases, the present control
level of 20 ppb is far lower than the required to insure no
detectable residues in tissues.H   (Residues are either
aflatoxin B^, the most common and most potent of the group,
or aflatoxin MI, an animal metabolite of BI with 3% the
potency of BI> .  Milk is the most vulnerable animal product
to aflatoxin contamination.  FDA officials consider elimina-
tion of MI in milk of prime importance because milk can
compose the entire diet of infants; infants appear to be.more
vulnerable to the effects of aflatoxins than adults.  Thus, on
December 6, 1977, FDA set an action level of 0.5 ppb MT in
milk.I2
                              101

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                            TABLE  A-2

   APPROXIMATE' INCIDENCE AND LEVEL OF AFLATOXIN CONTAMINATION
   ENCOUNTERED IN SUSCEPTIBLE COMMODITIES  IN  THE  UNITED STATES
Commodity
  Incidence
(% or  Ratio3)
Total Aflatoxins
  Average*3  High
     (ng/g)
Source of Data
Peanuts
Cottonseed
(.Far West)
Cottonseed
(Southeast)
Corn (Southwest)
Corn (Midwest)
Sorghum
Rye
Wheat
Rice
Barley
Oats
Soybeans
Pecans
Walnuts
Almonds
Filberts
Figs
35

41

8
44
2.5
4/786
2/35
1/1,528
1/182
0/234
0/416
2/866
39/575
8/330
36/557
0/99
1/106
33

215

50
54
5
17
T
11
5
—
--
11
86
27
27
--
10
100

1,500

150
500
37
50
--
--
--
—
--
11
172
70
90
--

c

d

d
d,20,31
29,30,39
e
e
e,34 .35
e
e
e,35
e,35
e
Q
e
e
e

aRatio of contaminated to total samples examined.

^Average of contaminated samples.

cPeanut Administrative Committee data.

^M. Whitten, ref. 42 unabridged data red. as personal
 communication.

eFood and Drug Administration, unpublished data.
From Stoloff, Leonard.  "Incidence, Distribution and Disposi-
     tion of Products Containing Aflatoxins."
                              102

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                           TABLE A-3

              MOST  LIKELY  RATIOS  OF FEED LEVELS OF
  AFLATOXIN B]_ TO EDIBLE TISSUE LEVELS  OF AFLATOXIN BI or MI
                                Aflatoxin in
Animal          Edible Tissue       Tissue     Feed/Tissue Ratio


Beef Cattle         liver            BI               14,000

Dairy Cattle        milk             MI                  300

Swine               liver            BI                  800

Layers              eggs             BI                2,200

Broilers            liver            B]_                1,200




Rodricks and Stoloff in Rodricks

     FDA is limited  in its  regulation of aflatoxins in corn
and cottonseed since most of the contaminated lots do not move
interstate.  Grits and cornmeal  in the  southeast are fre-
quently locally consumed and produced.   In the southwest, the
region with the highest contamination levels, cottonseed, is
used as animal feed  primarily  in the state in which it is
produced.  FDA can,  and has, regulated  the contaminated milk
moving interstate, but intrastate regulation can only be
achieved by the states.  FDA has been working with states,
encouraging them to  develop aflatoxin extensions and experi-
mental stations to educate  farmers about the aflatoxin problem
and its control.13

     In the following discussion of FDA's treatment of costs
and benefits in the  regulatory decision process, attention is
focused primarily on peanuts.  Of the products susceptible to
contamination only corn and cottonseed, in addition to
peanuts, continue to develop high aflatoxin levels.  As men-
tioned above, consumer products  from these crops typically do
not move in interstate commerce  and cannot be regulated to FDA.

The Benefits of Reducing the Aflatoxin  Guideline

     The benefit of  reducing aflatoxin  levels in peanuts is
the reduction in adverse health  effects resulting from afla-
toxin exposure.  Ideally, before developing a regulation, a
regulator would want to know what health problems result from

                              103

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current exposure levels, how much health is improved by a
reduction in exposure.  Much of this information for aflatoxin
was not available when FDA began regulating peanuts in 1965.
Since then a great deal has been learned, but the information
is still incomplete.

     In sufficiently high doses, aflatoxin may cause acute
liver disease or aflatoxicosis, as seen in the turkey poults
in 1961.  Acute aflatoxicosis is rare among humans and no
cases in the United States are known.14  The few known cases
were in Africa and India, and most involved children.  In some
cases, the adults eating the same aflatoxin-contaminated food
as affected children experienced no acute effects, hence
scientists speculate that children are more susceptible to
aflatoxin than adults.

     Lower doses are thought to cause two other diseases seen
primarily in children.  The first is childhood cirrhosis, a
common cause of death among children in India but rarely seen
in the United States.15  Tne second disease is encepha-
lopathy and fatty degeneration of the viscera (EFDV), another
common disease among Indian children.16  EFDV is thought to
be the same as Reye's syndrome, the tenth most common cause of
death among children in the United states.I7

     FDA officials have been most concerned that levels of
aflatoxin below those inducing the acute reactions discussed
above may cause liver cancer in humans.  The evidence support-
ing this belief is contradictory and leaves crucial questions
unanswered.  Part of the evidence is provided by the results
of animal tests and part is provided by the epidemiological
studies.  Each group of tests leaves questions about the
carcinogenicity of aflatoxins to people in the United States.
The evidence is discussed in more detail below.

     In a body of literature too great to be discussed in de-
tail, aflatoxin is conclusively shown to be a liver carcinogen
in animals.  Dozens of studies dating back to the early 1960s
have investigated the relationship between aflatoxin and liver
cancer and have almost uniformly found positive results.  The
strength of the findings is supported by the lack of contro-
versy about the methodologies used in the experiments and by
the number of species developing liver cancer from aflatoxin:
rainbow trout, salmon, duck. Rhesus monkeys, mice tree shrews,
sheep, rats and marmosets.1*

     Of all the test animals, rats have been most frequently
studied, and are also one of the most sensitive to aflatoxin.
Aflatoxin is the most potent liver carcinogen yet seen in
rats.  For this species, scientists have been able to identify
a dose-response curve; that is, they have found the incidence
of liver cancer to rise with the dose level of aflatoxin.  In

                              104

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addition, it was found that the same total dose was more car-
cinogenic when administered over several days than all at
once.19

     Using the results of animal studies, particularly the
results from rat studies, to predict the carcinogenic response
in humans to aflatoxin presents several difficulties.  The
tests show different species to have different susceptibili-
ties to aflatoxin.  While rats are the most sensitive, humans
appear to be among the more resistant species.

     FOA used two groups of animal studies to extrapolate to
the liver cancer incidence in humans.  First, average and
maximum aflatoxin exposures were estimated from surveys made
of foods consumed in the region of highest contamination, the
southeast.  They found total exposure to average 0.1 ppb with
an extreme upper range of 0.3 ppb of the diet.  Of this ex-
posure peanuts contributed an average 0.005 ppb and 0.013 at
most.  The remainder, by far the larger portion, was con-
tributed by dry-milled corn products.  One group of animal
studies was composed of five rats studies representing the
range of cancer incidences; the second group was composed of
five studies on other animal species.  Using the Mantel-Bryan
model, FDA extrapolated the results to the same ppb of the
diet as in the diet of an average person in the southeast,
making no adjustment for differences in susceptibility between
species.  The results predicted a higher rate of liver cancer
than observed from all causes in the United States, leading
FDA officials to conclude that using the results of animal
studies was not appropriate in calculating the risk of afla-
toxins to humans.

     Epidemiological studies make up the second type of evi-
dence showing the incidence of liver cancer caused in humans
from aflatoxin.  The four major studies, conducted in Kenya,
Swaziland, Mozambique and Thailand, show a strong correlation
between liver cancer incidence and levels of aflatoxin.21
The high correlation found in the four studies is supported by
several factors.  The same relationship was detected in popu-
lations with different exposures and eating habits.  The
results are relatively consistent in differentials in the age
of highest frequency of occurrence and sex susceptibility,
males being the more susceptible.  Kenya, Swaziland and
Thailand, regions with relatively high aflatoxin contamina-
tion, have greater incidence of liver cancer.  In Swaziland,
tribes that eat greater quantities of peanuts, the commodity
carrying the most contamination, show a greater incidence of
liver cancer than other tribes of the same region.22

     While that data supports the contention that humans are
more resistant to aflatoxin than rats, several difficulties in


                              105

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the studies indicated the results should be cautiously evalu-
ated.  As with all epidemiological studies the methods used to
estimate both exposure to aflatoxin and the incidehce of liver
cancet had" many limitations.  In particular, these studies on
aflatoxin suffer from not knowing what other liver carcinogens
to which the population was exposed.  Exposure was estimated
by talcing samples of only the meals, neglecting to measure the
aflatoxin content of peanuts eaten as snacks.  The studies
measured current aflatoxin exposure and correlated it with
current liver cancer incidence, although ideally one would
want to know aflatoxin exposure 20 to 30 years before the
observed present liver cancer rates to allow for the latency
period of cancer.  The incidence of liver cancer was also
roughly estimated because these countries kept poor medical
records.23

     The United States data on liver cancer incidence raises
further questions as to its carcinogenicity.  The region with
the highest levels of aflatoxin exposure has an incidence of
livef cancer only equal to the national average, not greater
as theory would lead one to predict.  Furthermore, those citi-
zens of Oriental descent have a far greater incidence of liver
cancer than citizens of other backgrounds.  This evidence led
FDA officials to conclude that other agents may be more
responsible for liver cancer in the United States, and that
genetic differences may create large variances in suscepti-
bility of different individuals to the disease.24

     Since FDA felt the health risks predicted using results
from animal tests were unrealistically high, it performed a
second extrapolation based on epidemiological data.  First FDA
employed a standardization of the results by Van Rensburg and
extrapolated the incidence expected in the United States from
the average and maximum levels of exposure in the southeast.
The expected range of cancer incidences per year were 0.37 to
3.74/100,000.  The actual rate in Alabama and Georgia was 0.97
and 1.18 per 100,000/year, respectively, well within the rang^
predicted from the epidemiological studies.

     To reduce the possible error introduced in this model by
assuming the background liver cancer rate to be the same in
the United States as in the countries of the epidemiological
studies, FDA employed a linear, non-logarithmic relationship
which suggests a similar crude background rate to that re-
ported for Caucasians in the United States.25  ^fter con-
verting the estimated incidences of liver cancer into life'-iiie
liver cancer rates, FDA found that at present exposures to
aflatoxin, 20.2 persons/100,000 would develop liver cancer in
their lifetimes and that at most, the incidence would be
57.0/100,000 lifetimes.  FDA then breaks this incidence ir o
that attributable to the aflatoxin in peanuts and that found
in corn, an determined that on average, .1.1/100,000

                             106

-------
cases occurred from peanuts and 19.1/100,000 lifetime cases
occurred from corn.

     The last calculation made by FDA was of the expected
reductions in risk due to setting the tolerance at different
levels.  To determine exposure rates at lower levels, FDA as-
sumed that the average level of aflatoxins actually found in
products is directly proportional to the legal maximum level.
When the legal limit is 20 ppb, the actual level-is 2 ppb; a
legal limit of 15 ppb results in 1.5 ppb, etc.  Thus a legal
level of 20 ppb results in 1.1-2.7 cases per 100,000. per life-
time,  Lowering the limit to 15 ppb lowers the incidence to
0.8ol/105/lifetime; to 10 ppb, lowers the incidence to
1.5-1.3/10^ lifetime; and to 5 ppb in peanut products, to
0.3-0.7/105 lifetime.  (See Table A-4).  These are only
minor improvements in the national health.

The Cost of Reducing the Aflatoxin Guideline

     Because the peanut industry Tiust expend additional effort
to reduce aflatoxin levels as specified by FDA, peanut
products will become more expensive.  The costs of the regula-
tion are represented by the lost value to consumers and pro-
ducers resulting from these price increases.  To estimate
these costs, one must know the original supply function for
peanut products, the new supply function reflecting the ad-
ditional effort needed to reduce aflatoxin levels, and the
demand curve for peanut products.  In addition, if society
believes a particular distribution of wealth to be desirable,
it is important to know the extent to which a price increase
is disadvantageous to lower income groups if it denies them an
inexpensive source of protein.

     FDA has yet to issue a cost analysis of its proposed 15
ppb tolerance limit.  Its discussion of costs was limited to
the statement that since "93 percent of the lots of peanut
butter and 97 percent of the lots of other peanut products
could meet the 15 ppb level . , . [this level would not cause]
significantly increased losses of food."26  it based this
conclusion on "An Assessment of the Effects of Possible Afla-
toxin Guideline Changes for the Peanut Industry" by Arthur D.
Little, Inc. (ADD, done for the National Peanut Council, a
trade association for the peanut industry.2?  This report
estimated how much the peanut butter industry would have to
pay to meet various aflatoxin guidelines.

ADL Cost Estimates--
     The ADL study looked solely at the additional costs asso-
ciated with the production of peanut butter at various guide-
line levels.  The additional costs were defined in terms of
value of the peanut butter which is found to have a higher
                              107

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aflatoxin content than specified by the guideline and would
therefore have to be thrown away or rejected.  These costs (or
values) were then distributed over the remaining quantity of
acceptable product and expressed as the additional costs (per
unit) of producing acceptable product.  Table A-5 lists per
unit and total costs of five different guideline levels as
calculated by ADL.

                           TABLE A-5

            PER UNIT AND TOTAL COSTS TO PEANUT BUTTER
         INDUSTRY OP VARIOUS AFLATOXIN GUIDELINE LEVELS
                     (AS CALCULATED BY ADL)1
                    Per Unit Costs of
Guideline          Acceptable Product2           Total Cost2
  (ppb)                  (*f/lb)                    (10
   20                      0.6                       3.7
   15                      3.0                      17.6
   10                      9.1                      52.6
    5                     33.9                     196.5
    2                     60.3                     348.5
1.   Source:  Arthur D. Little/ Inc., Assessment of the
     Effects of Possible Aflatoxin Guideline Changes for the
     Peanut Industry/ Draft Report to the National Peanut
     Council, January 1974.

2.   ADL estimated expected values and upper limit values.
     The figures reported here represent the expected costs.


     To calculate the cost estimates provided in Table A-5,
ADL required information on the percent of total peanut butter
rejected at each guideline level and the cost of producing a
pound of peanut butter.  The former information was obtained
through a survey of 12 manufacturers of peanut butter repre-
senting slightly more than 70% of the peanut butter manufac-
tured in the United States.  The manufacturers were asked to
estimate the cumulative percentage of their January-June 1973
peanut butter production containing levels of aflatoxin from 0
to 20 ppb.

     Based on the survey information, ADL constructed a proba-
bility density function of peanut butter production which


                              109

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would exceed the proposed guideline.  Based on the distribu-
tional characteristics of the function, the expected level of
product rejection could be calculated for any guideline
level.-  For example, ADL's calculation showed that if peanut
butter3'manufacturers tested peanuts for 7 ppb aflatoxin con-
tent  (that which would be required to meet a.15 ppta guideline)
approximately 5.1 Ib out of every 100 Ib would have to be re-
jected. 28  m addition, ADL calculated the average aflatoxin
in the acceptable product at any given inspection level.  In
the case of a 7 ppb inspection level, the (most likely) afla-
toxin level would be an average of 2.0 ppb, but ranging from
1.45-2.41 ppb.

     To compute the costs of having to reject a specified
percent of peanut butter produced, ADL calculated the average
direct costs associated with producing a pound of peanut
butter.  The basis for this cost element was a per unit pro-
duction cost estimate of 37.4£/lb.29  This base number was
adjusted by several factors to arrive at the final figure used
by ADL.  First, the cost of peanut's portion of the base was
escalated by 22% to account for cost increases between 1972
and 1974 (no justification was given for the use of this
number).  Second, 11.2 cents was added to the adjusted base
figure  (44.9 cents) to account for the increased cost of in-
spection and disposal of rejected peanuts (based on industry
estimates).  While ADL suggested that other indirect cost ele-
ments (such as loss of sales) should be included, they stated
these costs could not be quantified for this study.  The final
direct and indirect unit cost of rejecting peanut butter used
by ADL was 56.1^/lb.

     By combining the average unit cost of rejecting peanut
butter with the average percent of peanut butter rejected at
any given aflatoxin inspection level, ADL was able to calcu-
late the total cost to industry of a particular guideline
level.  The steps undertaken to make this estimate are out-
lined below.

     1)  Multiply the fraction of total peanut butter pro-
         duction rejected at a given operating level by total
         1972 peanut butter production.

     2)  Taking the total pounds of peanut butter rejected
         from 1 and multiplying by 56.1£ (the costs of reject-
         ing peanut butter) calculate total costs of rejected
         peanut butter.

     3)  Divide 2 by total acceptable peanut butter (assumes
         costs of rejected peanut butter will have to be
         spread remaining product) to yield costs of a par-
         ticular inspection level in terms of cents per pound
         of acceptable product.

                               110

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     4)  Translate inspection (or operating) level into FDA
         guideline level.  For example, the costs of setting a
         guideline of 15 ppb are given by the per unit costs
         of having to reject at an inspection level of 7 ppb.

     5)  Multiply costs in cents per pound of acceptable
         product at a given guideline level by total 1972
         production of peanut butter to total costs to peanut
         butter manufacturing industry of complying with a
         particular guideline level.

     ADL's cost data shows how per unit costs increase as the
guideline level is made more stringent.  While the movement
from 20 ppb to 15 ppb to 10 ppb guideline involves increas-
ingly higher costs, they rise at a slower rate.  A dramatic
increase in costs occurs at guideline levels below 10 ppb.
The cost elements were also shown as a function of reduced
average aflatoxin level in acceptable peanut butter at each
possible guideline level.  This information, for several
guideline levels, is reproduced in Table A-6.

                            TABLE  A-6

             AVERAGE  AFLATOXIN LEVEL  (PPB)  PER  POUND
                        OF  PEANUT  BUTTER1
Guideline          Average Expected Aflatoxin    % Incremental
   (ppb)                    ppb Level2              Reduction
   20                          2.28
   15                          2.00                   12.3
   10                          1.57                   21.5
    5                           .78                   50.3
    2                           .42                   46.1
1.   Source:  ADL

2.   Throughout the study ADL reported expected values as well
     as value ranges.  This Table reports only the expected
     value.

     Based on their analysis, ADL recommended against any
change in the current FDA guidelines, suggesting instead a
stronger quality control program.
                              Ill

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Analysis of Cost Estimates—
     A careful review of the cost estimates provided by ADL
highlights several concerns that suggest that costs of reduc-
ing the aflatoxin guideline may be lower than expected by
FDA.  First, since all the cost increase was based on the 1972
production level of 578 million pounds, the decrease in
quantity demanded due to a higher price is totally ignored.
This leads to an immediate overestimation of the increased
production costs of the regulation.  This is demonstrated in
Figure I where the net effect of a more stringent FDA guide-
line is assumed to result in a shift in supply of acceptable
peanut butter from 81-82 and the vertical distance DB is
the per unit increase in price of producing acceptable peanut
butter of the new regulation.

     In essence, ADL estimated the area P]_DBP" and referred
to this area as the increased costs of producing acceptable
peanut butter.  In fact, the actual production cost increase
would be represented by the much smaller area ?2ACP'.  The
net social costs of the regulation as discussed are another
matter and, following Figure A-l, are shown to be the area
ABG.  Producers lose surpluses, in the short run, of P"BCP',
and consumers incur surplus losses of P2ABP".

Price of
Acceptable
Peanut
Butter    p, 	.	„
                                                   S,
   Figure A<-I:
                                                       Demand
                         Quantity of Acceptable
                           Peanut Butter
Illustration of the costs associated with a
more stringent FDA aflatoxin guideline.
                              112

-------
     Second, ADIi assumed  that  the  only option available to
peanut butter manufacturers  for  controlling the aflatoxin
levels in their products  was to  reject the unacceptable peanut
butter after incurring  the production costs of processing.
ADL did not allow for the possibility that manufacturers
facing a more stringent guideline  would require raw peanut
shipments with lower average aflatoxin levels than those now
received.  This assumption was based  on a comparison of afla-
toxin levels in finished  peanuts which showed an extremely low
(.003) coefficient of determination between the two.  This
evidence led AOL to the conclusion that even if shellers pro-
duced raw peanuts with  lower aflatoxin levels, there would be
no effect on the costs  imposed on  peanut butter manufacturers.

     While sufficient information  does not exist on the com-
parison by AOli to allow for  a  critical appraisal, a review of
the report suggests a radically  different conclusion.  (Even
in their-study,',ADL admitted that  logic would argue for a sig-
nificant positive relationship between raw peanut aflatoxin
levels and peanut butter  aflatoxin levels.)  If a positive
correlation between the two  did  exist, it is likely that a
method of complying with  new guidelines that involved at least
a combination of using  cleaner peanuts and rejecting unac-
ceptable peanut butter  would yield lower per unit increases in
production costs.  There  is  some evidence that FDA may have
been aware of this possibility.  According to one FDA offi-
cial, the agency had assumed all along that if they lower
their guideline, manufacturers would  demand a lower guideline
from the USDA for shellers and processors recognizing that
lower costs would be incurred  than if their only recourse was
to reject the final product.

     Third, ADti assumed that the costs of meeting the guide-
line would be incurred  each  year,  and that no technological
advances would be made  to reduce this cost.  Based on the
peanut industry's demonstrated ability to develop techniques
that reduce aflatoxin levels,  an ability shown since the afla-
toxin problem was discovered in  the 1960s, a more reasonable
conclusion is that more technological advances are possible.

Summary—
     The estimation of  the true  social costs of reducing afla-
toxin levels in peanuts and  peanut products requires several
assumptions.  First, one  has to  calculate how a stricter
guideline affects the supply curve of the peanut industry.  To
do this, one must raate  assumptions about which stage of the
process  is burdened with  the cost. Assuming the cost to be
placed on the shellers, one  then needs to determine how much
of the increase is passed through  to  consumers.  Second, an
estimate must be made of  how long  before technological ad-
vances reduce the supply.  Third,  one needs to determine how
strongly consumers react  to  a  price increase in peanuts demand.

                             113

-------
     The ADL study clearly overestimates the cost of stricter
guidelines.  It neglected to. consider that consumers demand
fewer-.i.peanut products in response to higher prices and make up
part of the loss by substituting other products.  Available
technology enables shellers ,£o.,reduce levels far more cheaply
than by disposing finished products, as assumed by ADL.
Finally, ADL did not make allowances for cost reductions made
possible by technological advances.

    .- Supporting the argument that the costs are much lower
than ADL's estimates is that the National Peanut Council has
subsequently taken a neutral stand toward the 15 ppb guide-
line.  In addition, a FDA official claims that several of the
large peanut butter manufacturers have already voluntarily met
the 15 ppb even though the regulation is still in the proposed
stage.

Footnotes

 1.  Allcroft, Ruth, In "Aflatoxin-Scientific Background, Con-
     trol and Implications."  In Aflatoxin.  L.A. Goldblatt,
     ed., New York:  Academic Press, 1969.

 2.  Miller, James S., "Role of the United States Department
     of Agriculture."  Aflatoxin Quality Control Seminar,
     National Peanut Council, April 11, 1979.

 3.  39 Fed. Reg. 42748, December 6, 1974.

 4.  Rodricks, Joseph V., Hazards from Nature-Aflatoxins."
     FDA Consumer, May, 1978.

 5.  39 Fed. Reg. 42728, December 6, 1974.

 6.  U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Food
     and Drug Administration, Bureau of Foods, Assessment of
     Estimated Risk Resulting from Aflatoxins In Consumer
     Peanut Products and Other Food Commodities.  January 19,
     1978.!

 7.  43 Fed. Reg. 8808, March 3, 1978.

 8.  Stoloff, Leonard.  "Aflatoxins - An Overview."  In
     Mycotoxins In Human and Animal Health.  Joseph V.
     Rodericks, e_t al., eds., Parke Forest South, Illinois:
     Pathotox Publishers, 1977.

 9.  Stoloff, Leonard.  "Incidence, Distribution and Disposi-
     tion of Products Containing Aflatoxins."  Proceedings of
     the American Phytopatholoqical Society, Vol.. 3, 1976.
                              114

-------
10.  Rodericks, Joseph V,  and Leonard Stoloff,  "Pood-Producing
     Animals."  In Mycotoxins in Human and Animal Health,
     Joseph V. Rodricks,  el: al., eds., Parke Forest South,
     Illinois:  Pathotox  PublTshers,  1977.

11.  Stoloff, Leonard.  "Mycotoxin Residues in  Edible Animal
     Tissues."  In Interactions of Mycotoxins in Animal Pro-
     duction, National Academy of Sciences, 1978.

12.  42 Fed. Reg. 61630,  December 6,  1977.

13.  Stoloff, Leonard. U.S. Department of Health, Education,
     and Welfare, Food and Drug Administration,  Bureau of
     Foods, Personal Communication, November, 1979.

14.  Campbell, T. Colin,  and Leonard Stoloff.  "Implication of
     Mycotoxins for Human Health."  J. Agr. Food & Chem.,
     Vol. 22, No. 6, 1974.

15.  Ibid.

16.  Shank, R.C., et al.,  "Aflatoxins in Autopsy Specimens
     from Thai ChiTdren with an Acute Disease of Unknown
     Aetiology."  Fd. Cosmet. Toxicol., Vol. 9,  pp. 501-507,
     1971.

17.  Rodricks, supra, note 4.

18.  Wogan, G.N.  "Aflatoxin Carcinogenesis."  In Methods  in
     Cancer Research, Vol. VII, H. Busch, eel.,  Academic Press,
     New York, N.Y., 1973.

19.  Ibid.

20.  Hsieh, D.P.H., e_t al., "Comparative Metabolism of Afla-
     toxin."  In Mycotoxins In Human and Animal Health, Joseph
     V. Rodricks, et al.,  eds., Parke Forest South, Illinois:
     Pathotox PublTshers,  1977.

21.  Van Rensburg, J. "Role of Epidemiology In the Elucidation
     of Mycotoxin Health  Risks."  In Mycotoxins In Human and
     Animal Health, Joseph V. Rodricks, et al.,  eds., Parke
     Forest South, Illinois:  Pathotox Publishers, 1977.

22.  Campbell and Stoloff, supra, note 11.

23.  Ibid.

24.  Stoloff, supra, note 10.
                              115

-------
25.  Peers, F,G., and C.A. Linsell.  "Dietary Aflatoxins and
     Human Primary Liver Cancer," Ann.  Nutr.  Alim.;  1977,  31,
     1005-1018.

26.  39 Fed. Reg. 42750, December 6, 1974.

27.  Arthur D. Little, Inc., Assessment of  the Effects of
     Possible Aflatoxin Guideline Changes for the Peanut
     Industry.  Report to National Peanut Council,  January 25,
     1974.

28.  Aflatoxin can be unevenly distributed  throughout peanut
     butter leading to large sampling errors  in the inspection
     results.  In order to ensure the safety  of their
     products, peanut butter manufacturers  normally discard
     any products with an aflatoxin level higher than 50% of
     the FDA guideline.

29.  This estimate was obtained by ADL from:   Peanut
     Processing Opportunities, University of  Georgia, June
     1972.
                             116

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SACCHARIN CASE STUDY

Introduction

     On April 15, 1977 the Pood and Drug Administration (FDA)
proposed rules in the Federal Register restricting the use of
saccharin, the only remaining artificial sweetener permitted
for consumption.!  Citing laboratory experiments demonstrat-
ing that saccharin caused bladder cancer in rats, FDA argued
that present consumption levels were hazardous and acted to
prohibit uses of saccharin that led to human exposure.  The
FDA proposed to prohibit the use of saccharin in all foods and
beverages, drugs (unless the company could demonstrate an
overriding health benefit), cosmetics that might be ingested
(such as toothpastes, mouthwashes, and lipsticks), and animal
foods and drugs.  Even animals not intended for human consump-
tion could not be fed saccharin, since the FDA Commissioner
found they derived no therapeutic benefit from it.  Under the
proposed rules, saccharin in the tablet, powder, and liquid
forms known as "table-top sweeteners" would be classed as a
drug.  FDA was undecided as to whether a prescription would be
needed to buy saccharin.

     The FDA action to ban saccharin as a food additive, or
more precisely to revoke the interim regulations allowing the
use of saccharin in food products, was taken under the general
safety provisions of the Food Additives Amendment of 1958 and
the Delaney Clause of the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic
Act.2  The general safety requirements direct the Secretary
to detail the uses for and conditions under which a food ad-
ditive can be safely used.  Furthermore, the Delaney Clause
categorically states,

         "... that no additive shall be deemed safe if
         it is found to induce cancer when ingested by..
         man or animal."3

Under the Delaney Clause, once FDA concluded that saccharin
was a carcinogen, it had a clear responsibility to ban the
substance.  Although the inflexible nature of the Delaney
Clause has prompted considerable academic and public debate,
FDA has denied that the Delaney Clause was the exclusive basis
for the action.  Stating that the accumulated evidence demon-
strated that saccharin was not safe for human consumption, FDA
held that the general safety requirements for food additives
of the Food, Drug & Cosmetic Act* would have prompted FDA
action in the absence of the Delaney Clause; the Delaney
Clause only reinforced the conclusion.5

     To restrict the use of saccharin in drugs and cosmetics,
FDA followed different sections of the Act and a different
rationale; it argued that for these uses, the benefit of

                              117

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saccharin must be weighed against  the  risks.   In the case of
cosmetics, the Commissioner  held that  saccharin use should
cease because the benefits were not  great  enough to outweigh
the risks, even though these risks might well  be quite
small.6

     Consideration of the use of saccharin in  drugs presented
a more complicated problem since the benefits  were plausible
but difficult to evaluate.   While  FDA  recognized that special
formulas containing saccharin'may  be required  for diabetics.
and that in certain drugs saccharin  provided substantial
health benefits that could not otherwise be obtained in the
absence of feasible substitutes, it  felt the benefits of
saccharin generally did not  outweigh the risks.   Hence, unless
overriding health benefits could be  demonstrated, its use in
drugs was prohibited.

     The Commissioner proposed to  consider table-top sweet-
eners as drugs so that consumers could continue to obtain
saccharin.  Although saccharin's carcinogenicity prevented its
use as a food additive,  it did not prevent its use as a drug.
The Act's provisions governing the approval of human drugs
contain no Delaney Clause equivalent specifically preventing
the use of carcinogens in human drug products.   FDA would have
greater control over table-top sweeteners  as drugs than as
foods, since each variety would need FDA approval.   The law
gave FDA leeway to determine whether saccharin should be
available over-the-counter or whether  a doctor's prescription
would be required.  The Commissioner had not chosen which
option to pursue but was inclined  to permit saccharin to be
sold over-the-counter.

     The determination that  saccharin  would be prohibited as
an ingredient in animal foods and  drugs was based on a legis-
lative requirement forbidding such use of  any  substance found
to cause cancer in nan or animal unless tests  provided that no
residue of the substance could be  detected in  any food derived
from animals.^  Since no assays had  been submitted to FDA
(or were known to exist by FDA) that showed the lack residue,
it banned the use of saccharin in  animal foods and drugs.

     The FDA finding that saccharin  was a  carcinogen was based
on several scientific and medical  studies  involving animals
and humans.  The most persuasive results and those most often
referred to by FDA in the proposed regulations were derived
from chronic toxicity feeding experiments  on rats.   Two
studies of this sort, completed in 1973, one by FDA and
another by the Wisconsin Alumni Research Foundation, showed a
statistically significant increase in  the  incidence of bladder
cancer in male rats fed saccharin.3  The results of these
studies, however, were of questionable merit and could not be


                             118

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taken as conclusive because the saccharin contained impuri-
ties.  A third study, sponsored by the Canadian government,
corrected the errors in the earlier studies and led to the
conclusion that ingestion of saccharin by rats caused an in-
creased incidence of malignant bladder tumors.9  Extrapolat-
ing these results to humans prompted FDA to conclude that
saccharin posed "a significant risk of cancer for humans."10

     By FDA's calculation, the benefit from banning saccharin
was a maximum of 4 fewer cases of bladder cancer in the life-
time of 10,000 persons, compared with a lifetime risk of
bladder cancer in the United States of 150 cases per 10,000
persons.  It has been argued that for this reduction in cancer
incidence, the proposed regulations would impose several costs
on consumers.  In the absence of any non-nutritive sweetener
replacement, it was argued, diabetics would have more diffi-
culty obtaining sweet foods and more difficulty adhering to
their diets; people would gain weight, becoming prone to other
serious health problems such as heart disease and diabetes;
and, people would have increased tooth decay.  The cost of
these effects is hard to evaluate because none have been
scientifically proven.

     Subsequent events suggested that Congress and FDA had
either overestimated the value society places on reducing the
risk of cancer or underestimated the value of saccharin's
benefits.  The public and industry voiced strong opposition to
the ban, sending nearly 70,000 letters to the White House,
Congress and FDA.  After listening to testimony from the
American Diabetes Association, the Calorie Council and the
Pharmaceutical Manufacturers Association, among others,
Congress placed a moratorium on saccharin regulations until
May 23, 1979.  On July 4, 1979 the House voted to amend the
Act by extending the moratorium until June 30, 1981.  The
moratorium now awaits Senate approval.  In the interim, the
use of saccharin continues.  FDA continues to support removing
saccharin from the food supply, except as a table-top sweet-
ener, but is not acting until Congress decides whether, and if
so, under what conditions, unsafe food additives perceived to
have benefits should be available to consumers.

     During the moratorium, the merits of saccharin and the
proposed ban have been much debated.  More scientific studies
have been completed, studies of the scientific studies have
been done, as well as studies on many of the political, legal
and economic dimensions of the problem.  The prevailing opin-
ion is that some intermediate position between unrestricted
use and the controls proposed by FDA in 1977 is appropriate.
The final solution will probably not be known for some time.
                              119

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The Benefit of Removing Saccharin from Consumer Products

     The health risks of saccharin consumption have been a
matter of contention since shortly after saccharin's discovery
in 1879.  Serious evidence of health hazard, though, did not
appear until 1951 when the first of many animal chronic
toxicity studies was conducted.  Whereas, this study found
abnormalities in the abdomen of the rats, the results were not
statistically significant, and therefore inconclusive.  Since
that time, dozens of investigations have taken place.  Al-
though scientists are now in general agreement that saccharin
is a potentially weak carcinogen in humans,  questions remain
concerning the medical and scientific evidence.

     There are three general types of studies that are used to
identify potential carcinogens:  epidemiological studies,
animal studies and short-term tests.  Epidemiological studies
involve the comparison of statistics on the incidence and
mortality rates of a disease within a human population in an
attempt to determine causality.  Animal studies expose animals
to a single substance over a long period and then examine them
for tumors.  Short-term tests have been recently developed
which are much faster and cheaper than animal or epidemiologi-
cal studies.  They expose bacteria or mammalian cells to the
questionable substance to determine if genetic alterations or
neoplastic transformation occur.  Although a positive result
is not conclusive evidence of a substance's carcinogenicity,
it indicates that animal and epidemiological studies should be
undertaken.H  Each type of study has been conducted on
saccharin.  The differing reports reflect the strengths and
weaknesses of their respective methodologies.  The results of
these tests and the uncertainties associated with their re-
sults are discussed in more detail below.

Animal Studies—
     The 1977 FDA case that saccharin be considered a carcino-
gen was largely built on the results of three animal studies.
The general procedures for these studies, as specified in the
National Cancer Institute guidelines, is to administer the
maximum tolerated dose of saccharin and one-half or one-
quarter of this amount to separate groups of animals.  The
guidelines specify that the two test groups be composed of
fifty males and fifty females each, and 100 animals be in the
control group.  At the end of the expected lifetime the
animals are killed and autopsied, and the results between the
experimental and control groups are compared.  In addition,
the three animal studies which found saccharin to be car-
cinogenic continued the test for two generations; the second
generation was thus exposed from the time of inception.

     In 1973, the results of two two-generation studies, one
by the FDA and the other by the Wisconsin Alumni Research

                              120

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Foundation (WARP), were released.  Both studies found a
statistically significant increase in bladder tumors among
second-generation male rats fed the highest levels of sac-
charin - 7.5% and 5.0% of the diet respectively.  However the
saccharin used in both experiments contained numerous impuri-
ties/ making it unclear whether saccharin or an impurity was
the cancer-causing substance.12  This confusion was ad-
dressed by a Canadian government two-generation study which
investigated the carcinogenicity of the principal impurity in
saccharin, orthotoluenesulfonamide (OTS).  One group of rats
was fed a 5% dose level of saccharin without OTS, other groups
were fed various levels of OTS.  The rats exposed to saccharin
developed bladder tumors, while those fed OTS exhibited no
adverse health effects.13  None of the eleven one-generation
animal studies that have been conducted on saccharin have
revealed harmful effects.*4

     Several areas of uncertainty exist in interpreting the
results of animal studies.  One is how to interpret results
obtained by purposely administering extremely high doses of a
substance to test for its carcinogenicity.  While many
non-scientists have criticized this method of testing, it is
held to be appropriate among scientists.  Without using exag-
gerated doses animal tests would not be sensitive to mild car-
cinogens; for example, a 300-animal test would only be able to
detect a carcinogen expected to affect 1% of the population,
or 2 million persons, in the United States.  But if the doses
are several magnitudes higher than realistic doses, effects
can be extrapolated for approximately 0.001% of a population,
or two thousand people in the United States.  At the same
time, the dose must not be so high as to cause acute, non-
cancerous toxic effects.  While some reviewers felt that the
5% and 7.5% dose levels in the saccharin studies could have
been toxic, the National Academy of Sciences panel concluded
they were not.

     Concluding that the use of high dose levels in animal
studies is justified does not remove the uncertainty asso-
ciated with their use; the appropriate method of extrapolating
effects from high to low doses is not clear.  Estimates of
response at low doses differ radically depending on which
model is used.  Of the two major models, the single-hit or
straight line model predicts response to be much greater in
the low-dose range than the log-normal model.  When the dose
level is one thousandth of a dose at which 50% of the popula-
tion develops cancer, the single-hit model predicts response
to be 200 times greater than the log>~normal model. ^5
(Table A-7) .  FDA used the single-hit model in estimating the
risk of saccharin.16
                               121

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                            TABLE A-7

          EXPECTED RESPONSE  RATES AS A FUNCTION OF DOSE
               FOR DIFFERENT DOSE-RESPONSE MODELS3

Relative
Dose
16
8
4
2
1
.50
.25
.125
.063
0.01
0.001
0.0001

Log Normal, %
98
93
84
69
50
31
16
7
2
.05
.00035
.0000001

Log Logistic, %
96
92
84
70
50
30
16
8
4
.4
.026
.0016

Single Hit, %
99 +
99
94
75
50
29
16
8
4
.7
.07
.007
Source:  National Academy of Sciences, Saccharin:  Technical
         Assessment of Risks and Benefits, Washington, D.C.,
         1978.

     A second uncertainty involves extrapolating health ef-
fects from animals to humans.  Several critical factors may
differ among species that would cause some to be hypersensi-
tive to a substance and others to be resistant.  These factors
include metabolic pathways, rates of biotransformation, rates
of repair and routes of excretion.17  Some substances will
cause cancer in different organs in different species.  Never-
theless, the NAS panel of scientists concluded that "since the
metabolic pattern of organs or tissues and their responses to
acute injury are often very similar among different species,
it is not surprising that chemicals that are shown to be car-
cinogenic in one species often show the same type of response
in other species."18  Supporting this statement is the find-
ing that 81 of the 82 known human carcinogens have been shown
to induce cancer in animals.19  In defending its saccharin
decision, FDA acknowledged the uncertainty in using results
from animal tests to identify human carcinogens.  It then
accepted the principle, after citing similar positions taken
by numerous experts and government health agencies.
                               122

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     Beyond the inherent uncertainties of all animal studies,
the results of the saccharin two-generation studies generate
additional policy questions.  First,  almost without exception,
the cancers noted in these studies developed only in rats
which were exposed to saccharin in the womb and throughout
their early development.  Several factors make the fetus
radically moe sensitive to cancer-causing agents than adults.
These factors include suggestions that transplacental transfer
results in higher doses to the fetus  than to the mother, the
unknown strength of the fetus' immunities, the possibility of
greater susceptibility during rapid development, different
fetal metabolic capacities than adults, and factors relating
to fetal pharmacology.20  The importance of second genera-
tional health effects is not in question since pregnant women
may expose their children to saccharin.  Rather, the question
is how these results should be used to predict health effects
on adults.

     Second, only male rats exposed to saccharin showed sta-
tistically significant increases in the incidence of bladder
cancer.  This calls to question the appropriateness of apply-
ing the risk predictions to human females since the prediction
cannot even be applied to female rats of the same strain..21..

     A final uncertainty is whether saccharin acts in concert
with other substances to increase the probability of cancer.
Mondal et al. (1979) found it may be  a weak promoter in a
study whTch obtained significant in vitro transformations of
cells exposed to saccharin in the presence of nontransforming
doses of the carcinogen and an in, vitro transforming agent,
3-methylcholanthrene.22

Epidemiological Studies—
     The usefulness of the epidemiological studies on sac-
charin as a guide to policy making is extremely limited by
methodological difficulties.  The first study to suggest that
saccharin presents a health hazard was completed soon after
the FDA proposal.23  This was a case-control study in which
the differences in artificial sweetener consumption between
people with bladder cancer and healthy people were compared,
controlling for age and residential neighborhood.  The study
found an increased risk of bladder cancer for men who consume
artificial sweeteners but not for women consumers.  As it did
not differentiate between artificial  sweeteners, the study
could not attribute the risk to saccharin alone.  A similar
case-control study did not find a risk associated with the use
of saccharin.24  ^he NAS panel concluded that methodological
difficulties prevented them from judging the "seemingly con-
tradictory results" of these two studies.  In addition, four
other case-control studies failed to  show a correlation be-
tween saccharin consumption and bladder cancer, but they were
found by the panel to contain such significant methodological


                              123

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problems that conclusions could not be made from the re-
sults. 25

     Two other types of epidamiological studies have been
conducted on saccharin.  One is time-trend analysis in which
trends in exposure to a substance are compared to trends in
the incidence of a disease.  The two studies of this type
failed to detect any correlation between saccharin use and the
incidence of bladder cancer, although like the case studies
described above, shortcomings suggest caution in relying on
these results.  A study of bladder cancer rates in Britain,
where saccharin consumption became extensive during World
War II, found that saccharin's contribution to the increased
rates could not be statistically separated from that of
cigarette smoking.26  The second study, in the United States
from 1950 to 1967 where a dramatic increase in the consumption
of saccharin occurred in 1962, noted that the study may have
taken place too soon to detect the effects of the increase in
consumption because carcinogens are thought to have a latency
period of 18 to 45 years.27

     The third type of epidemiological study on saccharin com-
pared the incidence of bladder cancer among diabetics with
that of the general population.  Diabetics tend to consume
large quantities of saccharin as a substitute for sugar.  None
of these studies have found significant differences in bladder
cancer rates among the test groups.28  However, diabetics
differ from the general population in several key ways that
might effect the validity of the test results such as metabo-
lism, genetics, diet, abnormal bladder function, and a ten-
dency to smoke less.29  Given these differences, diabetics
cannot be assumed to be equivalent to nondiabetics in all
things except saccharin consumption.

     The above discussion suggests several methodological
limitations to epidemiological studies that must be taken into
account when applying the results of these studies to regula-
tory policy.  First, they are most useful at detecting ex-
tremely potent carcinogens.  Increasing their sensitivity can
only be done by expanding the sample size which generally
requires large expenditures.  Second, it is difficult to
control for the health effects of other carcinogens and other
social and environmental variables, restricting the ability of
the rests to isolate the risk of one carcinogen from other
factors.  Third, the long latency period for most carcinogens
may render impractical the dependence on epidemiological tests
for evaluating suspected carcinogens unless they have been
part of the environment for many years.

Summary—
     FDA relied heavily on the results of the two-generation
animal studies in determining saccharin to be carcinogenic.

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There is little doubt that these tests support their conclu-
sion:  that saccharin acting alone is a weak carcinogen.
However, the risk is apparently very small; they estimated
that, between zero and 4 out of 100,000 people would develop
cancer from saccharin in their lifetimes.  Alternatively
stated, between zero and 1,200 people in the United States
would develop bladder cancer each year should everyone consume
one diet soda a day.30  These estimates rank saccharin as
the weakest carcinogen yet discovered.  More serious than the
health effects of saccharin on adult humans are the health
risks to human fetuses, children, the mutagenic risks to the
gene pool and its potential promotional or   carcinogenic
effects.

The Cost of Regulation

     The economic definition of the cost of regulation is the
value of foregone alternatives.  In the case of a ban on sac-
charin, the costs are represented by the lost sales resulting
from price increases for dietetic foods and beverages, and the
transition costs of switching labor and capital from the pro-
duction of products containing saccharin to other products.

     FDA considered two costs:  the increased price of
sugarless products, and the value of lost sales of saccharin
and products containing saccharin.  It found the total cost of
the proposed regulation to range from $715.0 - $2,079.6
million.31

     Of this total, FDA estimated the lost sales to industry
to be between $607.2 - $1,969.3 million including the diet
food, diet beverage and table-top sweetener industries, and to
the sole domestic producer of saccharin, Sherwin Williams.
The lower figure assumes some reduction in lost sales through
the offering of alternative products formulated with small
amounts of nutritive sweeteners.  These would be consumed only
by overweight people, not diabetics.  The higher figure repre-
sents a complete loss in which no diet foods, diet beverages
or table-top sweeteners are purchased, either because no al-
ternative sweeteners are found or consumers do not buy any
that are marketed.

     The costs of prohibiting the use of saccharin in drugs,
where saccharin is an inactive ingredient, were estimated
separately by the Bureau of Drugs.32  jhe  implied conclusion
was that no major costs would be imposed on the drug indus-
try.  The FDA finding was based on several assumptions.   (1)
Many drugs are formulated with other sweetening agents besides
saccharin, which suggests that these sweeteners could be used
in drug products containing saccharin.   (2) FDA felt that
other "substitute sweeteners will almost certainly be
found."33   (3) in addition, FDA reasoned that the dosage

                              125

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 form of drugs would not have to be altered,  a costly aspect
 argued by industry, since a film coating could be applied to
 drugs to make them more palatable.  FDA did  admit that some
 increased packaging costs would be incurred  by the drug in-
 dustry because of larger tablet sizes.
        i.T  ' '
      On, a graph, the value of the lost  sales to the industries
 are repreesented by the area OPORQO;  the price times the
 quantity sold (See Figure A-2).
    Price
                                           Supply
                                           Demand
                               fir
Quantity
     Figure A-2:  Market equilibrium for saccharin products.

.The value of lost sales,  though,  is not an accurate  estimate
 of the cost of the regulation since the resources previously
 used in the production of products containing saccharin are
 transferred to other productive uses and therefore generate
 other sales.   In the short-run some resources such as plant
 facilities are fixed and  will lie idle;  the production lost by
 the idle capacity is a -short-run cost,  as  are the costs in-
 curred in transforming resources into new  productive uses.   In
 the long-rrun, resources will be fully employed in the second
 most valuable use.   The long-run cost is the difference be-
 tween the value of products containing saccharin and the value
 of the second best use of the inputs.   This cost will be much
 lower than those represented by lost sales.

      FDA estimated the cost to consumers to range from
 $107,8 - $110.3 million.   These figures were derived by.
 assuming diet foods and beverages would be reformulated using
 nutritive sweeteners and  would be purchased only by  overweight
 people.  Furthermore, the increased price  of products con-
 taining alternative sweeteners was assumed to approximate the
 price of substituting sugar for - saccharin.

      While FDA's method is the beginning of an assessment of
 the cost to consumers, it falls several steps short  of a •
                              126

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theoretically appropriate estimate.   In order to estimate the
true social costs of the regulation, the lost consumer sur-
plus, one must have estimates of the supply and demand func-
tions for dietetic products.   The increased costs to industry
that FDA estimated will actually be  translated into a new
price for sugarless dietetic  products through the workings of
the market.  Once a new price is estimated, the lost consumer
surplus can be calculated, with the  knowledge of how much
lower demand for a product is when its price increases.  In
Figure A-3, the lost consumer surplus is represented by the
trapezoid P0P]_TR.

      Price
            -  0
  Figure  A-3.
          Q!          QQ          Quantity
Effect of price increases for dietetic products.
     The Council on Wage and Price Stability (CWPS) estimated
that, based on the concept of lost consumers' surplus, the
regulation would cost $144 to $182 million.  This assumes that
all the surplus presently enjoyed by consumers would be lost
and that the demand for saccharin was relatively inelastic.
Neither of these assumptions seems likely to be true in the
face of subsequent evidence.  First, not all of consumers'
surplus would be lost since several alternative products could
replace saccharin in consumers' market basket:  new alterna-
tive sweeteners could be approved for use, consumption of
existing alternative sweeteners could be increased, or diet
foods and beverages could be reformulated without any sweet-
eners to which consumers would add saccharin they would buy as
a table- top sweetener.  Second, the demand for saccharin is
not likely to be as inelastic as assumed by CWPS since the
demand is not for saccharin as such, but for qualities pro-
vided by saccharin.  Since other products provide these quali-
ties, the appropriate definition of the demand curve is demand
for low-calorie, sugarless sweeteners.  Thus, with a ban on
saccharin, consumers will lose only a part of the surplus as-
sociated with consumption of low-calorie sugarless products,
and the actual dollar amount will be smaller than that esti-
mated by CWPS.

     The actual costs imposed on consumers, as implied by the
above discussion, depends on the value consumers impute to the
benefits of consuming products containing saccharin, whether
actual or perceived, and whether alternative sweeteners are
•seen as close substitutes.  The vigorous protest following the
proposal to regulate the consumption of saccharin that came
                              127

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from members of the public, the medical profession and indus-
try suggests that these benefits may be quite large and that
alternatives were not perceived as being as effective.  Be-
cause of the important role played by consumers'  perceptions
of the benefits of saccharin, and their validity, to accurate
cost estimates, a review of the evidence on the existence of
these benefits is presented below.

Saccharin in Foods and Beverages—
     One of the greatest areas of concern to the  public was
the elimination of saccharin from foods and beverages.
Studies have shown that the preference for sweet  foods exists
from the time of birth.34  Furthermore, the quantity of
sweets consumed appears to be culturally determined, and in
the United States sweet foods are an increasing proportion of
the diet.  Sugar adds what are commonly cited as  "empty"
calories to food and beverage products.  These calories are
quickly converted to fatty tissue when calorie consumption
exceed the body's needs, thus promoting weight gain.

     Saccharin is most frequently cited as facilitating weight
loss and helping diabetics avoid sugar reactions.  For those
wishing to control their weight, saccharin provides the sweet
taste of sugar without the calories.  Diabetics react both
acutely and chronically to nutritive sweeteners such as
sugar.  Saccharin, a non-nutritive sweetener, as  in foods and
beverages provides these individuals an opportunity and to
indulge a taste for sweetness and to participate  more fully in
social situations.  Furthermore, people who develop diabetes
in adulthood are typically overweight.  For them  saccharin
plays an additional role, in so far as it is thought to aid in
weight reduction, an important component of their treatment.
As an assessment of saccharin's contribution in controlling
weight, some predicted that in its absence the American popu-
lation as a whole would gain 632 million pounds of fat in one
year.  To the extent that people would gain weight, such
health problems associated with obesity as heart  disease,
diabetes and ironically cancer, would also increase.35

Saccharin in Drugs—
     Saccharin is used as an ingredient in many types of drugs
to sweeten and mask the taste of medicine.  For example, sac-
charin is frequently added to liquids and chewable tablets for
users, particularly children, who have difficulty swallowing
pills.  The underlying intent of formulating prescription and
over-the-counter drugs with saccharin is to encourage people
to comply with directions involving their use. Failure to
follow the recommended dosages, is recognized as  "one of the
key problems in attaining desired therapeutic results" of
drugs.36
                              128

-------
     In many drugs, sugar is not a viable substitute for sac-
charin.  If sugar is chemically active with other ingredients
in a drug to which it is added, it can destroy the therapeutic
value of the drug.  Because sugar is chemically unstable, it
can also reduce the life of the product.  Moreover, the quan-
tity of sugar necessary to mask the bitter taste of some drugs
may be so large as to make the size of pills unmanageable were
sugar used to replace saccharin.  Finally, using sugar as an
ingredient in drugs represents a potential hazard to diabetics.

Saccharin in Cosmetics—
     In toothpaste and mouthwashes, the major perceived advan-
tage of saccharin is that it encourages proper dental care*  A
sweetener is useful in toothpastes because of the bitterness
of fluoride and the chalkiness of phosphates.37  Adding-
sugar would contravene the purpose of using toothpastes as
well as present the same sort of technical problems arising
from its use in drugs.

Scientific Evidence of Benefits--
     Few studies have attempted to measure the extent to .which
the benefits discussed above are in fact realized.  A panel of
scientists at the National Academy of Sciences reviewed
several studies and concluded that:

     1.  Research has yet to be conducted to determine-.the-
effectiveness of saccharin in controlling weight, making it
impossible to evaluate this perceived benefit;

     2.  Few studies have investigated saccharin's role in
weight reduction, and those that exist have been unable to
document that it contributes significantly to weight loss.
Two studies that found saccharin to contribute to weight loss
had such limitations that no confidence could be placed in
their findings.38  TWO other studies found no correlation
between weight loss and the use of non-nutritive sweet-
eners. 39

     3.  No evidence indicates saccharin to be necessary in
the diabetic diet.  Current theories stress control of. ..
calories rather than sugars, and suggest that carbohydrates
represent 40% to 60% of the diet.  Diet, combined with regular
eating schedules, moderate quantities of food and regular
exercise is the recommended lifestyle for diabetics.  The use
of saccharin does not seem to encourage better adherence to
the dietetic regime.^0  However, saccnarin may provide sub-
stantial benefits by adding variety, assuaging a sweet tooth,
and offering a psychological crutch.

     4.  Although adequate studies have not been conducted,,
saccharin does appear to play an indirect role in preventing
tooth decay.

                              129

-------
     5.  And there are possible benefits in including sac-
charin in drugs and cosmetics.

     Although no other non-nutritive sweeteners are currently
permitted for general consumption by FDA, there are several
substances that, in the absence of saccharin, might become
available as substitutes.  In addition,, several nutritive
sweeteners, such as xylitol and sorbitol, may also be de-
veloped as substitutes for saccharin.  These substances do not
run the same risks to diabetics as ordinary sugars.  It should
be noted that none of the known possible alternatives to sac-
charin are without some questions of health risk and many are,
at this point, commercially inferior to saccharin as a food
additive.

Summary—
     The estimation of the true social costs of the proposed
saccharin ban is frustrated by several critical factors which
are not easily defined or quantified.  First, one has to iden-
tify the appropriate market in which changes in equilibrium
prices and quantities should be measured.  Is this market the
one for saccharin, or is it one of a group of substances shar-
ing similar characteristics such as sweetening without adding
calories, or causing tooth decay or affecting blood sugar
levels.  Second, given the definition of the relevant market
how inelastic is the demand for products with the attributes
of saccharin?  Should the demand curve reflect the lack of
scientific evidence of benefits attributed to saccharin con-
sumption, or should it reflect the perception of benefits?
Third, one has to calculate how a ban on saccharin affects the
supply curve in this market.  What are the short-run costs
incurred when capital is committed to the production of
products containing saccharin?  How much will it cost to
transfer the resources used to make saccharin products into
making the second best alternative?  What is the long-run loss
in producer's surplus measured by the difference between the
economic profits from saccharin products and the second-best
alternative?  How much more costly will alternative sweeteners
be to produce?  Fourth, since at the time of the proposed ban
no perfect substitutes for saccharin existed, the question
becomes important of how long before substitutes are ready to
market; that is developed, tested, approved, formulated into
products and capital readied for production?  Need substitutes
be developed, or can existing substances such as xylitol and
sorbitol readily replace saccharin's role?  How much will the
consumption of saccharin as a table-top sweetener increase as
a result of the proposed regulation?

     In light of difficulties imposed by the above considera-
tions, it is not surprising that FDA and CWPS made simplifying
assumptions that would bias their estimated cost of the pro--
posed regulation.  FDA erroneously included the total cost of

                              130

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lost sales to industry  and  miscalculated the loss to con-
sumers.  CWPS correctly identified  lost consumer surplus as
the appropriate cost to measure,  but  made the unreasonable
assumption that no alternatives  to  saccharin would become
available.  While any estimate is inherently uncertain given
the number of assumptions that need to be made,  an estimate
based on more flexible  and  appropriate assumptions would al-
most certainly reveal the cost to be  lower than either group
predicted.

Chronology

1970     NAS-NRC reviewed all available toxicity data on sac-
         charin for FDA for its  GRAS  review.  Inconclusive.
         Recommended establishment  of 15 mg/kg body weight/day
         limit, and new studies  of  chronic effects.

1971     June 25--FDA proposed removal of saccharin from the
         GRAS list and  the  establishment of an interim food
         additive regulation.

1972     February 1—FDA removed saccharin from GRAS.

1973     May 25—Extensions of interim food additive regula-
         tion.

1974     December 10—NAS-NRC report  concluded that existing
         evidence does  not  support  a  conclusion that saccharin
         is carcinogenic.

1977     January 7—FDA extended interim food additive regula-
         tions until results of  Canadian studies available.

         April 15--FDA  proposed  to  prohibit the use of sac-
         charin in diet foods, soft drinks, cosmetics, animal
         foods, animal  drugs, and to  permit its use in drugs
         when the benefits  outweigh the risks.

         November 23—Congress passed the Saccharin Study and
         Labeling Act placing an 18 month moratorium on regu-
         lations affecting  saccharin.

1979     May 23—Expiration of moratorium.

         July 24—House passes amendment to Saccharin Study
         and Labeling Act extending the moratorium until
         June 30, 1981.
                              131

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Footnotes

 1.  42 Fed. Reg. 19996,  1977.

 2.  42 Fed. Reg. 20002,  1977.

 3.  21 USC §348(c)(3)(A)  1977.

 4.  21 OSC §348(c).

 5.  42 Fed. Reg. 20002,  1977.

 6.  42 Fed. Reg. 20005,  1977.

 7.  21 USC §306b(d)(1)(H),  1972.

 8.  U.S. Department of Health,  Education,  and  Welfare,  Public
     Health Service,  Food and Drug Administration.   Histo-
     pathologic Evaluation of Tissues  from  Rats Following
     Continuous Dietary Intake of  Sodium Saccharin  and Calcium
     Cyclamate for a Maximum Period of Two  Years, 1973;  U.S.
     Department of Health,  Education,  and Welfare,  Public
     Health Service,  Food and Drug Administration,  Division of
     Pathology.  Subacute and Chronic  Toxicity  and  Carcino-
     genicity of Various  Dose Levels of Sodium  Saccharin,
     1973; and Wisconsin  Alumnae Research Foundation.  Long
     Term Saccharin Feeding in Rats.  Madison,  Wisconsin:
     WARF, 1973.

 9.  Canada, Ottawa,  National Health and Welfare Ministry,
     Health Protection Branch.   Toxicity and  Carcinogenicity
     Study of Orthotoluenesulfanomide  and Saccharin, 1977.

10.  42 Fed. Reg. 19996,  1977.

11.  44 Fed. Reg. 39859,  July 6, 1979.  "Scientific Basis  for
     Identification of Potential Carcinogens  and Estimation of
     Risks"; U.S. Environmental Protection  Agency,  Short-term
     Tests for Carcinogens,  Mutagens and Other  Genotoxic
     Agents, July, 1979;  and, Maugh, Thomas H., "Chemical
     Carcinogens:  The Scientific  Basis for Regulation."
     Science, 201 (1978), 1200-1205.

12.  See note 8.

13.  Canada, Ottawa,  supra,  note 9.

14.  Althoff, J., A.  Gardes, P.  Pour,  and P.  Shubik. "A
     Chronic Study of Artificial Sweeteners in  Syrian Golden
     Hamsters."  Cancer Lett.  1:21-24; BioResearch Con-
     sultants, Inc.,  Report to the National Cancer  Institute
     on Studies on Saccharin and Cyclamates.  Cambridge,

                             132

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     Mass.:  National Institutes  of Health,  1973  (unpub-
     lished) ; Coulston,  F., E.W.  McChesney,  and L. Golderg.
     "Long-term Administration  of Artificial Sweeteners  to  the
     Rhesus Monkey."   Food Cosmet, Toxicol.  13:297-302;
     Hicks, R.M.,  C.L. Walters, I. Elsebai,  A.B.E. Aaser, M.
     Merzabani, and T.A. Gough.   "Demonstration of Nitro-
     samines in Human Urine:  Preliminary Observations on a
     Possible Etiology for Bladder Cancer in Association with
     Chronic Urinary  Tract Infections."  Proc. R. Soc. Med.
     70:413-417; Lessel, B., A  Two-year Trial on  Saccharin  for
     Carcinogenic  Activity.  Report No. 1014, Biol. Div. Boots
     Pure Drug Co., 1959 (unpublished); Litton Bionetics,
     Inc., Carcinogenicity of Chemicals Present in Man's
     Environment Final Report to  the National Cancer
     Institute, National Institue of Health, 1973; Munro,
     I .C., C.A. Moodie,  and H.C.  Grice, An Evaluation of the
     Carcinogenicity  of  Commercial Saccharin, Ottawa, Canada:
     National Health  and Welfare  Ministry, 1973;  Munro, I.C.,
     C.A. Moodie,  D.  Krewski, and H.C. Grice, "A  Carcino-
    ; genieity Study of Commercial Saccharin  in the Rat."
     Toxicol. Appl. Pharmacol.  32:513-526;  National Institute
     of Hygienic Sciences,  "Long-term Toxicity Study of  Sodium
     Cyclaraate and Saccharin Sodium in Rats." Jpn. J.
     P:har.ntacol. 25 (Suppl.) :55-56; Schmahl,  D. "Fehlen Einer
,  \ .  Kaiizerogenen  Wirkung von Cyclamat, Cyclohexylamin and
     Saccharin bei Ratten." Arzneim.-Forsch. 23;1466-1470,
     1973; Simon,  D., £t al., "Coffee Drinking and Cancer of
     the Lower Urinary Tract."  J. Nat. Cancer Inst.
     54:587-591.

15.  National Research Council/National Academy of Sciences.
     Saccharin; Technical Assessment of Risks and Benefits,
     Washington, D.C.:  National  Academy of  Sciences, 1978.

16,  42 Fed. Reg.  20001, 1977.

17.  National Research Council, supra, note  15.

18.  Ibid,

19.  Maugh/ supra, note  11.

20.  National Research Council, National Academy  of  Sciences,
     Safety of Saccharin and Sodium Saccharin  in  the Human
     Diet, Washington, D.C.:  National Academy of Sciences,
     T9~7T.

21.  Hav«?nder, William R.,  "Ruminations on a Rat: Saccharin
     and fluman Risk." Regulation, March/April, 1979.

22.  National Research Council, supra, note  15.


                              133

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23.  Howe, et al.,  "Artificial Sweeteners  and  Human  Bladder
     Cancer"?1"  Lancet, 2 (1977),  578-581.

24,  Cojilston, F.,  E.W. McChesney,  and  L.  Goldberg,  supra,
     no£e 14.                      ....„•

25.  Kessler, I.I.  "Non-nutritive Sweeteners and  Human  Bladder
     Cancer:  Preliminary Findings."  J. Jrol.  115:143-146;
     Morgan R.W., and M.G. Jain,  "Bladder  Cancer:  Smoking,
     .Beverages and Artificial Sweeteners." Canada Med.  Assoc.
     J^, .3:1067-1970; Simon,  D.,  supra,  note 14;  Wynder,  E.L.,
     and R.'Goldsmith, "The Epidemiology of Bladder  Cancer;   A
     Second Look."   Cancer, 40:1246-1268.

26.  Armstrong, B., and R. Doll.   "Bladder Cancer Mortality  in
     England and Wales in Relation to Cigarette Smoking  and
     Saccharin Consumption."   Br. J.  Prev. Soc. Med.,
     28:233-240.

27.  Burbank, F., and J.F. Fraumeni,  Jr.   "Synthetic Sweetener
     Consumption and Bladder  Cancer Trends in  the United
     States."  Nature, 227:296-297.

28.  Armstrong, B., and R. Doll.   "Bladder Cancer Mortality  in
     Diabetics in Relation to Saccharin Consumption  and  Smok-
     ing Habits."  Br. J. Prey. Med., 29:73-81; Armstrong, B.,
     et al. "Cancer Mortality and Saccharin Consumption  in
     Diabetics."  Br. J. Prev. Soc. Med.,  30:151-157; and
     Kessler/ 1.1., "Cancer Mortality Among Diabetics."   J^
     Nat. Cancer Inst., 44:673-686.

29.  National Research Council, supra,  note 15.

30.  42 Fed. Reg. 20001, 1977.

31.  Office of Planning and Evaluation  - Office of the Commis-
     sioner, Inflation Impact Statement of Proposed  Rulemak-
     ing;  Saccharin and Its  Salts in Foods, Drugs,  Animal
     Feeds, Animal Drugs, Cosmetics,  and as a  Food Additive;
     Prohibition of Uses.  Washington,  D.C.:   FDA, April 1977.

32.  Ibid.

33.  Ibid.

34.  Lippsitt, L.P., "Taste in Human  Neonates:  Its  Effects  on
     Sucking and Heart Rate."  Taste  and Development:   The
     Genesis of Sweet Preference.  J. Weiffenbach, ed.
     'National Institute of Health,  Publ. No. 77-1068, 1977.
                              134

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35.  National Research Council,  supra,  note  15.

36.  American Pharmaceutical Association, Comments  on  the
     Proposed Rulemaking Concerning Saccharin  and Its  Salts,
     Hearing Clerk Document CA 41183, June 9,  1977.

37.  Proprietary Association, Comments  on the  Proposed Rule-
     making Concerning Saccharin and Its Salts, Hearing Clerk
     Document CH 43465, June 14,  1977.

38.  Breslow, I.H., Summary of Report on Sucaryl Weight-loss,
     Chicago:  Records of Abbott Laboratories.  326403, 1964;
     and Glenn, M.D.,  "Education and Motivation in  the Treat-
     ment of Obesity." Amer. Coll. Health assoc. J.,
     13:521-531.                        '

39.  Alexander, M.M.  "Have Formula Diets Helped?"  J. Am.
     Diet. Assoc., 40:538; and McCann,  M.B., and M.F.  Trulson,
     and S.C. Stulb, "Non-caloric Sweetners  and Weight Reduc-
     tion."  J. Amer.  Diet. Assoc., 3.2 ;1067-1070.

40.  Farkas, C.C. and  C.E. Forbes.  "Do Non-caloric Sweeteners
     Aid Patients With Diabetes  To Adhere to Their  Diets?"  J_.
     Am. Diet. Assoc., 46:482-434.
                              135

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RADIATION CASE STUDY

Radiation Regulation

     Protection of human populations and the environment from
excessive radiation exposure is an area of federal regulation
that is characterized by several agencies administering
statutes that have been adopted in a piecemeal fashion.  No
single agency has  the authority to coordinate the various
radiation protection  procedures or to establish the broad
principles under which the costs and benefits of alternative
levels of radiation protection could be evaluated.  Conse-
quently, the agencies responsible for radiation protection
have worked largely independently as they weigh the merits of
varying degrees of control.   The purpose of this study is to
review from a cost-benefit perspective some of the practical
problems encountered  by the agencies as they seek to protect
individuals from radiation and to indicate briefly some of the
agency responses to these problems.

     The radiation of interest to the regulatory agencies is
termed ionizing radiation, because as it passes through sub-
stances, chemical  bonds are broken and electrons are lost.  In
biological material the damage can kill cells, induce cancer,
and produce genetic effects.  Ionizing radiation consists of
alpha, beta, and neutron particles and gamma and X rays.   Man-
kind is exposed to ionizing radiation from several sources:
cosmic radiation,  terrestrial radiation, medical diagnostic
procedures, and internal radioactive isotopes contributing the
most to dosage rates.  Table A-8 summarizes the average doses
for the U.S. population.

Ionizing Radiation;  Scientific Aspects

     The several types of ionizing radiation have quite dif-
ferent effects in  biological matter  and, hence, have different
implications for public policy.  Alpha particles are posi-
tively charged helium particles which are not appreciably
absorbed by biologic  matter.  Thus,  alpha particles emanating
from the environment  are stopped by  the outer dead layer of
human skin.  Beta  particles are negatively charged and may
penetrate to a few centimeters in biological matter.  As alpha
and beta radiations do not easily penetrate tissue, an adverse
effect by these radiations would most likely occur only when
the radionuclides  are inhaled or ingested by an organism and
the radiations are emitted inside the organism.  Alpha and
beta particles are termed internal emitters.  Neutrons are
uncharged particles that may penetrate deeply into biological
tissues before causing ionization.  Gamma and x radiations are
similar to the radiations of the visible spectrum, expect that
they have much shorter wavelengths.   These radiations easily
penetrate tissues, to the extent that they may go right

                              136

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                           TABLE A-8

        1970 ESTIMATED WHOLE BODY DOSE RATES IN THE U.S.



     Source of radiation       Average dose in millireras/year
     Natural
       Cosmic                               45
       Terrestial                           60
       Internal Isotopes                    25

     Manmade
       Global fallout                        4
       Nuclear power                         0.003
       Medical diagnostic                   72
       Radiopharmaceuticals                  1
       Occupational                          0.8
       Miscellaneous                         2
Source:  Nuclear Poser Issues and Choices, p. 163.

through an exposed organism.   Gamma and x radiations and
neutrons are termed external  emitters, as they may evoke an
adverse effect without being  inhaled or ingested by the or-
ganism.1                                      .

     Alpha and beta radiations are said to be "directly ioniz-
ing" as they carry a charge and directly interact with atoms
in biologic tissues to cause  ionizations.  Conversely,
neutron, gamma, and x radiations are said to be "indirectly
ionizing" in that, although they are uncharged, their energy
is released to produce charged particles which, in turn, in-
teract with atoms in biologic-tissues and cause ionizations.
For example, collisions between neutrons and atoms in biologic
tissues may cause the formation of positively charged par-
ticles, termed protons.  These protons, so formed, may pass
through the exposed tissue causing ionizations.2

     The damage to biologic matter by ionizing radiation de-
pends on the amount of energy lost by the radiation.  The more
energy lost, the more ionization and hence, damage.  The
phrase, linear energy transfer (LET), is the amount of energy
lost by the ionizing radiation per unit distance transversed.
The LET value, usually expressed in kiloelectron volts
(keV)/micrometer (urn), of a particular type of ionizing radia-
tion increases as the energy decreases.3 7  For example, an
alpha particle with an energy of 100 keV will have a lower

                              137

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tissue penetration distance but a higher LET value than an
alpha particle with an energy content of 200 keV.  Beta par-
ticles and gamma and x rays are low-LET radiations and are
responsible for most of the absorbed doses received by the
general population and by radiation workers.4  Neutron, radi-.
ation and alpha particles are high-LET radiations.

     To better understand the biologic effects of ionizing
radiation, a brief discussion of the units of measurement is
warranted.  Basically, one can measure either the amount of
radionuclide or the radiation dose.  The quantity of radio-
active substance can be determined by the number of radio-
active disintegrations per second for a given amount of
radionuclide.  The basic unit of quantity of radionuclides is
the curie (Ci), which is the amount of material in which 3.7
X IQlO atoms disintegrate per second.  The actual weight of
radioisotope comprising a curie varies.5  For radium-226,
the naturally occurring radioisotope of radium 3.6 x 10^-"
disintegrates/second are emitted from 1 gram of material.  The
curie indicates the number of radiations being emitted, but
does not indicate a biological effect.**

     The radiation does is measured in roentgens, rads, or
rems.  The oldest unit of measurement, the roentgen (R) is
applicable only to gamma and x radiations.  The more current
terminologies are the rad and the rem.  The rad, or radiation
absorbed dose, is the amount of radiation which leads to the
absorption of 100 ergs of energy/gram of absorbing material.
However, a rad of exposure to alpha particles has a greater
biological effect than a rad of x radiation.  To account for
differences in the biological effectiveness of different kinds
of ionizing radiation, the rem (for r_oentgen equivalent man)
is used as a unit of "relative biological effectiveness"
(RBE).  One rem = (1 rad)  (RBE), where RBE is used as a cor-
rection factor to convert rads to rems, which is a measure of
exposure independent of the type of radiation.  Typical RBE
valuers are 1 for gamma and beta radiations with energies above
50 key, 2 to 5 for lower energy gamma and beta radiations, 10
for fast neutrols and natural alpha particles, and 20 for fis-
sion particles.7

     Lastly, the man-rem (or, person-rem)  is used to measure
the exposure of a population to ionizing radiation.  It is
defined as the added doses, i.e., those above background
levels, to which the population is exposed.  For example, 200
people exposed to 2 rems each of ionizing radiation would be
measured as 400 raan-rems.8

     Ionizing radiations naturally occur in the biosphere and
constitute the background radiation to which the biota is,
presumably, adapted. "This background radiation is derived


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from nuclides located in the external environment or in the
organism itself.

     Cosmic radiation consists of charged particles, primarily
protons and some heavier particles.   However, upon entering
the earth's atmosphere, these charged particles collide with
atmospheric gases to produce a variety of products, including
neutrons, gamma rays, mesons (positively or negatively charged
particles of intermediate mass between that of protons and
electrons), and electrons.9  The dosage of cosmic radiation
received by an individual is dependent on the altitude.  For
example, at sea level the radiation dosage is about 40 milli-
rems (mrems)/year, but at Leadville, Colorado, at an altitude
of 3 kilometers (km), the dosage increases to 160 mrems/year.
At an altitude of 10 km the dosage is 3,500 mrems/year.  Al-
titude becomes a significant factor for aircraft crew and pas-
sengers.  It has been estimated that a transcontinental jet
flight at a height of 10 km would result in an extra whole-
body radiation dose of 1 mrem.10  For the U.S. population as
a whole, aircraft transportation results in a cumulative does
of 105,350 person-rems/year.11

     Radionuclides in soil and in building materials are ad-
ditional sources of ionizing radiation, with concentrations
varying according to soil types.  Thus, the rate at which a
person receives ionizing radiation from terrestrial sources is
dependent on the soil type of the specific geographic loca-
tion.  Individuals living in the Atlantic and gulf coastal
plain states receive terrestial radiation at levels from 15 to
35 mrem/year; those in the northeastern, central and far-
western states received from 35 to 75 mrem/year; and those in
the Colorado plateau region received from 75 to 140 mrems/year
(Figure A-4)12  Braziliansoils rich in thorium and uranium
emit quantities of radiation causing whole body exposures up
to 2,000 mrem/year.13

     Natural radionuclides may be ingested or inhaled by or-
ganisms and, thereby, are present in the body tissues them-
selves.  The level of "internal" radionuclides is depenent o
geographical location, the type of water supply, etc.

     Artifical  (i.e., anthropogenic) sources of ionizing radi-
ation include those from medical/dental treatments, radioac-
tive fallout, occupational exposure, and a variety of minor
sources.  X rays, used either for medical/dental diagnoses or
for therapy, constitute the largest anthropogenic course of
exposure of the U.S. population.  It was estimated that in
1970, 65% of the U.S. population was exposed to x rays for
medical/dental purposes.14  Another medical source of ioniz-
ing radiation occurs in patients administered radiopharma-
ceuticals.
                              139
on

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     Beginning in the 1950s, another source of ionizing radia-
tion arose, that from the radioactive fallout resulting from
the testing of nuclear weapons,  when a nuclear weapon is
tested in the atmosphere, extensive local fallout of radio-
active materials occurs for 1 day over the immediate area.
However, worldwide trophospheric fallout is evident for about
1 month and worldwide stratespheric fallout occurs for many
years thereafter.15

     Occupational exposure to ionizing radiation occurs during
the operation of x ray equipment in medicine and dentistry.
Operators of medical x ray equipment are exposed to an addi-
tional 125 mrem/year.  Medical radionuclide and radium workers
are exposed to an additional 350 and 540 mrem/year, respec-
tively.  Personnel associated with commercial nuclear power
plants and supporting activities, such as the mining and
milling of uranium, are also exposed to additional ionizing
radiations.  Research activities utilizing high voltage x ray
machines, particle accelerators, x ray diffraction units,
neutron generators, and electron microscopes are other poten-
tial sources of exposure to ionizing radiation.16

     Minor sources of ionizing radiation include various con-
sumer products (e.g., luminous wristwatches and clocks, smoke
detectors, television sets) and activities (e.g., smoking,
combustion of natural gas during cooking, combustion of fossil
fuels for home heating)  and industrial products (e.g., build-
ing materials, airport luggage x ray inspection systems).
These sources yield a combined whole-body dosage exposure for
the U.S. population of 4 to 5 mrems/year.17

     Traditionally, the adverse biologic effects of ionizing
radiation have been classified as (1)  genetic and (2)
somatic.  A genetic effect is an adverse effect occurring in
the germ cells, i.e., the sperm and the egg.   Such an adverse
effect, involving some gene mutation or chromosomal aberra-
tion, may be transmitted to (i.e., inherited by)  the off-
spring.  This type of damage poses a threat to the descendents
of the exposed individual.  Somatic cells are all the body
cells, except the germ cells, comprising an individual.  An
adverse effect on a somatic cell poses a threat to the exposed
individual.  Chromosomes with their genes control not only the
hereditary aspects but also the everyday metabolic activities
of the cell.  Thus, an adverse effect on somatic cells may
also (as with the germ cells) be due to the induction of gene
mutations or chromosomal aberrations.18

     The biological damage caused by ionizing radiation res-
ults from the disruption of molecules, such as DNA, which are
essential to the normal functioning of cells.  Densely ioniz-
ing, high-LET radiations are most effective at damaging cells,
possibly because they have a high probability of emitting

                              140

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large amounts of energies into small volumes.   Radiations
having low-LET spread their energy out more  or less uniformly
in the cells, so that no portion of the  target cell receives
large quantities of energy.*9

     Ionizing radiations may interact in a variety of modes
with cells:   (1)  The radiation may pass  through the cell with-
out causing  intracellular damage.  (2) The ionizing radiation
may cause sublethal damage to the cell,  which  can eventually
repair and recover  fron the injury.   (3)  The radiation may
damage the cell to  the extent that the cell  cannot repair the
injury or it reproduces itself in an altered physiological
state.20

     Although much  research has demonstrated the genetic ef-
fect of ionizing radiation on microorganisms,  plants, insects
(primarily,  the fr.ui.tfly) , laboratory animals  (with emphasis
on the mouse) , and  cells in tissue culture,21  there is an
almost complete absence of information on radiation-induced
mutations in human  beings.  The problems of  recognizing and of
estimating the effects of ionizing radiation on genetic ef-
fects has been stated by the National Research Council:^2
"Some results of genetic change are conspicuous, others are
invisible; some are tragic, others so mild as  to be trivial;
some occur in the first generation following the gene or
chromosome change,  others are postponed  tens or hundreds of
generations  into the future.  Furthermore, most of the effects
that are produced by mutation are mimicked by  others, of
nongenetic origin.   For all these reasons, radiations (or some
other environmental agent) could be having an  important effect
on human well-being, yet this could go unnoticed.  Even if the
increase in mutation rate is large, the  consequences are
likely to be" so heterogeneous in their nature, so diluted by
space and time, and so obscured by similar conditions from
other causes as to  make it impossible to associate with their
cause."

     The somatic effects caused in ionizing  radiation include
impairment of early human growth and development, impairment
of fertility,- fbtstation -of cataracts, promotion of the aging
process, and induction of cancer.  The development individual,
i.e., the embryonic, fetal and infant stages,  is especially
sensitive to the damaging effects of  ionizing  radiation.
Knowledge of the effects of ionizing  radiation on human de-
velopment is derived from 4 sources:   (1) patients irradiated
for medical reasons, (2) the survivors of the  atomic bombs
dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, (3) the individuals of the
Marshall islands who were exposed in  1954 to radioactive fall-
out,23 and (4) studies of population  exposed to high levels
of background radiation.  A high incidence of  microcephaly
(i.e., a head size  of reduced circumference),  with or without
accompanying, mental retardation, was  noted in  subjects exposed

        """"  '    ....'"...'..,: "' '  '  141     ' "  -                 .

-------
in utero at Hiroshima and Nagasaki.  Elevated rates of chromo-
somal abnormalities were noted among survivors and their off-
spring who were exposed in utero but not in the children cpn-
ceived'after the detonation of the atomic bomb.24  A high
incid*ftce of fetal and neonatal mortality was also noted.  At
Nagasaki, the rate of fetal deaths was 23.4% and that of neo-
natal or infant deaths was 26% in those situated 2,000 meters
from the point of detonation.25

     The most definitive studies on the hypersensitivity of
children to ionizing radiation were of young children exposed
at Hiroshima and examined into adolescence.  Decreased growth
rates and body measurements characterized those children ex-
posed to 100 rads or more.  People of the Marshall Islands who
were exposed to radioactive fallout in early childhood de-
veloped atrophy of the thyroid gland, with impaired body
growth and sluggish mental functions.26

     The induction of cataracts, the promotion of premature
aging, and the impairment of fertility as somatic effects of
ionizing radiation have been noted primarily in studies with
experimental animals.  There are little data on humans and
some of the data is contradictory.  For example, mortality
studies of radiologists have demonstrated increased mortality
rates from cardiovascular-renal diseases as compared to other
medical technologists, strengthening the notion of radiation-
accelerated aging.  However, accelerated aging has not been
noted in studies of the survivors of Hiroshima and
Nagasaki.27

     Lastly, but perhaps of greater concern, are the effects
of ionizing radiation on cancer induction.  Although the
mechanism of carcinogenesis is not fully kndwn, there are
several hypotheses concerning the mode of induction of malig-
nant tumors by ionizing radiations.  Ionizing radiations may
(a) cause gene mutations in somatic cells, (b)  cause chromo-
somal aberrations which are a dominant feature in malignant
cells, (c) activate latent intracellular oncogenic viruses,
(d) cause a precancerous lesion in which tissue regeneration
leads to cancer, and (e)  damage an endocrine aland, such as
the pituitary, so that a hormonal imbalance i& created that
causes a cancer at another site, such as the ovary.28

     Different biologic tissues have different sensitivities
to ionizing radiation, with progenitive tissue being the most
sensitive.  (Table A-9)   Progenitive tissues include the
bloodforming components,  the alimentary tract mucosa, the skin
and associated structures, and the lens of the eye.

     Many studies have demonstrated a positive relationship
between ionizing radiation and cancer induction in humans.  An
increased incidence of all forms of leukemia (except'for

                              142

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                           TABLE A-9
Tissues are listed here in the order of their decreasing
radiosensitivity (Grosch and Hopwood, 1979):

 1.  Lymph tissue, especially lymphocytes

 2.  White blood cells and immature red blood cells of the
     bone marrow

 3.  Cells lining the gastrointestinal tract.

 4.  Gonadic cells

 5.  Skin, especially the proliferating layer

 6.  Blood vessels and the body cavity lining       '

 7.  Tissues of glands and the liver

 8.  Connective tissues

 9.  Muscle

10.  Nerves
chronic lymphocytic leukemia) was noted in atomic bomb sur-
vivors of Hiroshima and Nagasaki and in British patients
treated with intensive spinal irradiation for ankylosing
spondylitis29.  Overall, the risk for leukemia in the sur-
vivors of the atomic bombs was about 20 cases/million people/
rad/year.  Increases in other types of cancer were also noted
among the survivors; the risk, in cases/million people/rad/
year, was 1.2 for thyroid cancer, 2.1 for breast cancer, -arid
2.0 for lung cancer.30  An increase in the incidence of bone
tumors was noted in the 1920's in painters of luminous dial
watches and clocks.  The workers, unknowledgeable of the ad-
verse effects of radiation, often dipped their brushes into
the luminous compound which contained radium, and then tipped
their brushes on their tongues.  Radium miners, who often are
exposed to and inhale radioactive dusts and gases, have a high
incidence of lung cancer.31

The Regulatory Problem

     The problem facing regulatory agencies is to develop'
sensible policies regarding exposure to relatively low doses
of radiation.  Tabe A-8 indicated that doses from roanmade
sources are below background levels of radiation for most o'f

                              143

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the U.S. population.  Given that the human population has
probably adapted for the most part to background levels, it is
not surprising that difficulties are encountered in measuring
the effects of small increases and natural background levels.
Perhaps the most-attention has been given to long term studies
of the survivors of the Nagasaki and Hiroshima A-bombings.
The data on radiation exposures are unique in having a wide
range of exposures and a large sample size.  Although the
sample size at low levels of exposure is not sufficient to
determine with any precision the impacts of low doses, the
effects at higher doses can be extrapolated.  Figure A-4 below
indicates a range of possible extrapolations, based upon
linear, quadratic, and other functional forms of the dose
response function.  All functional forms are consistent with
the prevailing scientific opinion that no threshhold exists,
that some cancer risk is present for even very small eleva-
tions in background radiation levels.  Even so, the estimated
dose-response relationship at low doses depends heavily on
which functional form is chosen.
 Source:   Science,  September  12,  1980, p.  1200.

    Figure A-4.  Dose-response analysis of leukemia incidence
                 among  Nagasaki A-bomb survivors.

      A  recent Chinese  study  provides supporting  evidence  on
 the  effects of low doses  of  radiation.3^   since  1972,  the

                               144

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Chinese team has monitored the health status of approximately
73,000 people who live in parts of Yangjiang County? Guangdong
Province, where background radiation levels are about three
times those in neighboring areas, and the health status of
about 77,000 people in two control regions a few kilometers
away.  Population exposures averaged approximately 25
millirems/month in the high-background area and 9.3
millirems/month in the control areas.  Comparison of blood
samples for chromosomal aberrations, the spontaneous abortion
rate, heredity diseases and congenital abnormalities, and the
growth and development of children showed no significant dif-
ference between the two regions.  Likewise, the mortality rate
from malignancies did not show a significant difference be-
tween the two regions for the period 1970 through 1974.  The
Chinese concluded that to detect the effects of relatively low
doses (such as the approximately 200 millirem difference in
background radiation doses in the study), a much larger sample
must be used.

     Other studies of the effects of low level radiation in-
clude the studies by Thomas Mancuso and associates of workers
at Hanford, observation by Najarian and Colton of workers at
the Portsmouth Naval Shipyard where nuclear submarines ar«
maintained and refueled, and the work of Irwin Bross on diag-
nostic x-rays.  All of these studies claim that there is an
elevation of cancer incidence even at low levels of radiation
exposure.  But just how great is the elevation in risk remains
uncertain.  Two difficulties are always encountered.  First,
precise direct estimation of risks at small doses requires
impractically large samples.  Second, to estimate low-dose
risks from high dose data, must depend heavily on parameters
in the dose-response curve, e.g., whether it is linear,
quadratic, concave, or convex in the region of low doses.

     The currently accepted approximation, developed by the
International Commission for Radiological Protection (ICRP),
is that a whole-body dose of 1 rem leads to a death risk of
one in ten thousand.  A less reliable but quantitatively simi-
lar estimate holds for the risk of a serious genetic effect.
The dose-response function is assumed by the ICRP to be
linear.  That is, the ICRP assumes that 10 rem exposures of
1,000 individuals and .01 rem exposure of one million people
will both have a death risk of one person.

     In this context, the Chinese study of 70,000 people, each
of whom is exposed to approximately 0.2 rems of excess back-
ground radiation relative to the control group, should find
about 1-1/2 excess deaths per year in the study group.  Such a
small effect would likely go undetected in samples this size.

     Using the ICRP data, one can make a rough estimate of the
number of cancers per year caused by all manmade sources of

                              145

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radiation in the U.S. (1,800).   Of  this  number,  nuclear power
contributes 0.1, global  fallout  22, occupational sources 4,
and medical diagnostic cases  over 1,700.
      . *>              •
     Several dimensions  of  the federal regulatory problem
should be .apparent new.   First,-  there is probably no totally
safe level of exposure to radiation.  Thus,  statutes that
direct agencies to reduce risks  to  the maximum extent feasible
push agencies toward a zero increment to background levels.
Second, the dose-response relationship at  low  levels is highly
uncertain.  Actual fatalities from  a given dose  could vary by
more than one order of magnitude about the best  estimate
available.  Third, it may be  very costly to  control exposures
to radiation.  These costs  may be expressed  in terms of labor
and capital needed to shield  a reactor,  in terms of excess
risks to other workers to supply the necessary shielding
(which could more than offset the expected savings from radia-
tion protection), or in  terms of less precise  medical diag-
noses if medical exposures  are reduced.  The need for some
balancing of costs and benefits  should be  clear.

     Were this the full  extent of the radiation  regulatory
problem, this case study would look much like  saccharin, afla-
toxin, or coke oven emissions.   There is another dimension of
the radiation problem that  makes it considerably more in-
tractible, however.  This factor is the  long term activity of
many radioactive materials.   Relative long-run activity for
radioactive materials is measured in terms of  half life, the
time required for half of the radioactive  nuclei in a sub-
stance to decay.  Half lives  for some of the materials pro-
duced in nuclear power reactors  range up to  one  hundred
thousand years, indicating  a  considerable  risk to human popu-
lations should these substances  be  released  to the environ-
ment.  The dilemma facing regulators is  how  to evaluate these
future risks.  Should the risk of one cancer one hundred years
from now be treated the  same  as  the same risk  today?  Should
future risks be discounted?   Although the  issue  may seem
trivial, a risk of one fatality  per year for the next million
years, is valued quite differently when a zero  discount rate is
used (1 million fatalities) than when a more conventional rate
such as ten percent is used (only ten fatalities in present
value terms) .  The implications  for public policy are
enormous.  In the no-discount case  agencies  would be pressed
to limit all future releases  of  radioactive  substances, while
in the more conventional case they  can be  more cavalier about
future effects.

     The EPA environmental  impact statement  for  regulations on
the uranium fuel cycle clearly demonstrates  these issues.

     EPA was given toe authority to address  public health and
environmental concerns arising from radiation  exposure in the

                             146

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uranium fuel cycle in The President's Reorganization Act No. 3
of 1970.  The environmental aspects of the uranium fuel cycle
concern the long-term irreversible commitments of radioactive
pollutants into the earth, atmosphere, and water.  The uranium
fuel cycle consists of three phases:   fuel supply, electrical
power generation, and fuel reprocessing.33  Each phase has
the potantial of contributing radioactive effluents into the
environment,  The first phase, or fuel supply, consists of a
series of operations extending from mining through the fabri-
cation of enriched uranium into fuel.  The fuel supply phase
results in the introduction of naturally occurring radioactive
materials into the environment through mining, milling, and
fabricating uranium from ore.  The primary environmental
hazard concerns the immediate release of particulate radio-
active materials into the atmosphere and water.  The maximum
potential doses to the lung and bone from the fuel cycle occur
at mills and fuel fabrication facilities, due to the release
of dust containing natural or enriched uranium.  Radioactive
particsilates may also enter environmental pathways, such as
ingesticn through food chains, and result in a long-term
buildup of radionuclides in the environment.

     The second phase of the uranium fuel cycle concerns the
power reactor, where fuel is fissioned to produce elec-
tricity.  The environmental hazards surrounding this phase
concern operational releases of radioactive wastes into the
confines of the reactor, from which there is a potential for
pollution of the atmosphere.  The radioactive wastes originate
from the fission process which unlocks radioactive gases, such
as iodine-131, krypton-85, uranium-238, thorium and plu-
tonium.  Under certain conditions, inert dust contained in
cooling air may be discharged into the atmosphere.

     The final phase of the uranium fuel cycle comprises fuel
reprocessing, in which spent fuel elements are broken down in
order to isolate radioactive wastes.  At the present time no
reprocessing plants are operating and none will operate in the
future unless the political climate changes, but they do
represent the largest potential source of environmental con-
tamination.  During this phase, the fuel cladding is broken up
and all remaining fission products may potentially be released
into the atmosphere.  As an example, during the process of
separating unfissioned uranium 238 and plutonium 239 from
radioactive waste products, two radionuclides, krypton 85 and
tritium, are released.  Krypton 85 accumulates in the at-
mosphere causing increased particulate radiation.  Tritium,
the radionuclide of hydrogen, is present in water vapor.  Be-
cause of the difficulty of removing tritium from liquid dis-
charges froi?, reprocessing plants, tritium enters the water and
may concentrate  in fish in increasing amounts  in the food
chain.  Iodine, which accumulates in the thyroid, also may be
released into the atmosphere from the reprocessing cycle.

                               147

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     It should be noted that standards for waste disposal are
being developed separately by NRG and the EPA.   The large
potential environmental harm from leaking storage and disposal
facilities has helped to delay the promulgation of these stan-
dards until better scientific data can be developed.

     In developing its standards for the uranium fuel cycle,
the agency was careful to attempt to balance costs and ef-
fects, and in effect argued that expenditures up to a range of
$500,000 to $1,000,000 to save a statistical life were reason-
able.  The agency adopted a curious position with respect to
the present value of future effects, however, when it used a
zero discount rate to compute the present value of effects up
to.the year 2000 (the next 23 years when the EIS was  prepared)
and chose not to count any effects beyond that date (in effect
a 100% discount rate).  Why this arbitrary position was taken
was not explained or defended.

     Cohen investigated the implicit cost per life saved in
the context of other radiation protective regulations.  A
summary is included in Table A-10.  That the costs per life
saved are so large relative to the recommendations of Martin
Baily and others suggests greater attention to costs  and bene-
fits should be given in federal regulatory actions to regulate
radiation exposures.

                           TABLE A-10
                     COST  PER  FATALITY SAVED
     Regulation/Action            Dollars per Fatality Averted


     Radium in drinking water          $     2,500,000

     OMB guidelines                          7,000,000

     Defense high level waste              200,000,000

     Civilian high level waste

         No discounting                     18,000,000
         Discounting 1% per year         1,000,000,000


Source:  Health Physics, 38, p. 36.

     Examination of other federal regulatory actions to limit
radiation exposures reveals similar anomalies.  The geographi-
cal area in which effects are counted may matter as much as
                               148

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discounting.  In its attempt to assess the impacts of long-
term storage options for defense wastes, the Department of
Energy cited a 50-mile limit to the validity of its dispersion
models and limited the calculation of adverse health effects
to those occurring within a 50-mile radius of the proposed
disposal sites.  In effect, this sharply reduced the apparent
risk because most repositories are in relatively isolated
areas.  If DOD was able to project exposures world-wide from
leaks in long-term storage facilities, the need for better
containment would probably appear quite urgent.  Likewise, by
arbitrarily cutting off from consideration any effects beyond
the year 2050, DOD removed from its shoulders much of the
problem with the integrity of its containment and the
long-term risks from plutonium and other long-lived alpha
emitters.

Footnotes

 1.  Giese, A.C., Cell Physiology, 4th edition, Saunders Co.,
     Philadelphia, PA, 1973.  ~_. ..

 2.  National Academy of Sciences, The Effects on Populations
     of Exposure to Low Levels of Ionizing Radiation, National
     Academy Press, Washington, D.C.,1980.~~

 3.  Hodges, L., 1977 Environmental ;,gx)llution,2nd edition,
     Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, N.Y., 1977.

 4.  NAS, supra, note 2.

 5.  Hodges, supra, note 3.

 6.  Odom, E.P., Fundamentals :of Ecology, 3rd edition.,
     Saunders Co., Philadelphia, PA, 1971.

 7.  Hodges, supra, note 3.

 8.  Anon., "How Dangerous is .kow-leVel Radiation?"  American
     Biologist, September, 1980.

 9.  Giese, supra, note 11.    -

10.  Hodges, supra, note 3.

11.  NAS, supra, note 2.

12.  Ibid.

13.  Hodges, supra, note 3.

14.  NAS, supra, note 2.
                              149

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15.  Hodges, supra, note 3.

16,  NAS, supra, note 2.

17.  Itfid.'

18.  Hodges, supra, note 3.

19.  Pizzarello, D.J., and R.L.  Witcofski,  Basic  Radiation
     Biology, 2nd edition, Lea and Febiger, Philadelphia, PA,
     1975.

20.  Ibid.                         . .

21.  Grosch, A.C. and L.E. Hopwood, Biological Effects  of
     Radiation, 2nd edition, Academic  Press,  N.Y.,  1979.

22.  National Research Council,  The Effects on Populations  of
     Exposure to Low Levels of Ionizing  Radiation,.  Report of
     the Advisory Committee on the Biological Effects of
     Ionizing Radiations, National Academy  of Sciences,
     Washington, D.C., 1972.

23.'  Ibid.

24.  Hodges, supra, note 3.

25.  Pizzarello, supra, note 19.

26.  NRC, supra, note 22.

27.  NAS, supra, note 2.

28.  Grosch and Hopwood, supra,  note 21.

29.  NRC, supra, note 22.

30.  Grosch and Hopwood, supra,  note 21.

31.  Pizzarello, supra, note 19.

32.  High Background Radiation Research  Group, "Health  Survey
     in High Background Areas of China,"  Science, August 22,
     1980, pp. 877-880.

33.  United States Nuclear Regulatory  Commission, Radiation
     Standards Fact Sheet, 1980.
                              150

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                           APPENDIX B

            CASE STUDIES OF HAZARDOUS WASTE DISPOSAL
INTRODUCTION

     Up to this point,  this report has discussed hazardous
waste issues on a conceptual level.  As much as this was
necessary for our analyses, the value of the study lies in the
applicability of the study results to existing situations*
One way to assess this  applicability is to examine actual,.
incidences of improper  disposal of hazardous waste and see how
the cases support the analyses of the study.  The five case
studies included in this section have already been used in the
previous sections to support various parts of the analyses.
This section will present them in their entirety and discuss
some of their common elements.

     We will examine five cases involving hazardous waste dis-
posal:  two incidents,  in New Jersey and North Carolina, of
illegal dumping of hazardous wastes; two incidents, in
Kentucky and Pennsylvania, of abandoned hazardous waste sites,
and one incident, in Illinois, involving siting of a hazardous
waste disposal facility.  The North Carolina case study also
deals with the siting issue.

SELECTION AND METHODOLOGY

     We selected candidate incidents from a variety of
sources.  Foremost was  the list of 138 incidents of toxic
substances-related pollution incidents in connection with
another study.  This study, Six Case Studies of Compensation
for Toxic Substances Pollution;  Alabama, California,      "
Michigan, Missouri, New Jersey, and Texas, was completed by
the Environmental Law Institute and published under the Same
title by the Senate Committee on Environment and Public Works
in June of 1980  (96th Congress, 2nd Session, Serial
No. 96-13).  Other sources included newspapers and other
periodicals, and the EPA preliminary damage assessments.  In
choosing the case study incidents from the candidate list.,, we
looked for incidents that:

     1.  Illustrate the issues involved in illegal disposal,
abandoned sites, or siting of disposal facilities;


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     2.  Had caused substantial harm to people, property, and
the environment;  and

     3.  Had been well documented and on which information was
readily available (recent incidents, because less information
is available on them, thus tended not to be selected).

     In researching the five cases, we relied on a number of
sources, including newspaper and periodical accounts,  govern-
ment documents, court pleadings, and interviews with principal
actors.

ORGANIZATION OF CASE STUDIES

     After an introduction, the case studies are divided into
two main sections:  one dealing with background information on
the cases and the other with the costs, both private and
social, imposed by hazardous waste disposal.

     For the four cases dealing with illegal waste disposal
and abandoned waste sites, the Background Information section
is divided into the following subsections:

Location

     This gives pertinent geographic and geologic information
on the waste disposal site.

Waste Disposal

     This discusses the specifics of the waste disposal and is
further subdivided as dictated by the logic of the individual
cases.

Response

     Here is detailed the reaction by local, state, and
federal authorities and private parties to the waste dis-
posal.  It includes investigation of the extent of pollution,
action to protect public health, administrative enforcement
action, and criminal and civil suits.

     The Background Information section for the case dealing
with the siting of a hazardous waste facility in Wilsonville,
Illinois is subdivided in a different manner to reflect the
different subject matter.

     The section on costs first analyzes the private costs
incurred as a result of illegal waste disposal, an abandoned
dump, or the siting of a disposal facility, according to the
case under consideration.  For cases involving illegal dis-


                              152

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posal of hazardous waste,  this section compares the actual
cost of illegal disposal with what it would have cost to
properly dispose of the wastes.

     The costs section next assesses the social costs incurred
as a result of the waste disposal.  For illegal disposal and
abandoned sites, these include injury to natural resources,
property, and health, enforcement and litigation costs, and
clean-up costs.  For the siting cases, social costs are
divided into the social cost of having the site, which in-
cludes injury to natural resources, property, and health, and
the social cost of not having the site, which is the cost
borne by society as a result of losing a hazardous waste dis-
posal facility.

STUDY RESULTS

     We found that there is generally a long delay between
discovery of a threat to public health or the environment
posed by improper waste disposal and removal of the threat.
In fact, in three of the four cases considered here, the
hazardous waste situation has not been remedied and continues
to threaten the environment.

     In two of the cases this delay partially stemmed from
slowness on the part of government officials in enforcing ap-
plicable laws.  People living near the Wade site complained
for two years to Chester City officials about pollution from
the site, but no action was taken, possibly because the city
is not responsible for enforcing the environmental laws.

     Kentucky state officials knew of problems at the Valley
of the Drums as long ago as 1967, but did not begin adminis-
trative proceedings against the operator of the site until
April 1976, after much complaining by adjoining landowners.
Nothing resulted from these proceedings until August 197-8,
over two years later, because of an oversight on the part of
the hearing officer.

     In these same two cases, lack of resources has prevented
cleanup of the disposal site.  In both cases the parties
responsible for the dumping do not have the means to pay for
cleanup.  In the Chester,  Pennsylvania case both the hauler
and the dumper are bankrupt; in the Kentucky case, the
hauler/dumper is dead and his estate would almost certainly
declare bankruptcy if a judgment were entered against it.
Litigation has not been able to hasten cleanup in either.
case.  EPA has sued to force the parties responsible in the
Chester case to clean up the site, but the suit has not yet
been scheduled for trial, over a year after it was filed.
Moreover, the suit was not filed until almost two years after


                              153

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the problems at the site were discovered.  In Kentucky, the
state filed an administrative complaint against the widow of
the site operator a year-and-a-half ago, but the state has not
pursue^ the complaint because it feels that to do so would be
fruitless.

     Government has been able to spend only limited funds to
help speed cleanup in these cases.  In Chester, the state
government is paying for a partial cleanup that began nearly
three years after discovery of problems at the site.  In
Kentucky, the federal government provided emergency response
funds to contain the immediate hazards posed by the site, but
neither federal nor state government has funds to pay for a
complete cleanup of the site.

     Because of these factors, only partial cleanup  efforts
are underway at these two sites.  Cleanup is still outstanding
over three years after discovery of the Chester site, and four
years after the first administrative proceedings in the
Kentucky case.

     Lack of resources is not the reason for delay in cleaning
up the PCB contamination in North Carolina.  The state is
willing and able to pay to remove the PCB contamination from
the roadways and dispose of it in a specially constructed
landfill, but public opposition in the county where the land-
fill would be located has blocked the state's path.  Two years
after the dumping, the contaminated soil still has not been
removed*

     The pollution in the Dover Township, New Jersey case wai
quickly cleaned up.  Cleanup was instigated not by government
but by the owner of the land on which the wastes had been
dumped, who sued to have the hauler and the generator  of the
wastes remove them.  The court ordered the responsible parties
to do so the day the suit was filed, and the site was cleaned
up within three months of its discovery.  The reason for the
quick cleanup in Dover Township may be that only one company
had generated the waste.  The company was easily identifiable
and did not contest the court's order to remove the waste.  In
contrast, several companies generated the wastes in the
Chester, Pennsylvania and Kentucky cases, and the companies
for the most part cannot be linked with the wastes they
generated.

     In the cases we studied, the costs of improper hazardous
waste disposal generally were not borne by the persons respon-
sible for the disposal.  Instead, government generallly had to
pay for cleanup and private parties—neighboring landowners
and residents—have suffered uncompensated injuries.
                              154

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      In Pennsylvania,  the state  government is paying for a
partial cleanup of the Chester site; the federal government has
paid  to contain pollution from the Kentucky site;  the New
Jersey state  government paid for emergency drinking water sup-
plies and testing of groundwater in the  Dover Township  case;
and the North Carolina state government  plans to pay to clean-
up the dumped PCSs.  So far, these governments  have not re-
covered their expenditures from  the parties responsible for the
dumping.

      In all these cases, private parties have suffered  injuries
including lowered property values, loss  of drinking water, loss
of gardens and crops,  acute health effects, and possible latent
health effects.  In all but the  New Jersey case, private parties
have  not received compensation for these injuries.

      It seeais unlikely that government or private parties will be able to
obtain compensation from the persons responsible for the dumping.   The
responsible parties in the Chester case are bankrupt;  in the Kentucky cage,
the hauler/dumper is dead  and his estate is poor; in North. Carolina,  the
hauler has limited resources, although the generator of the wastes might
be able to pay for damages.

      In two of the cases, some of the costs of improper dumping have been
assumed by the responsible parties.  In Kentucky, waste generators are paying
to remove some of their wastes from the dumpsite.  Jfowever, their  efforts
will cost less than $100,000 or 4% of  the $2.5 million estimated cost of a
complete cleanup.  The most extensive  compensation was received in the
Dover  Township, New Jersey case.  The  generator of the waste paid  households
in the contaminated area $1,000 each, as compensation for injuries  suffered.
Whether this is sufficient to cover all injuries that may result from the
contamination, including possible future health effects, is uncertain.  The
generator is also compensating the state government for up to $6Q,QQQ of
costs  incurred over a  five-year period starting three years after  the
incident first came to light ~  The generator is not reimbursing the state
for the substantial costs  it incurred  before that period nor is it com-
pensating the township or  the federal  government for their expenditures.

      These case studies were conducted in 1980. ;Jn October 1981, the
Institute reviewed and updated the case studies, incorporating any charges
in the status of federal and state court cases.   In addition, we have
noted, where possible, the effect that passage of the Comprehensive
Environmental Response, Compensation,  and Liability Act of 1980 has had
on prospects for remedial  action.
                                  155

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PETROCHEMICAL CONTAMINATION OF COHANSEY  AQUIFER,  DOVER
TOWNSHIP, NEW JERSEY

Introduction

     Between March and December 1971  Nicholas  Fernicola, a
scavenger trucker under contract to the  Union  Carbide Corpora-
tion disposed of between 5,000 and 6,000 barrels  of chemical
wastes from Union Carbide's Bound Brook, New Jersey plant on a
former chicken farm in Dover Township, New Jersey and in the
township landfill.  The wastes included  aromatic  hydrocarbons,
benzene, toluene, styrene,  xylene, ketones,  alcohols, and
phenolic resins.

     In early 1972, the township and  the owner of the chicken
farm obtained a court order directing Union Carbide to remove
the wastes from the township.

     Groundwater contamination in the township was first dis-
covered in early 1974, when residents complained  that their
well water had a disagreeable taste and  odor.   Numerous tests
found high levels of organic chemicals in the  well water.  For
the most part, the tests did not permit  a precise charac-
terization of the contaminants.  However,  phenol, styrene, and
toluene were found in the well water.

     In September 1974 residents were provided with an interim
water supply.  The Township Board of  Health ordered the 148
wells in the area with contaminated groundwater sealed at the
owners' expense.  Shortly thereafter  a nearby  municipal water
system was extended into Pleasant Plains.

     In 1976, thirteen additional wells  near the  affected area
were found to be contaminated and were condemned.  The munici-
pal water system was subsequently extended to  the area.

     Both area residents and the State of New  Jersey, in
separate actons, sued Union Carbide for  compensation.  Both
cases were settled.  Affected well owners or users received
$1,000 each for the loss of their wells, and the  state will
receive up to $60,000 as compensation for  costs incurred as a
result of the contamination.

Background Information

The Location—
     Dover Township, population 64,000,  is located in Ocean
County in the center of the New Jersey coast.   Pleasant
                              156

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Plains, the site of the illegal dumping and subsequent ground-
water pollution, is a residential community in the northwest
corner of the township.

     Several aquifers underlie the township.  The most im-
portant of these is the Cohansey Formation, estimated to be
between 50 to over 100 feet thick in the portion below the
Township.1  This aquifer is the prime source of drinking
water for the residents of the township and surrounding
areas.  Beneath the Cohansey lies another important aquifer,
the Kirkwood Formation.  Groundwater in the portion of the
Cohansey Formation underlying Dover Township moves in a
southerly to southwesterly direction.2                '

     Union Carbide is a multinational manufacturer of indus-
trial chemicals, plastics and consumer goods.  In 1971 Tjnion
Carbide had sales of $3,037,529,000 and total assets of
$3,554,668,000, and employed 99,181 persons, 52,9O6 of them in
the United states.3  Exact information on Fernicola's wa.ste
hauling business is not available, but it was reported to be
very small, consisting of just Fernicola and a'few em-
ployees.4                                    .

Waste Disposal--                            •      .
     In April 1971, the Union Carbide Corporation contracted
with Nicholas Fernicola, a local scavenger trucker, to remove
and dispose of drummed chemical wastes from its Bound Brook,
New Jersey plant at a rate of $3.50 per drunr.  The wastes
consisted of solvents and residues from the manufacture of
organic chemicals, plastics, and resins,6 and may have
included aromatic hydrocarbons, benzene, toluene, styrene,
xylene, ketone, alcohols, trichloroetbylene, acrylonitrile and
phenolic resins."7  Since many of these wastes are solvents
that were used to wash equipment, they might also have con-
tained other unknown substances.°  Many of the chemicals
identified in the wastes that Fermicola hauled from the Union
Carbide plant qualify as hazardous under the hazard criteria
that the National Academy of Sciences has developed for^the
Coast Guard for the evaluation of the hazards of bulk water
transportation of chemicals.  The chemicals in the waste are
hazardous on account of their ignitability, irrifeativeness,
toxicity to humans or aquatic life, or reactivity to other
chemicals.9

     Fernicola hauled approximately 6,00ft drums of waste from
the Bound Brook plant during the period April 1971 through
December 1971..^  According to Union Carbide, Fernicola
claimed that he was dumping these wastes in the Dover Township
landfill, situated approximately 45 miles south of the Bound
Brook plant and 1-1/2 miles to the northeast of Pleasant
Plains (see Figure B-2) .H  The township landfill does not
charge for the use of its facilities.  Fernicola is believed

                              157       ...:.  .,-••-  . •••• ••'..v",V;"; ".

-------
                                          *    DOV-0
                                              TOwNSniP

                                             (See figure 2)


                                            TOMS RIVER
Figure  B-l.  Locations of Ocean County, Dover  Township,
              and Toms  River  in the State  of New Jersey

                           158

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                                 ^'VH^^^
                                 =^ A / m
                               iw-j  *~T~',^.'t-J —'""•?";..- »••  !I
                               T'Toms'!j: ".r-4*-~ "^*,^!*j^*»«-***
Figure B-2.   Location of Reich Farm,  Dover Township
                        159
                               Reproduced from
                               best available copy.

-------
to have dumped around 2,000 drums of waste in the landfill,
even though it has a policy against accepting drums or chemi-
cal wastes, and in other neighboring landfills.12  Fernicola
disposed of the majority of the wastes—approximately 4,500
drums—on a portion of a chicken farm in Pleasant Plains which
he had leased from Samuel and Berta Reich, the farm's
owners.13  The Reichs leased Fernicola the property for $40
per month with the understanding that he would use it to tem-
porarily store empty drums.  No mention was made of disposing
chemical wastes.1^

     Much of the waste was disposed of simply by scattering
the drums around the Reich farm; a portion of it, however, was
poured directly onto the ground, into trenches dug especially
for that purpose.15  Approximately ten percent of the drums
found on the Reich farm were partially or completely empty;
presumably, their contents had been discharged to the
ground.16

Response—

     Discovery of waste disposal; cleanup—The Reichs dis-
covered that Fernicola was dumping waste on their property in
December 1971 after noticing unusual odors emanating from the
site.  The Reichs asked Fernicola to remove the wastes.  When
Fernicola failed to do so despite repeated assurances, the
Reichs, on January 31, 1972, filed a complaint against
Fernicola and Union Carbide demanding that further disposal
stop, the drums be removed, and that other relief be pro-
vided.  Dover Township also filed a complaint against
Fernicola and Union Carbide that day, charging that the situa-
tion on the Reich farm constituted a public nuisance.17  The
same day the suits were filed, the court ordered the two de-
fendants to stop the dumping and to remove the wastes from the
Reich's farm.I8

     By April 1972, Union Carbide had apparently removed all
the drums from the Reich farm, transporting them to incinera-
tors in New Jersey and Ohio and approved chemical waste land-
fills.  Once this cleanup had been effected, the complaints
against the defendants were dismissed with prejudice.19  In
addition, the Reichs were reported to have received from Union
Carbide $10,000 in an out-of-court settlement for damage to
their property, and compensation for the costs of digging a
new well.20

     Enforcement action in response to dumping—The state did
not take action against Fernicola or Union Carbide to enforce
the waste disposal laws while the dumping was taking place or
even once the dumping was discovered, but waited until the
groundwater contamination discussed below was discovered
                              160

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 several years after the dumping.  The state might  have pro-
 ceeded against Fernicola and Union Carbide under several regu-
 lations, however.   At  the time of the dumping,  the Department
 of Environmental Protection (DEP) and the Board of Public
 Utility Commissioners  regulated waste disposal.

      Beginning in 1970, DEP required haulers of solid  waste to
 register themselves with the Department.21  Registration
 involved only answering a few simple questions; no registra-
 tion fee was charged," nor did DEP require haulers to meet
 any minimum standards.23  Qgp also regulated landfills, re-
 quiring that they be registered and their designs  approved.24

      The Board of Public utility Commissioners  (PUC) started
 .regulating waste haulers as common carriers in  1971.25  PUC
 regulations required waste haulers and disposers to hold a
^certificate of public  convenience and necessity from PUC; to
 obtain this certificate, a hauler or disposer had  to furnish a
 statement of his experience, training or education in  solid
 waste disposal and proof of financial responsibility.2**
 Meeting these requirements would have cost a hauler an esti-
 mated several hundred  dollars in 1971, including a $50 filing
 fee and the services of an accountant and a lawyer,27

      Fernicola had not registered as a waste hauler with
'•either DEP or PUC, Baking his activities illegal.   The Reich
 farm was an illegal disposal site, never having been regis-
 tered with or approved by DEP for such purposes.

      Union Carbide apparently did not investigate  whether
 Fernicola had met the  registration requirements when it en-
 tered into its contract with him.  As part of the  contract,
 however. Union Carbide did require Fernicola to guarantee that
 the wastes would be taken to an authorized landfill...?.?-"

      Neither DEP's not PUC's regulations regarding waste dis-
 posal were well enforced at the time the dumping in Dover.
 Township took place.  DEP's regulation on waste disposal took
 effect July 1, 1970.  In 1971, the time the dumping took
 place, DEP had a staff of five to enforce the regulations for
 the entire state, and  was just beginning to develop enforce-
 ment strategies.29

      PUC's regulations took effect July 8, 1971, after the
 Dover Township dumping had gotten underway.  During 1971, PUC
 was trying simply to identify waste haulers and get them to
 register.  Enforcement staff was just beginning to be  hired,
 and very little effort was made to catch persons not complying
 with the regulations.^^

      The likelihood that a person violating DEP's  and  PUC's
 -regulations would be caught must therefore be assessed as

                              161

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slight.  The maximum penalty for violating DEP's regulations
was $2,500 per day. 31  The penalty for a first violation of
the PUC regulation was $500 and up to $1,000 for subsequent
violations.32                                       '
    . T,-*>
     Discovery of grbundwater contamination--Groundwater con~
tamination in Dover Township was first discovered in early
1974,  when three Pleasant Plains families in the vicinity of
the Reich farm noticed that their well water had a foul taste
and odor. 3 3  Tests revealed traces of toluene in the well
water from one property and phenol in the water from the other
two. 34  The property owners whose wells were contaminated
with phenol dug new wells and found uncontaminated water. 35
The owner of the property with the toluene-contaminated well
apparently did not want to dig a new well and instead evicted
his five tenants since he could not provide them with pure
water, 36

     Shortly thereafter the Board of Health received a report
of contaminated water in other sites several miles from the
properties where the pollution was first reported, but only a
few hundred feet from the Dover Township landfill.  Tests con-
firmed that water in three wells near the landfill was con-
taminated with phenols. 37

     From March to August, 1974, local, state, and federal
agencies tested samples of well water from Pleasant Plains
using several test procedures.  Most of the test methods were
capable only of detecting organic chemical contamination and
could not distinguish specific contaminants.  These tests
found up to 68 parts per million (ppm) of organic contaminants
in the Pleasant Plains water.  One test which could charac-
terize specific contaminants found 12 parts per billion (ppb)
of toluene and 30 ppb of styrene in one well. 38

     At the time of the tests the only state or federal stan-
dard regarding organic chemicals in drinking water was a
federal standard on organics removed by the carbon chloroform
extract {CCE) method.  This standard recommended that water
with more than 0.7 milligrams of organic chemicals per liter
extracted by the CCE method (equivalent to 0.7 ppm)  be re-
placed with purer water if possible. 39  Only one of the
wells tested by the CCE method exceeded this standard; it had
a reading of 1.2 ppm extractable organics.  Other wells
sampled ranged from 0.1 ppm to 0.4
     Protection of public health — State and local health
authorities took action as the test results came in.

     To provide Pleasant Plains residents with an interim
water supply the New Jersey National Guard and the Ocean
County Defense stationed seven tanker trucks throughout the

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community in June 1974, and the Toms River Water Company put
spigots on three of its fire hydrants in the area so that
residents could obtain water from them.   In addition, many
residents of the area purchased bottled  water for drinking and
cooking purposes.41

     In June, Township officials recieved an anonymous tip
that some drums of waste might still be  buried on the Reich
farm.  A search turned up 51 drums and a quantity of chemical
wastes.  Union Carbide removed the drums and approximately
1,000 cubic yards of soil and disposed of them in a secure
landfill.  In addition, another 37 drums were discovered
stored on two trucks belonging to Fernicola that were parked
about four miles from the Reich farm. Union Carbide removed
and disposed of these drums as well.42

     On July 8, 1974, the New Jersey Department of Environ-
mental Protection (DEP) recommended chat water from a munici-
pal water system be made available to Pleasant Plains resi-
dents as soon as possible, and that until such a system was
available, that residents filter their well water through
activated carbon.43

     Finally, on July 30, the DEL3 determined that it was "un-
equivocally apparent that the gcoundwater [in Pleasant Plains]
is contaiminated with organic chemicals" and directed the
Township government to prohibit the use  of water for drinking
purposes from wells along specified streets in Dover Town-
ship.44  DEP ordered this ban not because any specific
standard regarding purity of drinking water had been violated,
but because the well water had a strong  chemical taste and
odor, because tests indicated that the water was contaminated
with uncharacterized organic chemicals,  and because it was
known that hazardous chemical wastes had been dumped on the
Reich farm, which is within the contaminated area.  The find-
ing that triggered DEP's action was apparently the discovery
in late July of toluene and styrene in one of the Pleasant
Plains wells.  At the time it ordered the ban, DEP also wrote
to the New Jersey Board of Public Utility Commissioners,
recommending that the Board order the nearest piped water sys-
tem, the Toms River Water Company, to extend its lines into
the contaminated area.4^

     In response to the DEP directive of July 30, the Township
Board of Health on September 16, 1974 ordered residents in the
contaminated area to seal their wells at their own expense,
prohibited the use of water from those wells for any purpose,
and prohibited the construction of new wells.4^  The
Ordinance affected wells along the streets specified in the
DEP directive, and, in addition wells along three other
streets.4^  Altogether, 148 wells were ordered sealed.48
Many residents simply  ignored the order and failed to seal

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their wells until the Township began a serious effort to en-
force the Order in early 1976.49  By late Spring 1377, all
148 affected wells had been sealed.50

     To provide residents of Pleasant Plains with a permanent
supply of potable water, the Township petitioned the State
Board of Public Utility Commissioners (PUC)  to order the Toms
River Water Company to extend its lines to the Pleasant Plains
area at its own expense.  The Board ordered the company to do
so on September 12, 1974.  Residents, however, were required
to pay for the cost of hooking up to the water mains once they
were extended into the area,51 estimated to cost $100 per
household.52

     On December 31, 1974, DEP issued its final report on the
underground pollution in Dover Township.53  in this report,
DEP designated a portion of the Township approximately one
square mile in area Zone I, and concluded that this zone had
contaminated groundwater.  Zone I, which corresponds to the
area in which wells were ordered to be sealed by the Board of
Health, has at its center the Reich farm, the likely source of
the groundwater contamination (see Figure B-2) .  In accordance
with the Board of Health's order, no new wells were allowed to
be constructed in Zone I.  DEP designated a second portion of
the township comprising approximately three square miles as
Zone II.  It concluded that groundwater quality in this zone
was questionable, and recommended that testing for contamina-
tion continue in this area.  In addition, DEP recommended that
new wells in Zone II be drilled deeper, down to the relatively
uncontaminated Kirkwood Aquifer.  The rest of the Pleasant
Plains area was designated Zone III; DEP concluded that the
groundwater in this zone was not contaminated, and was not
likely to become contaminated in the future.

     The report considered two possible sources of the ground-
water contamination in addition to the Reich farm:  the Dover
Township landfill and the Toms River Chemical Company, located
in Zones II and III respectively.  DEP determined that the
groundwater contamination could not be traced to either of
these sources.

     Discovery of further groundwater contamination;
response—In March 1976, several residents along two streets
in the southeast corner of the Zone II section of Dover Town-
ship complained to the Township Board of Health that their
well water had a bad taste and odor, and petitioned the Board
to make arrangements to have the municipal water system's
mains extended to their area at no cost.5'*  The Board of
Health took samples from the residents' wells on March 10,
1976; tests revealed that the water was contaminated with
phenol.55  $n March 15, 1976, the Township Board of Health
and the county Health Department advised residents in the

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affected section of Zone II not to drink or cook with their
well water.56

     Testing of well water from the area continued.  On
August 11, 1976, DEP announced that carbon tetrachloride had
been found in four of ten samples taken, in levels ranging
from 0.2 to 11.0 ppb.^7  Noting that carbon tetrachloride
was a suspected carcinogen, DEP directed that thirteen private
wells along the two streets affected be condemned and sealed,
and recommended that piped water be provided to the affected
area.58

     On November 10, 1976, the Board of Public Utility Commis-
sioners ordered the Toms River Water Company to extend their
lines to the two affected streets.  The thirteen households
along the streets were required to pay $400 each, or $5,200
total, toward the cost of the extension, and in addition,
approximately $100 each for hookup.  Dover Township absorbed
the $20,000 cost of resurfacing the streets once the lines herd
been laid.  The Toms River Water Company bore the remaining  •
cost of approximately $17,000.  Altogether, the extension of
the lines to the affected area in Zone II cost roughly
$43,500.59

     Enforcement action and private suits in response to
groundwater contamination—                            .
     Pleasant Plains residents against Union Carbide--In
October 1974 seven Pleasant Plains residents, subsequently
joined by 52 additional residents in May 1976, filed a class
action suit against Union Carbide,60 alleging that the
company was responsible for the contaminated groundwater, and
seeking compensation for the loss of their wells.  In December
1977, the case was settled in a consent order.61  Union
Carbide, without admitting that it was responsible for any of.
the groundwater contamination, established a fund of.':$101,000
to compensate the residents.  Under the settlement, each-per-
son who owned property within the area subject to the Board of
Health's first condemnation order (Zone I) or any person who
was required to seal his well as a result of that ordinance.,
would receive $1,000 from the fund in exchange for releasing
Union Carbide from any additional claims in connection with
the groundwater contamination.62  of the 152 persons eli-
gible, 140 have signed releases and received compensation
under this settlement thus far.63

     State of New Jersey against Union Carbide and
Fernicola--0n December 18, 1975, the Attorney General of Uetf
Jersey filed suit against the Union Carbide Corporation and
Nicholas Fernicola.  In its complaint, the state charged Union
Carbide with creating a public nuisance and charged both the
company and Fernicola with violating state water pollution
laws.6*  The state requested the court to direct Union

                              165

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Carbide to abate the contamination of groundwater, and pay
compensatory and punitive damages, and to impose penalties on
the company and Fernicola for violating the water pollution
law.

     A consent order was agreed to on April 21, 1977, under
which Union Carbide agreed to pay the state up to $60,000 to
defray any costs it might incur after that date for investi-
gating, sampling, or purifying the groundwater in Dover Town-
ship. "'  AS the state incurs costs for these purposes, it
bills Union Carbide for reimbursement.  So far the state has
received $6,341.50 under the terms of the settlement.65  If
by 1982 the state has billed Union Carbide for less than
$30,000, Union Carbide will pay the state a lump sum of
$30,000, ending its obligations under the settlement.  If
Union Carbide has been billed for more than $30,000, it will
pay the state the difference between what it has been billed
for and $60,000.  In exchange for these payments, the state
released Union Carbide from all further claims in connection
with the groundwater contamination.

     The state settled its suit against Fernicola on June 1,
1977 in return for a payment of $100.67

Costs

Private Costs of Waste Disposal—

     Actual cost of illegal disposal—Union Carbide paid
Fernicola $3.50 per drum to haul away and dispose of approxi-
mately 6,000 drums of waste, or roughtly $21,000 altogether.
The Dover Township landfill, where Fernicola apparently dis-
posed of some of the waste, does not charge for the use of its
facilities.  Fernicola paid the Reichs $40 per month for the
use of the portion of their farm where he dumped most of the
wastes; however, the Reichs did not know that Fernicola
planned to dispose of waste on their property when they agreed
to lease part of their farm to him.68

    • Comparative cost of proper disposal—Proper disposal of
the wastes would have cost somewhat more than Fernicola
charged.  Fernicola himself said in a 1974 interview that the
price he charged was "at least a quarter to a half a dollar
less" than what other haulers of chemical waste were
charging.6^

     Alternative means of disposal available to Union Carbide
in 1971 included an incinerator and at least one approved
landfill.  The incinerator, operated by Rollins Environmental
Services in Logan Township, New Jersey, would have charged
$3.85 to $5.50 per drum for incineration and another $1 to $2
for transportation to the incinerator.70  Perhaps the most

                             166

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logical alternative available to Union Carbide in 1971 for
proper disposal of chemical wastes was the Kin-Buc landfill in
Scotch Plains,  New Jersey.   Although problems later surfaced
at Kin-Buc, at  the time it  was considered to be the state of •
the art, and Union Carbide's Bound Brook plant used it
regularly.71

Social Costs of Illegal Disposal—

     Natural resource damage—As a result of the improper
dumping of chemical wastes, the Cohansey aquifer and the upper
portion of the  Kirkwood aquifer have become contaminated with
organic chemicals.  The state of New Jersey has determined
that the aquifers cannot be purified.72

     Property damage—The Township Board of Health ordered 148
domestic wellsin Zone I and another 13 wells in Zone II
sealed at their owners' expense; this was estimated to cost
$300 per well,73 or $45,300 altogether.  Eventually resi-
dents with contaminated wells were able to connect up to the
municipal water supply, for which they had to pay an average
connection fee  of $100'4 each or $15,100 in total.  In the
interim, they had to pay for bottled water or bear the incon-
venience of going to tank trucks or spigots stationed through-
out the affected area to pick up water.

     Extending  the municipal water system to Pleasant Plains
cost the Toms River Water Company roughtly $180,000.75
Since the Company is a regulated public utility, it can be
assumed that most if not all of this cost was passed on to its
ratepayers.  Dover Township paid approximately $92,000 to
resurface the roads that had been torn up to lay the water
mains.76  jn addition, the  thirteen households in Zone II
had to pay $400 each or $5,200 in total, for the extension of
the water system to their area.77

     New wells  in Zone II had to be drilled deeper to the
Kirkwood Aquifer, increasing the cost of constructing a well.
As of 1976, approximately 20 households in Zone II had drilled
deeper wells at an estimated cost of $2,300 per well.78
Buying water from the municipal system costs Pleasant Plains
residents approximately $30 per year more than it does to
operate a private well; the cost differential is higher for
houses with swimming pools  or large lawns and gardens.79
For some, relying on water  from the municipal system imposes
an unquantifiable aesthetic cost as well:  many residents in
the affected area find that the piped water has a funny taste
compared to well water.80

     Residence-related damage was suffered by the five tenants
evicted by their landlord in early 1974 when it was discovered
that water from the property's well was contaminated.

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     Property values in Pleasant Plains declined when the
groundwater contamination became known; one estimate puts the
decline at 20 to 25%.81

     Acute and Latent Health Effects—In June 1974,  the
Disease Control Section of the Ocean County Health Department
conducted an "illness survey" in Pleasant Plains to investi-
gate any possible health effects due to the contaminated
groundwater.  Twenty-three families comprising forty-eight
persons altogether were interviewed.  Tests had indicated that
wells for ten of these families were contaminated and that
another four were uncontaminated.  No test results were avail-
able for nine of the wells.  Fifteen of the twenty families
reported illnesses of some sort involving kidneys, stomach,
liver, or gall bladder, and eight reported no illness.   Ill-
ness was reported both by families with contaminated and un-
contaminated wells, as well as those with wells for  which no
test data were available.  As a result, the surveys  made no
correlation between the use of contaminated well water  and
illness.82  it should be noted that this survey appears to
have been a rather casual investigation and not a rigorous
epidemiological survey.

     Children of one family were reported to have body  rashes
that disappeared after they stopped using well water.83
Stomach problems were also reported.84  Neither of these
reports have been medically documented.

     The full range of possible latent health effects due to
the groundwater contamination in Dover Township cannot  be de-
termined because not all the chemicals present in the ground-
water were characterized, and the duration of exposure  to
contaminated groundwater is unknown.  Most of the testing
simply detected organic chemical pollution without specifying
what substances were present.

     Some contaminants were identified, however.  Styrene,
phenol, carbon tetrachloride, and toluene were detected in
various wells.  Phenol is mutagenic, promotes tumor  growth,
and produces reproductive effects.85  Carbon tetrachloride
is carcinogenic, is suspected of being mutagenic, and is toxic
to the liver and kidneys.  The National Academy of Science's
report, Drinking Water and Health, found no data available on
the mutagenicity, carcinogenicity, or teratogenicity of
styrene or toluene.86

     Enforcement and litigation costs--No estimate has  been
made of what the Dover Township waste dumping and groundwater
pollution has cost the government.  A 1976 report prepared for
EPA estimated that as of May 1975, the incident had cost
local, state and federal government $33,600 for supervising
the waste cleanup, obtaining and testing water samples, and

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deafting the ord«r closing down the Pleasant Plains
wells.8/  However* this estimate does not cover all the
costs to government over this period.  For instance, the only
costs to the state covered by the estimate are for testing
water; general administrative expenses borne by the Department
of Environmental Protection and the Board of Public Utility
Commissioners are ignored.  In addition, the estimate does not
cover costs incurred after May 1975, which would include well
monitoring and the costs of the action that the state brought
against Union Carbide and Fernicola.

     Full information is not available on litigation costs.
The plaintiffs* attorneys in the class action suit against
Union Carbide received $50,000 in fees under the settlement
reached in that case.88  There is no information on the
amount Union Carbide or the Reichs spent on legal services.

     Clean-up costs--Dover Township spent an estimated $10,000
to inspect and supervise the removal of the waste dumped at
the Reich farm.89  union Carbide bore the Reich farm
clean-up costs.  The company refuses to disclose how much it
spent on the cleanup.  Ghassemi estimates that Union Carbide
spent $15,750 to remove 4,500 drums from the Reich farm in
1972,*^ but he probably has underestimated the cost sub-
stantially.  Ghassemi derived his estimate by assuming that
the cost-of removing and disposing of the drums from the site
was $3.50 per barrel, the same amount that union Carbide
originally paid Fernicola to haul the wastes from its plant.
The cleanup must have cost far more than $3.50 per drum, how-
ever since the scattered barrels had to be collected and their
contents identified.  Furthermore, Union Carbide shipped ap-
proximately 2,500 drums of waste to its plant in Marietta,
Ohio, which would have made the disposal more expensive.

     A roughly similar clean-up operation at the Valley of the
Drums in Kentucky will cost an estimated $50 per drum in
1980.^1  Since waste disposal and the price level in general
were lower in 197.1, .this figure cannot be applied to the Dover
Township cleanup, but it does provide a reference point
against which to judge 1971 costs.               v

Cost Redistribution—
     The Reichs are reported to have received from Union
Carbide $10,000 and reimbursement for the cost of drilling a
new well as compensation for damages done to their property as
a result of the dumping of the waste.  One hundred forty of
the 152 eligible Pleasant Plains residents have received from
Union Carbide $1,000, or $140,000 in total, as compensation
for the..loss of their wells.  The State of New Jersey will
receive from Union Carbide up to $60,000 to compensate it for
costs connected with the groundwater contamination that it
incurs after April 21, 1977.

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Footnotes

 1.  Richard Dalton, Senior Geologist,  Bureau  of Geology  and
     Tojpography, Department of Environmental Protection,
     Memorandum to Steven H. Corwin (August 30, 1974).

 2.  Steven H. Corwin, New Jersey State Department  of Environ-
     mental Protection, Final Report--Delineation of Extent of
     Groundwater Contamination, Pleasant Plains Section of
     Dover Township, Ocean County,  New  Jersey  (December 31,
     1974), p. 4.

 3.  .Union Carbide Corporation, Annual  Report  for 1971.

 4.  Interview with Lawrence Stanley, Deputy Attorney General
     for the State of New Jersey (May 6, 1980).

 5.  Contract between Union Carbide Corporation and Nicholas
     Fernicola  (April 5, 1971).

 6.  M. Ghassemi, Analysis, of a land disposal  incident  involv-
     ing hazardous waste materials', Dover Township, New Jersey
     (EPA Contract No. 6F-01-2956,  Task Order  6F-01-3187, May
     1976) , p. 73.

 7..  New Jersey Department of Environmental Protection, In-
     terim Report—Investigation of Groundwater Contamination,
     Pleasant Plains Section of Dover Township, Ocean County,
     New Jersey (August 21, 1974),  p. 3.

 8.  Ibid,

 9.  Supra, note 6,,pp. 80-83.

10.  New Jersey v. Union Carbide et al., No. C-1597-75  (Sup.
     Ct. Ocean Cty.), Pretrial memorandum of Union  Carbide.

11. ' Ibid.

12.  Supra, note 6, pp. 9-12; interview with Mr. Thompson,
     Director of Public Works, Dover Township  (May  27,  1980).

13.  Supra, note 6, pp. 9, 12.

14.  Ibid., p. 12.

15.  Ibid.

16.  Ibid.

17.  Ibid., p. 16.


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18.  Ibid.

19.  Ibid.

20.  Ibid.

21.  New Jersey Administrative Code  7:26-1.1  et  seq.  (1970).

22.  Ibid., 7:26-2.2 (1970).

23.  Interview with Al Kaczoroski, Bureau of  Solid Waste
     Management, New Jersey Department  of Environmental
     Protection (May 9,  1980).

24.  New Jersey Administrative Code  7:26-2.4  (1970).

25.  Ibid., 14:3-10.1 et seq.

26.  Ibid., 14:3-10.5.

27.  interview with Al Lawrick,  New  Jersey Board of Public
     Utility Commissioners  (May  9, 1980).

28.  Supra, note 5.

29.  Supra, note 23.

30.  Supra, note 27.

31.  N.J.S.A. 26:2C-19.

32.  N.J.S.A. 48:13A-12.

33.  Supra, note 6, p. 19.

34.  Test results from Jersey Testing Laboratory, Newark, New
     Jersey (results on file at  Dover Township Board  of
     Health).

35.  Supra, note 6, p. 23.

36.  Ibid., "Polluted well  Results  in Eviction," [Toms River]
     Daily Observer (March  12, 1974).

37.  Supra, note 6, p. 23,  Test  results from Delare Associ-
     ates, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania  (results on file at
     Dover Township Board of Health).

38.  Supra, note 6, pp.  23-25.

39.  27 Fed. Reg. 2152  (March 6, 1962).
                              171

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40.  Supra, note 6, p.  25.

41.  Ibid., pp. 28-30.

42.  Ibid., pp. 18-19.

43.  Letter from Rocco D.  Ricci,  Assistant Commissioner,
     Bureau of Potable Water,  to  Raymond A. Hayser, Director
     of Law, Township of Dover (July 8, 1974).

44.  Letter from John C. Wilford, Chief, Bureau of Potable
     Water, DEP, to the Mayor  of  Dover Township  (July  30,
     1974).

45.  Supra, note 6, p.  35.

46.  Dover Township Board of Health,  Ordinance 8-74
     (September 16, 1974).

47.  Ibid.

48.  Supra, note 6, p.  26.

49.  Ocean County Health Department,  Pleasant Plains Water
     Survey (January 1976).

50.  Interview with Daniel J.  Carduccio, Special Counsel  to
     Dover Township Board of Health (April 22, 1980).

51.  Supra, note 6, p.  36.

52.  Ibid., p. 56.

53.  Supra, note 2.

54.  Petition, on file at Dover Township Board of Health.

55.  J.R. Henderson Labs,  test results on file at Dover
     Township Board of Health.

56.  Letter from Dover Township Board of Health and Ocean
     County Health Department  (March 15, 1976).

57.  Letter from John Wilford  to  Ocean County Health Depart-
     ment (August 11, 1976).

58.  Ibid.

59.  Interview with Edward Hughmanic, General Manager, Toms
     River Water Company (May  29, 1980).
                              172

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60.  Egloff v. Union Carbide, No.  L-6083-74  (Sup. Ct.  Ocean
     Cty., filed October  18,  1974),

61.  Ibid., Consent Order,  agreed  to  December  22, 1977.

62.  Ibid.

63.  Interview with Robert  Holdingshead, Attorney for  Union
     Carbide (May 29, 1980).

64.  New Jersey v. Union  Carbide Corp. No. C-1597-75  (Sup. Ct.
     Ocean Cty., filed December 18, 1975) State  complaint.

65.  Ibid., Consent Order,  agreed  to  April 21, 1979.

66.  Interview with Lawrence  Stanley, Deputy Attorney  General
     for the State of New Jersey  (May 29, 1980).

67.  Ibid.

68.  See text accompanying  notes 5-14.

69.  ntl did no wrong,1 declares Fernicola,"  [Toms  River]
     Daily Observer (August 4, 1974).

70.  Interview with Jack  Luvcott,  Rollins Environmental
     Services (May 23, 1980).

71.  Interview with Ronald  Burstein,  Environmental  Officer,
     Union Carbide Corporation  (May 6,  1980).

72.  Supra, note 1.

73.  Supra, note 6, p. 54.

74.  Ibid., p. 56.

75.  Ibid., supra, note 59.

76.  Ibid.

77.  Supra, note 59.

78.  Supra, note 6, p. 56.

79.  Ibid., p. 55.

80.  Ibid., p. 57.

81.  Ibid., p. 58.

82.  Supra, note 6, p. 51.

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83.  Ibid., p. 52.

84.  Ibid., p. 121.

85.  E. Hadorn and H. Niggli, Mutations in Drosophila  after
     chemical treatment of gonads in vitro,  Nature  (1946)
     157:162.  V.G. Heller and L. Pursell,  Phenol-contaminated
     waters and their physiological action,  J.  Pharmacol.  Exp.
     Ther. (1938)  63:99.

86.  National Academy of Sciences, Chloroform,  Carbon  Tetra-
     chloride, and Other Halomethanes;   An Environmental
     Assessment, Washington:  1978, pp. 274-275.

87.  Supra, note 6, p. 56.

88.  Supra, note 61.

89.  Supra, note 6, p. 54.

90.  Ibid.

91.  See case study above.
                             174

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LOCAL OPPOSITION CLOSES APPROVED HAZARDOUS WASTE MANAGEMENT
FACILITY IN WILSONVILLE, ILLINOIS

Introduction

      Local opposition forced SCA Services, Inc. to close its
hazardous waste disposal facility in Wilsonville, Illinois
after it had been in operation for less than a year, even though
the facility had been permitted by the Illinois Environmental
Protection Agency (IEPA) and approved by the Environmental
Protection Agency (EPA).  The Village of Wilsonville together
with Macoupin County, Illinois and the Illinois Attorney General
successfully argued that SCA's facility constituted a public
nuisance and that it posed a substantial threat of environmental
contamination in the future, winning an injunction that not only
shut down the facility, but ordered complete exhumation of the
wastes and site reclaimation.  SCA lost a 1980 appeal to the
Illinois Appellate Court, and on May 22, 1981 this decision was
affirmed by the Illinois Supreme Court.  SCA may seek certiori
by the U.S. Supreme Court.  SCA's experience illustrates the
power of local opposition in preventing the continued operation
Of a permitted hazardous waste facility.

Background Information

The Location—
      The hazardous waste management facility in Wilsonville,
Illinois came into being when a manager of lEPA's Division of
Land Pollution Control recognized the need for proper hazard-
ous waste disposal facilities.  He left IEPA and in 1974 char-
tered Earthline, Inc., a private engineering consulting firm,
to establish a hazardous waste landfill.-'-

      The Wilsonville facility was the first waste disposal site
developed by Earthline.  The Village of Wilsonville, population
700, is located in southwestern Illinois approximately fifty
miles northeast of the St. Louis metropolitan area.  It is a
largely rural community with an economy based on agriculture
and coal mining.  Many of the village's residents commute to
jobs in St. Louis due to a decline in coal mining in the
Wilsonville area.

      Earthline chose Wilsonville for its landfill because it is
close to a major industrial area  (St. Louis), has what it
believed to be favorable hydrogeological characteristics, and
is relatively undeveloped.

      The Wilsonville site is primarily a landfill, but also
has facilities for short-term storage of recyclable waste, and
for land-farming waste.  The waste disposal site encompasses
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approximately 130 acres, 90 of which are located within the
boundaries of Wilsonville, and was projected to have a
twenty-year land-fill capacity.2

     To the north the site borders on residential property; to
the south, east, and west it borders on agricultural or unde-
veloped land.  The existing waste burial trenches are located
one-quarter of a mile from the northern and most populated
border.  The entrance to the site is on the main street of
Wilsonville, so trucks carrying waste to the landfill had to
pass through the Village.

     The surface of the site consists of a ten-foot layer of
loess  (wind-blown silt and clay) and is underlain by 40 to
65 feet of dense glacial till.  Within the till is a thin
layer of sand with a thickness of from a few inches to two
feet, located 30 to 40 feet below the surface.   Disposal
trenches were dug into the loess and extended no more than one
to two feet into the till layer, so that there  would be at
least 10 feet of till between the bottom of the trenches and
the sand layer.3  The trenches apparently were  not lined
with any material that would have increased natural imperme-
ability of the soil.

     The landfill is situated above a deep shaft coal mine
abandoned in 1954.  The land was not reclaimed  after the mine
close, and piles of coal, shale, and clay mine  tailings cover
approximately forty acres of the site.  Groundwater near the
mine site has become highly acidic from oxidation of pyrites
in the tailings.4

     The Earthline landfill was designed to reclaim the mine
site in the course of its operation as a waste  disposal
facility.  Excess soil from the disposal trenches was to be
used to cover the surface of the tailings pile  with the goal
of retarding the flow of water into the tailings pile, thereby
reducing the acid mine draining.

Development and Operation of the Landfill—
     Around December 1975 Earthline leased the  property from
its owner, with the understanding that it would develop a
hazardous waste management facility there.5  On February 11,
1976, Earthline applied to IEPA for a permit to develop a
hazardous waste facility on the site.6  The Illinois En-
vironmental Protection Act gives IEPA authority to review and
permit hazardous waste landfill operations and  preempts any
local regulatory control over the siting of hazardous waste
facilities.^  The IEPA permit process for siting a hazardous
waste facility involves three steps:  1)  issuing a permit for
site development, 2) inspection of the completed facility by
IEPA personnel, and 3) issuing an operational permit.


                              176

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     While IEPA reviewed its application for a site develop-
ment permit, Earthline made an attempt to inform the citizens
of Wilsonville of the planned facility and secure their sup-
port for it.

     In February 1976 Earthline notified local officials and
neighboring landowners by letter that Earthline was planning
to build the facility.8  In its letter Earthline stated that
the facility would "assist in conserving our precious re-
sources and protecting our environment."  Earthline did not
explicitly state that its facility would dispose of hazardous
wastes but rather euphemistically termed "the recovery, treat-
ment, storage, and containment of industrial residues."9
Earthline also implicitly promised that the site would provide
jobs for Wilsonville residents and that the facility would
eventually reclaim the mine wastes on the site.

     According to the Village of Wilsonville, its attorney
responded to Earthline's letter on March 3, 1976.  He wrote
that the village supported establishing industry on the
property, but he was concerned that the operation Earthline
described in its letter might include a landfill, and added
"of course, the Village would object most strongly to
[this]."10

     IEPA granted Earthline a development permit in July 1976,
approving the site for the following processes for treatment
and storage of wastes:  1) hazardous waste landfilling,
2) acid-alkaline neutralization, 3) chemical fixation, and
4) short-term storage of recyclables.H

     Initial development of the Wilsonville site was completed
by September of 1976,12  After inspecting the facility, IEPA
granted Earthline an operational permit for the site on
September 23, 197.6.1.3. Disposal operations began on
November 15, "1976;14 on tfte same day Earthline held an open
house .at the facility to inform local residents about the
facility.  Earth'lihe also met with the Wilsonville Village
Board at this time.  The extent to which Earthline made clear
at these meetings that its facility would dispose of hazardous
waste is disputed.

     SCA Services, Inc. purchased Earthline in October 1976.
SCA, located in Boston, Massachusetts, is the third largest
waste service company in the United States with over
$180 million total corporate revenues for 1978.15

     The site accepted all types of hazardous and industrial
wastes with the exception of radioactive wastes, strong acids,
and explosives.  In April 1977 Earthline had IEPA permits for
the legal disposal of. 185 types of hazardous wastes, including
PCBS.16

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     Earthline1s primary market was the St. Louis metropolitan
area; however, it also received wastes from Indiana, New
Jersey, and Missouri.!'  The companies that contracted with
Eafthline for waste disposal include Velsicol, American
Cyanamidt Monstanto, Dupont, Ford, General Motors, McDonald
Douglas, Uniroyal and Western Electric.18

     Residents of Wilsonville voiced only minor complaints
about the facility during its first four months of operation.
There were some complaints of odors from the facility; that
the facility did not hire enough local residents; that trucks
carrying wastes to the site damaged local streets; and that a
few hazardous chemicals were spilled.  However, there was no
organized opposition to the site until April 1977.19

PCB Disposal Arouses Local Opposition—
     In early April 1977, the residents of Wilsonville learned
that EPA had chosen Wilsonville as the burial site for soil
contaminated with PCBs that had been illegally dumped along a
creek in Dittmer, Missouri.20  Wilsonville was the closest
landfill suitable for the disposal of PCBs.  IEPA issued an
emergency permit to Earthline to accept the wastes on approxi-
mately April 8, 1977.21  Op to this point, most Wilsonville
residents were apparently unaware that the facility accepted
hazardous waste.  The citizens of Wilsonville, alarmed by news
reports stressing the toxicity of PCBs, became violently op-
posed to the disposal and threatened to forcibly close the
site themselves if the courts would not do so.  On Friday,
April 15, 1977, Wilsonville1s state senator and the manager of
lEPA's hazardous waste subdivision held a meeting to reassure
residents of the safety of the operation.22  However, resi-
dents' fears intensified and by Sunday, April 17, 1977, resi-
dents had armed themselves and were ready to close down the
facility by force.

     In response to local sentiment, the Village of
Wilsonville on April 18, 1977 filed suit agains Earthline in
Macoupin County Circuit Court to enjoin it from accepting the
PCB-contaminated soil.23  The court that same day granted a
temporary restraining order enjoining Earthline from hauling
PCBs through Wilsonville and disposing of them on the
site.24  in April Earthline successfully petitioned the
Appellate Court to dissolve the restraining order25 and by
May 1, 1977 the disposal facility had reopened.26

     On April 29, 1977, Macoupin County, the county in which
the facility is located, joined forces with the Village of
Wilsonville and filed suit to prevent Earthline from accepting
the PCBs.27  The Macoupin County Farm Bureau was granted
leave to intervene in the case May 9, 1977 and shortly there-
after filed a complaint asking the court to enjoin Earthline
from accepting not only the PCB-contaminated soil but all

                              178

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other toxic wastes that had been deposited on the site up to
that point.28  The Village of Wilsonville and Macoupin
County amended their complaints in mid-May to similarly seek
an end to the disposal of all toxic wastes at the site, not
just PCBs, and to compel Earthline to remove wastes already
deposited there.

     Earthline petitioned the court to add the U.S. EPA as
necessary defendants in the suits, but it declined to do so.
EPA then obtained leave to enter the case as an amicus
curiae.29

     On May 26, 1977 the Illinois Attorney General filed a
complaint against Earthline, charging it with violating state
water pollution laws and asking that the site be closed and
the wastes deposited there be removed.30  up to this point,
the Attorney General had been representing IEPA in court in
the case.  IEPA had approved the site and was in favor of
Earthline's continued operation, so the Attorney General's
suit produced a split within the state government with respect
to the case.  These three complaints against Earthline were
consolidated for trial on June 2, 1977.31

     The Governor of Illinois became involved in the contro-
versy by instituting a 45-day moratorium on the issuance of.
new hazardous waste disposal permits on May 30, 1977.32
Under the Illinois Environmental Protection Act, the operator
of a hazardous waste landfill is required to obtain a separate
supplementary permit for each shipment of waste buried in the
landfill.  Since at the time of the moratorium Earthline held
over 150 permits that were still in effect, the moratorium had
no immediate impact on the facility's operations, beyond in-
tensifying the controversy.  The Mayor of Wilsonville, how-
ever, acting on the Governor's moratorium, stopped five trucks
from entering the site.33

Litigation:  Allegations and Defenses—
     The suits brought against Earthline by the Village o-f
Wilsonville, Macoupin County and the Illinois Attorney General
charged that Earthline was maintaining a present and future
public and private nuisance through operation of its facility
and that Earthline was violating the water, air and land pol-
lution laws of Illinois.

     Present nuisance--The plaintiffs alleged that operation
of the facility created a present nuisance because hazardous
wastes were hauled through the village and because the site
emitted dust and odors.  Local residents testified at the
trial that such hazardous waste as PCBs were transported to
the landfill in unsealed barrels on open trucks, and that
waste leaked as a result.  The problem was magnified by the
fact that the only access to the site was from the main street

                               179

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of Wilsonville.  Residents of Wilsonville also testified the
facility emitted unpleasant odors and that emissions from the
dump had caused health effects ranging from shortness of
breath and burning eyes to general sickness and nausea.

     To counter these charges, Earthline testified that it
planned to construct a $400,000 road around the outskirts of
the Village that would remedy the problem of access to the
site.34  Earthline testified that it had not yet started to
construct this alternative route because it wanted to be as-
sured of the economic feasibility of such a project.  Earth-
line held that odors and possible related health effects were
due not to emissions from its faciliy, but to area residents
burning trash in open barrels and dumping sewage in a nearby
trench.

     Future nuisance--The plaintiffs charged that the landfill
presented a future nuisance because the site was unsuitable
for hazardous waste disposal and would be unable to contain
the wastes in the future, thereby causing environmental con-
tamination. 35  The controversy over the suitability of the
site centered on the permeability of its soil and the possi-
bility of subsidence of land over the abandoned mine.

     If mine subsidence were to occur, the plaintiffs charged,
the disposal trenches could develop cracks that would allow
leachate to seep out and contaminate the groundwater.36

     Expert witnesses for the plaintiffs testified that sub-
sidence had occurred in the mine underlying the site, and that
cracks resulting from subsidence could extend all the way to
the surface and breach the disposal trenches.37

     Earthline1s witnesses responded that the likelihood of
subsidence was negligible and that any subsidence cracks that
might develop would not extend to the bottoms of the
trenches.  However, the plaintiffs were able to challenge
Earthline1s witnesses with evidence that subsidence cracks
extending to the surface had in fact developed in the area
surrounding the landfill.38

     The second major area of-dispute over the site's suita-
bility concerned soil permeability.  The permeability tests
originally taken at the Wilsonville site during the IEPA per-
mit procedures showed that the site met the IEPA standards,
which require that waste must be contained within ten feet of
the disposal site for five hundred years.39  Evidence pre-
sented during the trial claimed that the tests were in error
and that the site is actually 100 to 10,000 times more perme-
able than what the standards allow, with a containment time
possibly as low as 50 years.40


                              180

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     EPA and the Illinois State Geological Survey testified in
Earthline's defense that after extensive monitoring of the •
disposal facility, they had determined that it was safe, met
all existing criteria for a chemical waste landfill, including
permeability requirements, and showed no signs of having con-
taminated the surrounding soil or groundwater.4!

Circuit Court Decision—
     On August 28, 1978, after 16 months of litigation the
court ruled in favor of Wilsonville and its allies in the
litigation and ordered the disposal facility closed and all
wastes buried there exhumed.42

     The court had to choose between the conflicting testimony
of two sets of expert witnesses and in the end sided with the
plaintiff's witnesses.  In general, the court found that the
Earthline site had caused air, water, and soil pollution and
would continue to do so in the future.  It found that trans-
portation of wastes to the site posed an imminent hazard to
the public, that there was a "strong likelihood" that wastes
would escape from the landfill within twenty years through
subsidence cracks, and that toxic substances from the site
have traveled and/or will travel to adjoining lands.  The
court also found that Earthline was deceptive and misled
Wilsonville as to the purpose of the site and the materials to
be buried there.43

Appeals—
     Earthline appealed the decision to the Illinois Appellate
Court and asked the court to stay the Circuit Court's order.
On September 14, 1978, the Appellate Court denied Earthline
permission to remain open during the appeals process,44 but
granted it a stay on exhuming the wastes pending the outcome
of its appeal.

     On September 21, 1979, the Appellate Court of Illinois
upheld the Circuit Court's decision to close the site, and
again ordered the exhumation of all wastes.4^  It stayed
this order, however, pending appeal to the Illinois Supreme
Court.    •  -    .       '-...:''_.''   ..     •     ...,'''"'•"'

     In its appeal, Earthline had argued, among other things,
that IEPA and the Illinois Pollution Control Board, and not
the Circuit Court had jurisdiction over the case, or, alterna-
tively that the Court should have deferred to those two agen-
cies.  The Appellate Court, however, found that the Circuit
Court did have jurisdiction over the case; the fact the IEPA
had issued it a permit to operate as a hazardous waste land-
fill did not prevent the Circuit Court from ruling on whether
or not the landfill created a public nuisance.46
                              181

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      Earthline had also argued on appeal that the "manifest
weight of the evidence" did not support the Circuit Court's
finding 'that the landfill constituted a present and future
nuisance.  The Appellate Court recognized that the expert
testimony offered by both sides conflicted, but held that the
plaintiffs had shown that release of the substances in the
landfill would have catastrophic consequences.  Even if the
chances that a release in fact would occur were uncertain and
even if the threat of releases might be remote in time, the
Appellate Court found that the consequences of- a release were
so serious as to justify the Circuit Court's injunction against
the site.47

      Earthline had further argued that the Circuit Court
should have balanced the benefits of its landfill against any
possible harm that might result from it.  The Appellate Court
found that balancing was not required, again because of the
extreme seriousness of possible harm from the site.48

      In October 1979, Earthline petitioned the Illinois
Supreme Court for leave'to appeal the Appellate Court's deci-
sion to close the site.49  The Supreme Court denied Earthline's
petition.  On May 6, 1980, Earthline petitioned the Supreme
Court once again and on May 15, 1980, the court granted
Earthline leave to appeal."

      On May 22, 1981 the Supreme Court affirmed the lower
court rulling and ordered SCA Services to remove all wastes and
contaminated soil buried on-site and to restore and reclaim
the site.51

Epilogue:  Problems of Public Acceptance—
      The Wilsonville case illustrates several problems in-
volved in siting a hazardous waste facility.  Along with ques-
tions of the site's geological suitability, public acceptance
of and the degree of local control over the site also played
a critical role in the controversy.

      Because the IEPA preempts local authority in siting hazar-
dous waste facilities, the Village of Wilsonville had no control
over the siting of the Earthline landfi-1.  The siting process
was carried out solely between the facility sponsor, Earthline,
and the Illinois Environmental Protection Agency.  During both
the Circuit Court and Appellate Court trials, local officials
expressed dissatisfaction over not having been given a substan-
tive role in the siting process.52  The Illinois Pollution
Control Board has authority to conduct public hearings on siting
of hazardous waste facilities, but hearings were never conduc-
ted on the Earthline landfill.
                              182

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Local citizens say they did not petition the Board for hearings
because they were unaware of the threat that the facility
presented, and were unaware that such review measures were
available.53

      Earthline attempted to secure support from local residents
prior to the opening of the facility through an open house and
meetings with local elected officials.  However, residents
testified that while they were told that the facility was going
to "recycle industrial residues," they did not understand that
it involved dangerous chemicals or the potential for environ-
mental contamination.54 Earthline was not legally required to
involve the residents in the siting procedure, but doing so
would have allowed the residents to express concern over the
transport of hazardous wastes through the Village, or the
proximity of the burial trenches to residential property;55
and perhaps would have led to an amicable resolution of .these
problems.

      Local officials also claimed Earthline had promised to
provide jobs for local residents in order to gain public ac-
ceptance.  Due to the decline of coal mining in the area, this
perceived promise was a major factor in the Village's initial
non-resistance to the facility.  Earthline, however, failed to
employ local citizens, so the Village had no economic interest
in the continued operation of the facility.

Costs

Private Costs of Siting a Hazardous Waste Disposal Facility—
      SCA Disposal Services has hesitated to provide cost
figures of its investment in the Wilsonville site, primarily
because the company may yet seek certiorari by the U.S. Supreme
Court,  ffowever, SCA admits that its expenditures have been
substantial,  The costs of litigation alone have been three-and-
one-half tiraes as much as it originally invested to develop the
site.56

      Without the cost figures from SCA, the following discus-
sion of private costs is limited to the "types" of costs in-
curred by the company in developing the Wilsonville site.

      Cost of site selection—Earthline originally examined
several alternative locations for a landfill before choosing
the Wilsonville site on the basis of hydrogeologic suitability
in a relatively undeveloped area.  This phase included the
costs of locating various alternative locations, initial test-
ing for suitability as a landfill, and finally contracting
with the owner of the property under a financial agreement to
develop the aite.^7
                              183

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     Cost of securing IEPA permits—The procedure for develop-
ing a hazardous waste landfill in Illinois requires extensive
testing of the hydrological and geological characteristics of
the site in order to get IEPA permit approval once the site is
selected.  SCA/Earthline spent nine months securing develop-
ment and operational permits from the IEPA for the Wilsonville
site.58  The first step, securing a development permit, in-
cluded extensive testing of the hydrogeological characteris-
tics of the site, designing the facility according to specifi-
cations required under the Illinois Environmental Protection
Act for hazardous waste landfills, as well as submitting ex-
tensive technical designs for the proposed processes of waste
treatment, disposal, and storage.59  The second step, once
the development permit was granted by IEPA, included the costs
of constructing the landfill according to the IEPA specifica-
tions, and submittal of an application upon completion of con-
struction to the IEPA for an operational permit.  The IEPA
spent approximately four months reviewing the site for an
operational permit, granting final approval to the site in
November of 1977.6
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facility.  The values of the homes range from $15,000 to
$30,000, and would b& rendered valueless if the wastes migrated
from the site.63  However at the current time residential
property has not been contaminated.

      Acute and latent health effects—At the present time the
site does not pose an immediate health threat to local resi-
dents.  Fifteen citizens stated that they experienced nausea/
headaches, and general sickness from the odors emanating from
the site; however, extensive EPA monitoring has not found any
environmental contamination. 64  Again, the health danger that
the site imposes is a potential future danger of chemical
migration from the site.  Both the EPA and the IEPA feel that
the site does not pose a threat to public health in the future
because, the site is fully contained.65

      Cost of not having the site—Closing the Wilsonville site
will also impose indirect costs.  One such, cost will be the
loss of an approved hazardous waste facilityr. one of the few
which EPA has found suitable for the disposal of PCBs.  Hazar-
dous waste generators in the area once served by the Wllsonville
site may have to pay more and haul their wastes farther to find
another suitable disposal site.

      Another indirect cost is the chilling effect the court's
order to close and exhume the site might have on other firms
considering investing in hazardous waste disposal.  Firms might
conclude from the Wilsonville experience that official approval
of a hazardous waste disposal facility offers no protection
against disgruntled neighbors who want to close the facility.
The resulting uncertainty might lead some firms to decide
against investing in hazardous waste-disposal facilities.  By
reducing the supply of disposal facilities, this would tend to
make hazardous waste disposal more expensive.  Firms that chose
to operate hazardous waste facilities in spite of the uncertain-
ty might raise their fees to insure themselves against the
possibility of an adverse judgment.

      On the other hand, the Wilsonville site is in some ways
unique.  For example, it is constructed on an abandoned coal
mine and is fairly close to an inhabited area.  These factors
may keep the Wilsonville case from setting a.precedent with
wide-ranging applicability, thus reducing its chilling effect.
The Wilsonville case could also have the beneficial side effect
of inducing operators of hazardous waste facilities to take
even more care in the siting of their facilities.

Cost of Removing Wastes from the Site—-
      SCA will bear the direct cost of the Illinois Supreme
Court's decision to uphold .the lower court's order to perma-
nently close and exhume all wastes from the Wilsonville land-
fill.66

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      A rough estimate of the total cost of exhuming the
Wilsonville site is approximately $2,000,000.67  SCA was
required to post a $2,000,000 bond pending further appeal.  The
two million dollar figure is based upon an affidavit SCA presen-
ted to;the appellate court during its August 1978 request for
a stay to remain operative during the appeals process.68  The
affidavit stated that the cost of exhuming wastes buried during
the anticipated nine month appeal process would be $737,000
based on 1978 labor and equipment costs.69

      Since the site had been operative for a year-and-a-half
at the time of SCA's request and contained approximately two-
and-one-half times the .amount of wastes listed in the affidavit,
approximately two million dollars may potentially be the cost
of exhuming the entire site.70  However, an attorney for SCA
pointed out that this figure would not include transportation
fees, or disposal charges at an alternative site.71

      SCA is also unsure of where it might dispose of the
wastes from the Wilsonville landfill if higher court Review
forces exhumation.  However, SCA's attorneys feel that the r~
regulations promulgated under the Resource Conservation aud
Recovery Act (RCRA) will require new disposal measures, and
possibly encourage the opening up of new disposal sites and
thus enlarge SCA's alternative for disposal of any exhumed
waste.72

Footnotes

1.    U.S. EPA, Siting of Hazardous Waste Management Facilities
      and Public Opposition, (Report SW-809)  November 1979,
      p. 305.

2.    Ibid.

3.    U.S. EPA, Technical Report on Earthline Corporation
      Landfill, Wilsonville Illinois, October 1977, p. 11.

4.    Supra, note 1, p. 304.

5.    Ibid.

6.    Ibid.

7.    Illinois Environmental Protection Act,  C1977 111. Rev.
      Stats. Chap. 111-1/2.  1001, et seq.).

8.    Supra, note 1, p. 305.
                              186

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 9.  Supra, note 3.   Copy  of  letter  from Earthline Corpora-
     tion, February  11,  1976.

10.  Brief for Appellee, Village of  Wilsonville v. Earthline
     Corporation, 33 111.  App.  3rd,  396 N.E.2d 522  (4th Dist.,
     1979) .

11.  Supra, note 1,  p.  305.

12.  State of Illinois,  Appellate Court, Consolidated Case No.
     79-218, Wilsonville v. SCA, p.  5.

13.  Ibid., p. 5.

14.  Ibid., p. 6.

15.  Supra, note 1,  p.  305.

16.  State of Illinois,  County  of Sangamen,  Sworn Affidavit of
     Douglas Andrews, August  28, 1978.

17.  Ibid.

18.  Ibid., Exhibit  B (List of  companies under contract with'
     Earthline, 1978).

19.  Supra, note 1,  p.  306.

20.  Ibid.

21.  Ibid., p. 307.

22.  Ibid.                                                  .

23.  Ibid.

24.  Ibid.

25.  Conversation with  Fred Prillaman, Attorney  for  SCA
     Services, May 1980.

26.  Ibid.

27.  Illinois Cir. Ct., Macoupin County, Macoupin County  v
     SCA, original complaint  filed  May  1977.

28.  Complaint of Macoupin County Farm  Bureau, Village  of
     Wilsonville et al. v. Earthline Corporation, No.  77-CH-10
     (Macoupin Cty.  Cir. Ct., May  1977).

29.  Supra, note 1,  p.  308.
                              187

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30.  State of Illinois,  County of  Macoupin, Complaint for
     Injunction, Illinois v.  Earthline, William J. Scott,
     Attorney General,  No. 77, 13.

31.  Ibid., p. 4.

32.  Supra, note 1,  p.  308.

33.  Ibid., p. 308.

34.  State of Illinois,  Appellate  Court, Fourth District,
     Agency No. 29-218,  Court Opinion, September 21, 1979.

35.  Supra, note 30.

36.  Ibid.

37.  Village of wilsonville  et al.  v. Earthline Corporation,
     33 111. App. 3d 163, 396 N.E.2d  552  (4th Dist. 1979).

38.  Ibid.

39.  Illinois State Geological Survey, "Geological and
     Geochemical Considerations on Disposal of Industrial
     Chemicals at Wilsonville, Illinois, Staff Report,
     November 3, 1977.   See  also,  Illinois Environmental
     Protection Act, (1977 111. Rev.  Stats. Chapt. 111-1.2,
     1001, et seq.).

40.  U.S. EPA, Technical Report Earthline Corporation
     Landfill, October  1977,  U.S.  EPA, p. 3 (see also 42 Fed.
     Reg. 26574 May 24,  1977  [PCBs]).

41.  Illinois Appellate Court, Village of Wilsonville v SCA,
     App. 3 111., December,  163, 396, N.E.2d 552.

42.  Village of Wilsonville  et al  v.  Earthline Corporation,
     No. 77-CH-10 (Macoupon  County Cir. Ct. August 28, 1977),

43.  Ibid.

44.  Conversation with  Fred  Prillaman, Attorney for SCA,
     Springfield, Illinois,  June 1980.

45.  Supra, note 41.

46.  Ibid.

47.  Ibid.

48.  Ibid.
                              188

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49.    Conversation with Anne Carr,  Illinois Attorney General's
      Office, May 1980.

50.    Ibid.

51.    Village of Wilsonville v.  SCA Services, Inc., Environmen-
      tal Law Reporter, 11 ELR 20698, (111. Sup. Ct.,
      May 22, 1981)

52.    Supra,  note 1,  p.310

53.    Ibid.,  p.  310.

54.    Ibid.,  p.  312.

55.    Ibid.,  p.  312.

56.    Conversation with Stuart Dobbs, Attorney for SCA,
      Springfield, Illinois, May 1980.

57.    Supra,  note 1,  p. 305.

58.    Ibid.,  p.  307.

59.    Illinois Environmental Protection Act, (1977 111. Rev.
      Stats., Chapt.  111-1.2 1001,  et seg.).

60.    Supra,  note 1,  p. 307.

61.    Supra,  note 59.

62.    Supra,  note 1,  p. 305.

63.    Conversation with Stuart Dobbs, Attorney for SCA,
      Springfield, Illinois, May 1980.

64.    Illinois Seventh Circuit Court, Macoupin County,
      Consolidated Case No. 77-CH-lO, 77-CH-13, Post-trial
      Brief of Amicus Curiae, U.S.  EPA, July 10, 1978.

65.    Ibid.

66,    Conversation with SCA Attorney Fred Prillaman,
      Springfield, Illinois, May 1980.

67.    Illinois Appellate Court, Fourth District, No. 77-CH-lO,
      Notice of Appeal, Wilsonville v. SCA, August 28,  1978,
      Sworn Affidavit of James Douglas Andrews, August  28,  1978,

68.    Ibid.,  Exhibit A.

69.    Ibid.,  Exhibit A.

                             189

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70.  Conversation with SCA Attorney, Fred Prillaman,
     Springfield, Illinois, May 1980.

7.1.  Ibid.

72.  Ibid.
                              190

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HAZARDOUS CHEMICAL WASTES STORED ILLEGALLY AT EASTERN RUBBER
COMPANY IN CHESTER, PENNSYLVANIA

Introduction

      Between 1974 and 1977 Melvin Wade,  through his tire
shredding business located along the Delaware River in eastern
Pennsylvania, illegally stored and disposed of hazardous waste
chemicals, which he obtained from ABM Disposal Services, a
waste transport company.   Wade disposed of the wastes by
emptying the drums onto the ground or into culverts that flowed
into the Delaware River.   He then resold the drums to recyclers.
Wade is believed to have received approximately 50,000 drums
of waste.

      The Pennsylvania Department of Environmental Resources
CDER) discovered the illegal disposal site in March 1977.  DER
immediately obtained a search warrant and orally ordered the
site to shut down.  DER later brought administrative action
against both Wade and ABM Disposal Services, ordering the site
be cleaned up and permanently closed.  The site was closed down
but neither ABM nor wade,  both bankrupt, took action to clean
up the site.

      In February 1978 a massive fire broke out on the property
causing many of the barrels to explode and the buildings used
to store barrels to collapse.  Exploding barrels shot off the
site, threatening nearby liquified natural gas storage tanks.
Clouds of toxic fumes forced the closing of the Commodore
Barry Bridge, a major commuter route between Philadelphia and
the suburbs of New Jersey.  Forty-five firemen were hospital-
ized for severe toxic smoke inhalation, skin rashes, and burns.

      Wade was convicted on criminal charges in August of 1980
and is currently serving a 2-5 year jail sentence.  The U.S.
Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) has filed a civil suit
against Wade; as of October 1981 the case has not gone to trial.
EPA has conducted extensive monitoring of the site to determine
the extent of the environmental contamination.  DER has begun
to clean up the site.  A complete cleanup of the site is
expected to cost $1.25 million to $3 million.

Background Information

The Location—
      The Eastern Rubber Tire Company is located on a three-
acre tract along the Delaware River in Chester, Pennsylvania,
 approximately 12 miles southeast of Philadelphia.  Its owner,
Melvin Wade, established the tire shredding company in
1970.1  The site is located in a highly industrialized area
with a natural gas storage facility located directly north of
the property and an approach to the Commodore Barry Bridge

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directly to the south.  The site's eastern border is the
Delaware River.  Residential property is located approximately
10-15 blocks west of the site, separated from it by commercial
and industrial buildings.

Waste Disposal--
     In 1974 Wade agreed to accept 55-gallon drums of waste
from ABM Disposal Service Company, a waste transporting and
disposal firm.2  The tire-shredding business had been only
marginally profitable and several storage buildings stood
empty.  ABM agreed to pay Wade approximately $1.50 for each
drum of waste that he took.3  it is unclear whether Wade
agreed to dispose of the wastes he took from ABM, or merely to
store them.  However, since there is no indication that ABM
expected to reclaim the wastes in the future, it can be as-
sumed that Wade was to dispose of the wastes.

     ABM, based in Chester, Pennsylvania, has been in the
business of transporting and disposing of waste materials
since 1970.4  The Wade site is one of several ABM used to
dispose of the wastes it hauled.5  ABM's president,
Franklin B. Tyson, has a history of state convictions for
illegal dumping going back 15 years.6  In spite of this,
companies such as General Electric, Texaco, Scott Paper, Sun
Co., Exxon, Dupont, Boeing-Vertol, and Smithkline contracted
with ABM to transport and dispose of their wastes.7  A total
of 51 corporations contracted with ABM for transport and dis-
posal of their wastes in 1977-1978.8

     ABM's transport and disposal charges were very low:  ap-
proximately $17 per drum, which is considered half the usual
cost for disposal of industrial chemicals.9  ABM's price was
so low that, according to the Philadelphia, Inquirer, "its cus-
tomers could hardly have believed that their hazardous wastes
were being legally and safely disposed of."10  ABM ap-
parently was able to undercut its competitors because the
company's only expenses were trucking the wastes a few miles
to Melvin Wade's property and the $1.50 per barrel it paid
Wade.11

     The wastes ABM delivered to Wade included inflammable,
explosive, caustic, acutely toxic, and carcinogenic sub-
stances. 12  Wade claims that at the time he received the
wastes he thought they were harmless.  Wade disposed of the
waste by dumping the barrels on the ground or into storm
sewers and culverts emptying into the Delaware River.  Wade
resold the drums he had emptied for $6 apiece to a drum
recycling firm nearby.13  ABM delivered approximately 300
drums of waste per week to the site between 1974 and 1977; the
total number of drums delivered to the site is estimated to be
more than 50,000.I4
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     The Pennsylvania Solid Waste Management Act of 1970*5
requires permits for the operation of processing and disposal
systems of solid -wastes, including industrial and agricultural
chemical residues, and makes it unlawful to dump or deposit
wastes without a permit.16  If a disposal creates a health
hazard or a public nuisance, or adversely affects the environ-
ment or economic development of an area, permits may be re-
voked.  The Wade site did not have any permits to dispose of
wastes and was therefore operating in violation of the Act.

Response—

     Discovery of the problem; immediate response--0n
March 30, 1977, the Pennsylvania Department of Environmental
Resources (DER) discovered the Wade disposal site during an
investigation of ABM Disposal Services.*•?  Prior to the
discovery of the site by DER officials, local residents had
complained to city officials about noxious odors emanating,
from Wade's property.1**  However, the city never Acted on
the complaints.

     At the time DER discovered it, the site contaified over
10,000 barrels of hazardous wastes as well as seven tanker
trucks of liquid chemicals.  The barrels were rusted and leak-
ing, creating pools of waste.  Because of its proximity to the
Delaware River, as well as to residential areas, the site
posed a severe threat to the environment and public health.
DER immediately obtained a search warrant to investigate the
site and on April 1, 1977, orally ordered the site to shut
down1^ under authority of the Pennsylvania Solid Waste
Management Act.  Wade discontinued disposal and storage opera-
tions at the site upon DERVs order and has kept it closed
since then.

     On July 1, 1977, DER followed up on its oral order of
April 1977 by issuing a formal administrative order requiring
Wade to clean up and permanently close the site,20  yiade,
however, failed to clean up the site.  In July 1977 DER also
issued an administrative order requiring ABM Disposal S-ervices
to clean up the site; however, ABM immediately filed a no-
asset bankruptcy claim and the site remained contaminated.21

     Explosion and fire—On February 2, 1978, six months after
DER issued its clean-up orders, a massive explosion of unknown
origin occurred on the Wade property.  The resulting fire
destroyed a majority of the tire shredding facility's build-
ings, forcing Wade into bankruptcy.                      -
                                                    1 '   '....'(••
     At the time of the fire  the site still contained approxi-
mately 10,000 barrels of chemicals and seven tanker trailers
filled with liquid chemicals.22  Over 5,000 of the barrels
had been stored inside the tire facility's buildings, which

                              193               '          '

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collapsed during  the  fire,  burying the wastes.   The remaining
barrels of waste,  stacked in open storage areas around the
property, either  exploded or were severely ruptured during the
fire. vFewer  than 1,000  of the 10,000  barrels remained
intact*23.

     The explosion and fire endangered a large  liquified
natural gas storage tank and ten to twenty tanks filled with
propane at an electrical plant within  200 yards of. the Wade
site.  Fortunately, the  tanks were not harmed.

     Toxic fumes  from the fire forced  the closing of the
Commodore Barry Bridge,  a major commuter route  between
Philadelphia  and  New  Jersey, which runs along the southern end
of the site.

     Forty-five firemen  were hospitalized as a  result with
injuries ranging  from severe toxic smoke inhalation to skin
rashes and minor  burns.24  The injuries were extensive be-
cause highly  caustic  chemicals damaged the firemen's protec-
tive clothing.  The firemen were unprepared for the fire be-
cause they were not aware that the site, which  they thought
was just a tire shredding facility, had been used as a storage
area for chemical waste.

     The Chester  fire department is composed of both volunteer
and paid employees.   The city paid the hospitalization costs
for the salaried  firemen, but not for  the volunteers.25  The
volunteer firemen have considered bringing a class action suit
against the City  of Chester to get compensation for their
medical expenses .26

     The aftermath of the February fire intensified the health
and environmental hazards posed by the site. Thousands of
disintegrating  and leaking  barrels that had once contained
such chemicals  as sodium copper cyanide, benzene, and phenol
covered the property.27   The chemicals formed open cesspools
on top of the soil, seeped  into underground water sources, and
caused toxic  runoffs  into the Delaware River.   Heavy metals,
such as nickel, copper,  and lead accumulated in the river
sediment as well  as unknown amounts of chemicals that were
carried downstream.28 Additional smaller fires continued to
erupt after the February fire, a result of spontaneous explo-
sions from the  mixing of highly combustible chemicals from the
leaking drums.  The smaller fire generated visible smoke and
fumes.  Among the chemicals identified is cyanide, which when
mixed with acid can produce a lethal gas.29

     Enforcement  and  cleanup—The explosion of  the Wade site
brought the problem of cleaning up the site to  the forefront
of local residents' attention.  In February 1978, in response
to the fire,  Chester  residents formed  the Wade  Dump Site

                              194

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Committee to pressure for enforcement action and cleanup of
the site.  The Committee has concentrated its efforts on three
areas of concern:  seeking compensation for volunteer firemen
that were injured in the fire,  investigating possible injuries
to residents' health, and pressuring the state to clean up the
property.30

      The Committee successfully pressed the District Attorneys
Office to bring criminal charges against Wade.  On May 9, 1979,
after a year of investigation,  Wade was charged with causing
a catastrophe, failing to prevent a catastrophe, and three
counts of illegal dumping under the Pennsylvania Clean Streams
Act.31

      Wade did not appear for a pretrial hearing on the criminal
charges in March 1980 nor for the original trial date in
April 1980.  However, in August of 1980 Wade was convicted and
in January of 1981 was sentenced to 2-5 years in jail.32

      The Wade site remained severely contaminated after the
February 1978 fire.  Preliminary tests in Januaryl979, done by
EPA, have identified over forty-five hazardous chemicals in the
open drums found on the site.33  Hazardous wastes have migrated
from the site to the Delaware River through runoff and percola-
tion through the soil. 4  Analyses of air samples taken at the
site indicate that the hazardous wastes have volatilized and
that fumes from the wastes are migrating from the site to nearby
residential and commercial areas.35

      Based on the results of these tests, EPA on April 13,1979
filed a complaint against Wade and ABM Disposal Services under
Section 7003 of the Resource Conservation and Recovery Act of
1976,36 which authorized EPA to bring suit against sites presen-
ting an "imminent and substantial endangerment to health or the
environment."  In its suit, EPA asks the court to enjoin Wade
and ABM from using the site for waste disposal, and to order
the defendants to clean up the site.  As of October 1981 a trial
date for the suit still has not been set.

      The site was unfenced and freely accessible after the
February 1978 fire.  Children played on the site, residents
collected empty barrels for trash containers, and scavengers
used cutting torches to remove pieces of the burned-out build-
ings.  Concerned citizens began pressuring city officials to
erect a fence around the property, but the city said no money
was available for such a project.  Finally, in July 1979, a
year and a half after the fire, DER erected a fence around the
property.37

      DER however started to clean up the site even before
EPA's suit to force cleanup has been resolved, because it


                              195

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feels that the wastes on the site are too hazardous to remain
there.  DER retained a consulting firm in August 1979 to de-
velop a comprehensive plan for cleanup of the Wade site. 38
The plan includes three phases:  identification and removal of
intact drums; hydrogeological testing of soil and river sedi-
ment; and removal of contaminated soil or alternative measures
to prevent further chemical runoff into the Delaware River.39
In February 1980 Rollins Environmental Services began the first
phase of cleanup operations by identifying and removing intact
drums of waste from the site.40  Problems such as the discovery
of drums filled with PCBs which required special handling as
well as collapsed buildings in which the wastes were stored
added to the difficulty of preliminary cleanup efforts.   The
wastes removed from the site have been transported ten miles
away to an approved disposal facility owned by Rollins in
Bridgeport, New Jersey.41

      DER payed for the preliminary cleanup, at an estimated
cost of $650,000, with Clean Water Fund monies, financed by
fines imposed on polluters.  It estimates that  the ultimate
cost of disposing of the drums that are on the site may be
$1,200 per barrel.42  Proper disposal of the waste at the outset
would have cost $50 to $100 per barrel.43  DER does not believe
that it can recover from Wade or ABM the cost of the cleanup
becuase both are bankrupt.  However, DER plans to file suit to
place a lien on Wade's remaining property.44

      The second phase of the cleanup involves a series of
hydrogeological tests in order to evaluate the degree of con-
tamination and the potential pollution of the soil, groundwater,
and the Delaware River.  DER, whose available funds were
exhaused in the first phase of the cleanup, has secured EPA
funding for the study.45

      The full extent of contamination has not yet been deter-
mined, but EPA's preliminary tests have detected over fifty
chemicals in samples taken from topsoil, as well as substan-
tial concentrations of heavy metals in river-bottom sediment.46
Until the study is complete, EPA can only speculate on the
alternatives available for the ultimate decontamination of the
site and the Delaware River.

      Among alternatives under consideration for decontami-
nating the site is removing all topsoil.  This alternative is.
the most costly, and a major problem with it would be the
hazard to surrounding residents and workers that would be
created from stirring up dust contaminated with toxic chemi-
cals during the cleanup.  Other measures available include
installing a "berm" on top of the soil along the river bank in
order to prevent surface water runoff, or a "grout curtain,"
                               196

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an impermeable shield installed underground, to prevent
further groundwater contaminaton."47

     However, if contamination is severe, the only effective
alternative may be the complete removal of soil.  These
measures would prevent further contamination of the Delaware
River.  However, if EPA's study reveals extensive sediment
contamination, dredging the Delaware River may be necessary as
well.  The total cost of these measures for a comprehensive
cleanup, including cleanup of the site and the river, have
been estimated to be from $1.25 million to $3 million.48

Costs

Private Costs of Waste Disposal—

  .,..  Actual cost of illegal disposal—The private costs of
illegal disposal of hazardous wastes on the Wade site are com-
pared to what would have been the costs of proper disposal.
The private costs include the market transactions between the
waste generators and ABM Disposal Services for the transporta-
tion of the chemical wastes, and secondly, the agreement
between ABM and Eastern Rubber Company, for the storage and
disposal of the wastes.

     ABM Disposal Services charges approximately $17 per
55-gallon drum to transport and dispose of the generator's
chemical and highly toxic wastes.49  The $17 figure is about
half of what industry experts say is the usual cost for the
safe disposal of the wastes.50

     ABM, in an agreement with Melvin Wade, owner of Eastern
Rubber Company, paid Wade $1.50 per 55-gallon drum to accept
the chemical wastes.^1  ABM's profit for hauling the wastes
to an illegal site thus was roughly fifteen dollars per
SS-xjallon drum.  Wade, in turn, emptied several thousand of
the 55-vjailoti. drums by spilling their contents on the ground
and then resold the drums for approximately $6.00 each to a
drum .r.eprbcessing company nearby.52

     Comparative cost of proper disposal—Proper disposal of
the hazardous wastes on the Wade site would have cost approxi-
mately $35 to $50 per 55-gallon drura.53  This estimate is
based on the average waste disposal charges of legally per-
mitted disposal facilities located in the vicinity of the site.

Social Costs of Illegal Disposal--
     The social costs resulting from the illegal disposal of
hazardous wastes on the Wade site include damage to natural
resources, human health, and property.
                              197

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      Natural resource damage—The Wade site is severely con-
taminated with the hazardous chemical wastes that were stored
and disposed of there.

      Analyses of wastewater samples .taken from storm sewers on
the' Wade site indicate that the wastes have migrated into the
Delaware River.  Preliminary test results have fund substantial
concentrations of heavy metals in the Delaware River, including
chromium, nickel, copper, and lead.54  Because the site is near
the Delaware River and has a high-water table, wastes can be
expected to continue to migrate from the site into groundwater
wources and into the Delaware R:.ver via surface runoff and
unde::«rround percolation, 55  Air samples taken at the site in-
dicate that fumes from volatilized hazardous wastes are present
over the site, and that the fumes have migrated to nearby
residential and commercial areas.56

      To fully assess natural resources damage, DER, in con-
junction with EPA'S National Environmental Investigation Team
(NEIS), began testing the air, water, and soil at the site in
July i.979-."- DER has secured funding from EPA under Section 311
of the Federal Water Pollution Control Act to study the extent
of chemical contamination in the Delaware River.58

      Property damage—Wade claims his property would be worth
up to $4 million after cleanup, but the most prospective buyers
have offered for it in its present condition is $750,000.59
Residential property values have decreased in the area
surrounding the Wade site, but the extent of devaluations has
not been estimated.  Local residents within a fifteen-block
area adjacent to the site are concerned that due to noxious
fumes and the potential soil and water contamination they will
be unable to sell their homes.60

      Health effects—The wastes present at the Wade site are
acutely toxic, mutagenic, and carcinogenic, affect the nervous
system, and bioaccumulate.61  They present a severe potential
threat to human health both individually and through possible
synergies.

      Acute health effects were suffered by the firemen who
fought the blaze that consumed the site in February 1978.
Forty-five firemen were hospitalized as a result of the fire.
The health injuries reported were severe smoke inhalation of
toxic fumes, and minor skin rashes and burns.62  Many fire-
men were burned by the highly acidic and corrosive chemicals
which ate holes through their clothing.  The firemen were un-
prepared for the fire because they were not aware that the
rubber plant's facilities had been used as a storage area for
chemical waste.  The City of Chester has paid the hospital!za-
tion costs of salaried firemen,63 but the volunteer firemen
                              198

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who were injured have  not  recovered  the costs of their injuries.

      People living near the  site  have complained about diffi-
culty in breathing, burning eyes,  coughs,  skin rashes, and
nausea.  The Center for Disease  Control in Atlanta is currently
working with the Wade  Dump Site  Committee  to gather information
on the health effects.64   The Committee is taking a door-to-door
survey of a fifteen-block  area surrounding the site.

      Because many of  the  wastes present at the site exert slow
working and insidious  health  effects,  latent damage to the
health of area residents is a real possibility.

      Enforcement and  Litigation Costs—The public litigation
costs at the present time  include  the  pre-trial expenses in the
U.S. EPA's civil action suit  against Wade  and ABM, as well as
Delaware County's criminal action  against  Wade.  The cost
figures are limited to man-hours invested  in the cases as of
June 1980.

      As of October 1981 EPA's action  against Wade has not gone
to trial, fully three  years after  initial  involvement with the
site.65  EPA's Region  III  Office,  having primary responsibility
in the action against  Wade, had, by  1980,  invested approximately
one-and-a quarter man  years of effort, with forty percent of
this in attorneys' time alone. 66  in addition, EPA headquarters,
Department of Justice, and the Pennsylvania Attorney General had
spent approximately one-tenth of a man year on the Wade Case. 67

      Delaware County's criminal action against Wade, initiated
in February of 1978, consumed approximately one-half of a man
year's effort in attorneys' time,  as well  as an additional one-
quarter of a man year  in investigative work before the case
went to trial in August of 1980.

      Cleanup costs—The EPA's study cf the contamination of the
Delaware is expected to cost  between $150,000 and $225,000, paid
for through Section 311 funding  of the Clean Water Act.69 DER
which spent $650,000 on initial  remedial actions, has exhaused
its fund.  A complete  cleanup of the site, however, will cost
from $1.25 million to  $3 million.70  Additional remedial action
money for PCB cleanup  may  be  provided  under Superfund; as of
October 21, 1981 EPA's decision  to provide Superfund money is
still pending. 71  DER  estimates  that the ultimate cost of
disposing of the drums on  site may be  $1,200 dollars per barrel.
The original costs of  disposal at  an approved site would have
been $50 to $100 per barrel.72
                             199

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Cost Redistribution—
     EPA's suit against Wade and ABM asks the court to order
the two defendants to clean up the site to EPA's satisfac-
tion.  This would shift the cost of cleanup from the govern-
ment to the parties that contaminated the site.   However,
because both Wade and ABM have declared bankruptcy, their
ability to pay for a cleanup seems doubtful.   In fact, DER
does not expect to be able to recover from Wade  or ABM the
$650,000 it is spending on a preliminary cleanup, although it
plans to place a lien on Wade's remaining assets.73

     The volunteer firemen who were hospitalized as a result
of the fire at the site are considering suing the City of
Chester to gain compensation for their medical expenses.   This
would shift the cost to the city, but not to  the parties
ultimately responsible for the firemen's injuries, i.e., ABM
and Wade.

     So far no residents in the vicinity of the  Wade site  have
brought suit for compensation for possible health effects  or
loss of property value.

Footnotes

 1.  Ben. A. Franklin, "Cleaning Up Toxic Wastes," New York
     Times, April 22, 1979.

 2.  Ibid.

 3.  Ibid.

 4.  Nordland and Friedman, "Poison at Our Door  Step Series,"
     Philadelphia Inquirer, September 24, 1979.
 9.  Ibid.
12.  EPA v. Wade, No. 79-1426 (E.D.  Pa.,  March 30,  1979)
     amended complaint.
                             200

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13.  Ben. A Franklin, "Cleaning Up Toxic Wastes," New York
     Times, April 22, 1979.
14.  Memorandum of Points and Authorities,  EPA v. Wade (E.D.
     Pa. April 13, 1979).
15.  Pennsylvania Solid Waste Management Act, S§7, 9, 1968 Pa.
     Laws, as amended 1972.
16.  Ibid.
17.  Supra, note 13.
18.  Conversation with Gene  Hains, Director, Wade Dump Site
     Committee, May 1980.
19.  Supra, note 13.
20.  Conversation with Keith Welks, Attorney, Pennsylvania
     DER, May 1980.
21.  Supra, note 4.                               - '•'-. >
22.  Wade Dump Site Committee, Report on Wade Site Fire, 1979.*
23.  Ibid.
24.  Ibid.
25.  Supra, note 18.
26.  Ibid.
27.  Supra, note 12.
28.  Ibid.
29.  Dixon and Beldon, "Cancer Peril Found at Dump,*
     Philadelphia Inquirer,  February 8, 1980.
30.  Supra, note 18.
31.  Conversation with John Crane, Attorney, Delaware County,
     May 1980.
32.  Conversation with Keith Welks, Attorney Generals Offide,
     October 21, 1981.
33.  Supra, note 12.
34.  Ibid.
3-5.  Ibid.                                  ..,,.-•'.-...
                             201                     -......•••

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36.  Memorandum of Points and Authorities, U.S. EPA v. Wade,
     No. 79-1426 (E.D.  Pa.,  April  13,  1979).  Resource
     Conservation and Recovery Act of  1976, as amended, 42
     U.S.C. §6973.

37.  Conversation with Gene  Mains,  Wade Dump Site Committee,
     May 1980.

38.  Conversation with Keith Welks, Attorney, Pennsylvania
     DER, May 1980.

39.  "Contract for 'Wade Dump1 Cleanup Effort," Delaware   /•
     County Times, March 27, 1980.

40.  Ibid.

41.  Supra, note 20.

42.  Supra, note 20.

43.  Supra, note 4.

44.  Supra, note 20.

45.  Supra, note 20.

46.  Supra, note 12.

47.  Conversation with Joe Donevon, EPA Region III, Attorney,
     July 15, 1980.

48.

49.

50.

51.  Ibid.

52.  Ibid.

53.  Ibid.

54.

55.

56.

57.  Conversation with Joe Donevon, Attorney, EPA Region  III,
     May 1980.


                              202

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58.  Supra, note 20.

59.  Gail Becker,  "Dump Owner Freed," The Bulletin, Chester-,
     Pennsylvania,  December  27,  1979.

60.  Conversation with  Gene  Hains, Wade Dump Site Committee,
     June 1980.

61.  Harry Hartland,  "Wade Dump  Called Worst in Five States,"
     Delaware County  Daily Times, December  21, 1979.

62.  Supra, note 4.

63.  Conversation with  Gene  Hains, Wade Dump Site Committee,
     June 1980.

64 „  Phillip Dixon, "Evidence  'Soft1  at Dump Site," Delaware
     County Daily Times, January 15,  1980.

65.  Conversation with  Joe Donevon, U.S. EPA Region III,
     Attorney, June 1980.

66.  Ibid.

67.  Ibid.

68.  Conversation with  John  Drane, Attorney for Delaware
     County, Pennsylvania, June  1980.

69.  Conversation with  Keith Welks, Pennsylvania DER,
     Attorney, June 1980.

70.  Ibid.
71,  Conversation with Keith Welks, Attorney  Generals  Office,
     October 21, 1981.

72.  Ibid.

73.  Ibid.
                             203

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PCB DUMPING IN NORTH CAROLINA

Introduction

     In late July and early August,  1978,  Robert Burns and his
two sons secretly dumped approximately 30,000 gallons of
transformer oil containing PCBs,  a highly  toxic and persistent
chemical, along the shoulders of  211 miles of roads in North
Carolina.  Burns had obtained the transformer oil from the
Ward Transformer Company of Raleigh, North Carolina.  Federal
regulations issued in the spring  of  1978 permitted PCB oil to
be disposed of only in incinerators, but since no approved
incinerators were in operation in August  1978, the oil could
only be stored.

     The state of North Carolina  has covered the PCB-contami-
nated soil with activated carbon  and asphalt.  After studying
methods of both treating the contaminated  soil on site and
removing the soil for disposal elsewhere,  the state has pro-
posed to remove the soil and dispose of it in specially con-
structed landfill in Warren County,  North  Carolina.  A court
restraining order has thus far prevented the state from carry-
ing out this proposal.

     Damage from the dumping includes possible latent health
effects from PCBs, which are suspected of  carcinogenic, muta-
genic, teratogenic, and behavioral effects and loss of crops
growing near the contamination.

Background Information

The Location—
     Burns and his sons dumped PCB oil along 211 miles of road
shoulders in fourteen North Carolina counties, mostly in rural
areas.  (See Figure B-3.)l

Waste Disposal—
     Discovery—In the last week  of  June,  1978, a mixture of
liquid chemicals, later identified as PCB  liquids, was dis-
charged along remote roads within the Fort Bragg Military
Reservation.  Fort Bragg personnel investigated the discharge
and took samples of the contaminated soil,  but apparently the
samples were not analyzed and no  further action was taken.2

     In late July 1978, private citizens reported a similar dis-
charge to the North Carolina Highway Patrol.   This discharge
had occurred on July 27 and 29, 1978 along the shoulders of
North Carolina Route 28 north of  the Town  of Centerville in
Warren County, North Carolina.  The  Highway Patrol notified
the state Division of Health Services, who in turn notified
the Water Quality Program of the  Department of Natural


                              204

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                                       LOCATION  MAP      !
                                      HIIIHIPCB SPILLS
Figure B-3.   Location of PCB Spills  in North Carolina
                        205
                                                                    --4

-------
Resources and Community Development (DNRCD).   Personnel from
the Raleigh field office of the Water Quality Program on
July 31 investigated the discharge as if it were an oil
spill.  Since they, could find no oil ponded or evidence of oil
in surface waters, the investigators returned to their offices
without taking further action.'

     On August 2, 1978, a farmer in Johnston County complained
to the Water Quality Operations Branch of the Division of
Environmental Management that vapors from a spill on North
Carolina Route 210 in front ,of his farm were giving his
workers headaches and nausea.  The Division sent a chemist to
the scene to investigate the spill.  The chemist took samples
of grass, soil and water from the site for analysis.  On his
way home from work that day, the same chemist encountered a
similar spill along state Route 1004 near Snow Hill in
Alamance, and took soil samples of that spill as well.4

     By August 4, 1978, the DNRCD reported that it had iden-
tified the material discharged along the road in Johnston
County as Aroclor-1260, a preparation of polychlorinated
biphenyls (PCBs).5

     As soon as this identification was made, the DNRCD noti-
fied the emergency response branch of the regional office of
the Environmental Protection Agency, the North Carolina
Attorney General and the North Carolina Department of Crime
Control and Public Safety.  Law enforcement officials through-
out the state were notified of the spills by means of the
Police Information Network, and news of the spills was re-
leased to the press.*>

     Extent of spill--As the spills and the identification of
PCBs were publicized, reports of additional spills came in
from highway patrol officers, highway maintenance personnel,
and private citizens.  Gradually the extent of the pollution
became clear.  Although there were some spills in June and
July, most of the spills took place on the nights of August 1,
2 and 3, 1978; additional spills may have occurred on the
nights of August 5 and 8, 1978.7  Altogether, 211 miles of
road shoulders in fourteen counties were contaminated with the
PCB oil.8  For the most part, the contaminated roads are in
rural areas.  Approximately 30,000 to 35,000  gallons of PCB
oil were discharged along the roads, contaminating roughly
40,000 cubic yards of soil.9  The strip of contaminated soil
is approximately four inches wide.  Samples of contaminated
soil were found to have PCBs in concentrations ranging from
6.5 to 7.5 milligrams of PCB per gram of soil.10
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Response--

     Protection of public health--As soon as PCBs were iden-
tifled in the discharged oil,tEe DNRCD notified the emergency
response branch of the regional office of the Environmental
Protection Agency, the North Carolina Attorney General, and
the state Department of Crime Control and Public Safety.  Law
enforcement officials throughout the state were notified of
the spills by means of the Police Information Network, and
news of the spills was released to the press.

     On August 5, officials from the Water Quality Operations
Branch met with persons living along some of the affected
roads.  At the request of some of the residents along North
Carolina Route 210, the state Department of Transportation on
August 5 and 6 covered the spill along that road with a layer
of sand to suppress the odors given off by the discharged
liquid.^1  These odors were from the chlorinated benzene
solvents that were in the PCB mixture, and not from the PCBs
themselves.12

     On August 15, the governor of North Carolina requested
the President of the United States to declare the affected
counties a disaster area in order to qualify for federal aid.
The governor also asked the federal government for aid from
the Federal Highway Emergency Assistance Fund.  Both these
requests for federal aid were denied.^3

     The Division of Health Services within the Department of
Human Services first briefed local health directors on the PCB
spills and then, as the public demanded more information,
issued a notice August 16, 1978 on the health effects of the
spill.  In this notice the Department advised people to avoid
contaminated areas, and not to eat produce from nor graze
cattle on those areas.  Nonetheless, the Department stressed
that the PCB contamination posed no health threat.  The
Department on August 18 also took blood samples from residents
exposed to particularly high levels of PCBs.  The tests did
not detect higher than normal levels of PCBs in these per-
sons. 14

     The state Department of Agriculture in mid-August found
some sampled crops from fields along the spill routes had be-
come contaminated with PCB-tainted dust.  As a result of this,
the Department on August 25, 1978 issued an advisory warning
against human consumption of crops grown within 100 yards of
the contamination.  It also cautioned farmers not to use pas-
turage growing within 100 yards of the contamination to feed
livestock intended for human consumption, and urged that the
first four to five rows of feed corn growing along the con-
taminated roads be plowed under.  Agricultural extension
agents delivered this advisory in person to people living

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along the contaminated roads.  The Department issued a second
advisory August 29, repeating the warning of the first advisory,
and asking that gardens within 100 yards of the contamination
be plowed under; many persons are reported to have done so.15

     After conducting further tests, the Department of Agricul-
ture issued a third notice September 14, 1978, advising the
public that consumption of garden produce grown near the spills
would present no unreasonable risk to health provided the
produce was peeled or well washed.  The Department sill advised
farmers not to graze dairy or beef cattle within one hundred
yards of the spills since those animals would concentrate PCBs
in their milk and flesh.16

     To prevent the spilled PCBs becoming more widely dispersed
in the environment, the state Department of Transportation on
August 28 began to cover the PCB-contaminated soil with a 10%
solution of activated carbon.  The carbon was intended to
absorb and bind the PCBs.  A coating of liquid asphalt was
then applied on top of the carbon solution to prevent erosion,-1-'
As of October 1980, the PCB -contaminated soil remains along
the 211 miles of roadway shoulder, covered with carbon and
asphalt.

     Enforcement—After a large-scale investigation involving
North Carolina, EPA and New York State officials, a North
Carolina grand jury August 28, 1978 charged Robert Burns and
his sons Randall and Timothy Burns with operating the tank     0
truck that sprayed the PCB oil along the North Carolina roads.
Robert Burns is the owner of Transformer Sales Co. of Allegheny,
New York, a small company that salvages, transports, stores,
and resells PCB oil from transformers.1'

     He and his sons were identified by eyewitnesses who had
helped the Burnses one night when the truck they were using for
dumping ran off the road and had to be towed.

     Burns said that he had obtained the PCB oil from the Ward
Transformer Company in Raleigh, North Carolina with the under-
standing that the would dump the oil in the manner that he did.
The Ward Transormer Company, on the other hand, maintains they
paid Burns to take the oil with the understanding that he
would store it at his facility in New York and recycle it.

     Because at the time there was no one state law specif-
ically prohibiting the dumping of toxic substances, the
Burnses were indicted under a variety of laws:  they were
charged with two counts of felonious damage to public property
(i.e., the shoulders of state roads, which the state owns or
                              208

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for which the state holds the right-of-way) ,  felonious con-
spiracy to damage public property, felonious  criminal nuisance,
two counts of misdemeanor injury to growing plants,  and mis-
demeanor operation of a disposal system without a permit. The
indictment covered only dumping in Halifax County.  That county
was chosen for charging the Burnses because eyewitnesses had
seen the Burnses duaping there.20

     At the federal level, disposal of PCBs is regulated by the
Toxic Substances Control Act, 21 which provides for civil
penalties of up to $25,000 per day and criminal penalties of
up to $25,000 per day and imprisonment for up to one year for
violation of the disposal regulations. 22   in  January 1979, a
federal grand jury returned an indictment against the Burnses
charging them with violating the Toxic Substances Control Act,

     In a plea bargaining arrangement, the Burnses eventually
pled guilty to reduced charges in both the state and federal
cases in return for testifying against two persons at the Ward
Transformer Company who are suspected of  complicity in the
dumping , Robert Ward, Jr. and Robert Ward III.  Robert Burns
received prison sentences of three to five years in the State
case and one and one-half years in the federal case; both lie
and his sons received probationary sentences  in the state and
federal courts. 23
     Robert Ward, Jr. runs the Ward Transformer Company of
Raleigh, North Carolina, which supplied the PCS oil to the
Burnses for disposal.  The Ward Transformer Comapny is a
closely-held family corporation that buys, sells and rebuilds
surplus electric transformers and manufactures dry transformers
and switching gear. The company, which has been in business
approximately fifty years, has annual sales of roughly $5
million and employs 110 persons. 24
     On January 22, 1979, a North Carolina grand jury indicated
the Wards on two counts of serving as accessories before the
fact and one count of conspiracy in connection with the dump-
ing. 25, A federal grand jury indicted the Wards for violating
the PCB disposal retirements of the Toxic Substances Control
       ' '                     ''''''           '           '"'
     The Wards have been tried on  the state's charges.  The
elder Wards has been acquitted and charges against the younger
Ward were dropped. 26  in the federal  case Ward was convicted
and sentenced to two and one-half  years in prison, a five year
probation term, and a $200,000 penalty. 27
     Although the culprits were  apprehended in this case, the
probability at that time that a  person dumping PCBs would be
caught may not have been too great.   In August 1978 there was
no law in North Carolina specifically banning the dumping of
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toxic wastes, and in the absence of law, there were no en-
forcement officials other than peace officers to catch persons
like the Burnses dumping wastes.

     Under federal law, the Toxic Substances Control Act pro-
hibited such dumping but the regional EPA office charged with
enforcing the Toxic Substances Control Act was not fully
staffed in August 1978.  At that time there were only two
field personnel to enforce the Act within the entire region,
and enforcement guidelines to direct these personnel had not
yet been devised.2^

     To close the gap in the .legal framework that prevented
state prosecutors from charging the Burnses under one specific
law, North Carolina has enacted a statute making it a felony
to dump toxic substances, punishable by a fine of up to
$100,000 per day or imprisonment.29

     Cleanup—Covering the PCB spills-with activated carbon
and asphalt was only a temporary solution intended to immobil-
ize the PCBs until a permanent means of cleaning up the con-
tamination could be devised.  The state, which has assumed
responsibility for the cleanup, had two alternatives for a
permanent solution available to it:  it could attempt to treat
the contamination where it lay on the shoulders (in situ
treatment) or it could remove the contaminated soil for dis-
posal elsewhere.  If the second alternative were chosen, the
soil could be disposed of at the nearest existing EPA-approved
PCB landfill, which is in Alabama; incinerated; or disposed of
in a landfill constructed in North Carolina especially for
this contaminated soil.

     Removal of contamination—The state initially chose to
remove the contaminated soil, and it developed a method for
doing so.  The shoulders with PCB contamination would be
thoroughly wetted down, the contaminated, soil would be
trenched out and fed into waiting trucks, and then the
shoulders would be reshaped and seeded.  The state tested this
method on October 5, 1978 along one mile of PCB-contaminated
North Carolina Route 58 in Warren County.  Tests showed that
the removal did not significantly increase ambient levels of
PCB in the air and did not expose the workers conducting the
removal to the PCBs.30  The state had to overcome local
opposition before it could test the removal method.  The
Warrentdn Town Board objected to the test because the state
planned to store the soil removed during the test in a highway
maintenance shop yard near the town's water supply.  The town
obtained a restraining order prohibiting storage of the soil
in the maintenance yard on September 21, 1978, just before the
test was originally scheduled to be conducted.  The, state
secured a more remote, privately-owned site for storing the
removed soil and the test then was carried out.31-

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     Disposing of the soil that would be removed by a full-
scale removal operation was the next hurdle to be overcome.
Incineration of the soil was rejected because thus far there
are no EPA-approved PCB incinerators, and because given the
volume of soil to be disposed of,  incineration would be too
costly.  Disposal of the soil in the existing EPA-approved PCB
landfill in Alabama was also rejected.   It was estimated that
using the landfill would cost $12  million, largely because of
the expense of transporting the contaminated soil, and this
was considered prohibitive.32  it  is also an open question
whether the state of Alabama would have accepted so much
hazardous waste from another state.

     Problems in siting a disposal facility—Having rejected
these two alternatives for disposing of the contaminated soil,
the state began to look for a suitable landfill site in North
Carolina.  After considering over  100 sites,33 the state
settled on a site in Chatham Couunty, and on November 21, 1978
the Chatham County Board of Commissioners voted to sell the
state six acres of land in the county landfill for construc-
tion of a permanent disposal facility for the contaminated
soil.  Public opinion in Chatham County was strongly opposed
to this plan, however.  Because of the opposition, on
December 15, 1978, the state withdrew its offer to purchase
the land, and on December 18, 1978,  the County Commissioners
reversed themselves and voted not  to sell the land to the
state.34

     The state next turned to a site in Warren County (see
Figure B-4).  The site was privately owned and its owners were
willing to sell it to the state.  The state applied to EPA on
December 12, 1978 for the necessary permit and asked EPA to
waive four requirements contained  in EPA's regulations for
chemical waste landfills, namely,  that it be permitted not to
use an artificial liner within the landfill, that the distance
between the bottom of the landfill and the seasonal high
groundwater table be ten rather than fifty feet, that it not
be required to analyze groundwater for chlorinated hydro-
carbons, and that it not be required to install a leachate
collection system.35

     Because the land at the Warren County site was privately
owned, approval from County officials was not necessary as it
was in Chatham County.  However, on January 2, 1979, the
Warren County Board of Commissioners passed a resolution
objecting to locating a permanent  PCB disposal site within the
county.36  warren County residents and state environmental
organizations expressed their strong opposition to the pro-
posed landfill, singling out for particular attention the
requested waivers of EPA's chemical landfill regulations,
which they felt would make the landfill more hazardous.  The
Board of Commissioners of neighboring Vance County entered the

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fight, resolving on April 2, 1979 that it "opposed and
strongly objected to" PCB disposal in Warren County or any of
four other nearby counties.37  However, the state continued
with its plans, and on June 4, 1979 received a permit from EPA
for the proposed Warren County landfill.   EPA granted three of
the requested waivers, but denied the request for a waiver of
the leachate collection system requirement.38

     Because of the opposition aroused by the two efforts to
site a landfill for the contaminated soil, the state in early
1979 began to explore other alternatives.  The state re-
considered in situ treatment of the contamination, and in
February 1979 tested an in situ method proposed by Dr.
Jerome B. Weber of North Carolina State University.  On the
theory that the activated carbon had immobilized the PCBs, Dr.
Weber proposed to till fertilizer and lime into the contami-
nated shoulders and then plant them with grass.  The grass
would be monitored to ensure that it was not taking up the
carbon-fixed PCBs.  Eventually, Weber believed, microorganims
would break down the PCBs.  The state tests indicated that
this treatment method would be effective, and the governor
threw his support behind it.  EPA also conducted tests, how-
ever, and these tests found that the PCBs were still bioavail-
able even though they were bound in the activated carbon.  As
a result, on June 4, 1979, EPA denied the state's request for
the waiver of regulations that would have been necessary to
carry out the in situ method.39

     After this setback, the state considered using multiple
disposal sites because of continuing strong opposition to
using the Warren County site.  Since residents in a given
county could be expected to oppose having their county serve
as the disposal site for PCB-contaminated soil from other
counties, the state proposed to dispose each county's con-
taminated soil in its own county landfill.  However, some of
the fourteen county landfills that would be used in this plan
are geologically or hydrologically unsuitable for PCB dis-
posal.  Of the fourteen counties, less than one-third approved
the plan; the remainder either opposed the plan or tem-
porized.^^

     Since neither the in situ nor multiple site approaches
seemed feasible, the state returned to its plan of disposing
of all the contaminated soil in a specially-constructed land-
fill in Warren County.  This plan, however, soon ran into
legal roadblocks.

     On August 16, 1979, Warren County sued the state of North
Carolina and the owners of the land on which the landfill
would be situated, seeking to prevent the state from purchas-
ing the tract of land on grounds that the landfill would con-
stitute a public nuisance, that it would be in violation of

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federal regulations, and that an Environmental Impact State-
ment should have been filed under state law.4^  That same
day the court issued a temporary restraining order forbidding
the sale of the tract to the state.42

     On August 21, 1979, the Warren County Board of Commis-
sioners passed a resolution prohibiting the storage or dis-
posal of PCBs or materials contaminated with PCBs within the
boundaries of Warren County.43  Warren County amended its
complaint twice, first on August 22, 1979 to add as a cause of
action the enforcement of the August 21 resolution, and then
on September 14, 1979, to add the Regional Administrator of
EPA as a defendant, charging that EPA should have filed an
Environmental Impact Statement regarding the approval of the
disposal site.

     On September 6,1979, the court issued a preliminary
injunction prohibiting,the state from clearing or grading the
Warren County site and from storing or disposing of PCBs at
the site.44  The state,  however, was not enjoined from buy-
ing the tract of land on which the landfill would be con-
structed, and it subsequently bought the land.

     On September 22, 1979, owners of land adjacent to the
Warren County site, Henry F. and William Twitty and Jean
Adams, also filed suit against the state, seeking an injunc-
tion against dumping PCBs at the site.  The landowners brought
suit under the same causes of action as did Warren County, and
in addition claimed that use of the site as a PCB dump would
deprive them of their property without compensation and due
process of law.45

     EPA, on September 28, 1S.79, successfully petitioned the
U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of North Carolina
to remove the case to its jurisdiction.  After the landowners
on November 18, 1979 amended their complaint to include the
Regional EPA Administrator as a defendant, EPA on January 21,
19&0 successfully petitioned to have that case removed to
federal court as well.  The two cases will be combined for
trial.  A trial date has not been .set.

     Warren County residents are opposed to having the PCB
landfill constructed in their county for several reasons.
First, of course, is the natural fear of having hazardous
materials stored nearby.  Besides that, residents feel that
the waivers of EPA's regulations will make the landfill more
hazardous.  Residents also suspect that the state plans to use
the site for disposal of other hazardous wastes after the
PCB-contaminated soil has been disposed of.  In support of
this theory, they point out that the state has purchased a
142-acre tract, when only 16 to 20 acres would be necessary
                             213

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for the PCB landfill alone. Warren County  is  poor,  and resi-
dents fear that the landfill will scare  off new industries,
especially the food processing  industry, that might otherwise
be inducted to locate in  the county.   There is some sentiment
that Warren County was chosen as the  site  for the landfill
because it lacks effective representation.  The county is of
course represented in the state legislature and in  Congress,
but none of the legislators representing the  county are resi-
dents of the county. **>

     The state's plans to dispose of  the soil contaminated with
PCBs in Warren County have been blocked  by a  1978 restraining
order still in effect as  of October 1981.  The contaminated
soil remains along the roadsides.

     Private litigation—On July 7, 1980,  a person  living
along one of the spill routes,  T. Mitchell Langdon, brought a
class action suit against numerous North Carolina state of-
ficials, EPA officials, the Burnses,  Robert E.  Ward, Jr., and
the Ward Transformer Company.^7 Langdon asked the  court to
order the defendants to collect and remove the soil along the
spill routes that is contaminated with PCBs.   He is also
seeking up to $10 billion in damages  from  the defendants for
himself and for the class of people who  own property along the
spill routes, live along  the spill routes, or travel on them.

Costs

Private Acosts of Disposal—

     Actual cost of illegal disposal—According to  the state,
the Ward Transformer Company paid the Burnses approximately
$1.70 per gallon to dispose of  the PCB oil, with the agreement
that 70 cents per gallon  would  be returned to Ward  Transformer
as a cash kick-back.  The kick-back presumably was  arranged to
evade taxes.48  other than the  cost of acquiring and operating
a 750-gallon tank track,  there  were no direct private costs
associated with illegally dumping the PCB  oil along the road-
sides.

     Comparative cost of  proper disposal—The appearance of
new EPA regulations 49 on disposal of PCBs shortly before the
North Carolina dumping took place severely restricted the
range of alternatives available to a  firm  like the  Ward
Transformer Company that  wished to get rid of PCB oil.  These
regulations, which took effect  Aptil  18, 1978,  require that
liquid PCB mixtures, such as the ones removed from  the Wards'
be disposed of by incineration  in an  EPA-approved incinerator.
In August 1978, there was no such approved incinerator in
existence, meaning that PCB oil could not  be  disposed of, but
could only be stored.50


                             214

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     A rough idea of the comparative costs of storing PCB oil
in compliance with the EPA regulations can be gained from
price information supplied by Holley Electric Corporation, a
PCB oil storage facility in Jessup,  Georgia.   Holley charges
roughly $12 per drum of oil per month of storage,  the equiv-
alent of $0.22 per gallon per month.  Transportation to the
storage facility is not included;  Holley charges $2.44 per
loaded mile to transport PCB oil;  a  load consists of approxi-
mately 80 barrels.51

     Although there still are no approved PCB incinerators, an
incinerator run by Rollins Environmental Services of Deer
Park, Texas appears to be close to receiving  EPA approval.
Rollins expects to charge roughly $3 to $4 per gallon to in-
cinerate PCB oil.52

Social Costs of Illegal Disposal--

     Natural resource damage—The North Carolina Wildlife
Resources Commission detected up to  12 ppm PCBs in mourning
doves collected from areas contaminated with  PCB oil; up to
0.92 ppm of PCBs were found in a control group of mourning
doves taken from a county where no PCBs had been,dumped.  Up
to 4.8 ppm PCBs were found in rabbits taken near the PCB
spills; no PCBs were detected in controls.53

     The U.S. Food and Drug Administration has set no toler-
ances for PCBs in game.  The closest tolerance is that for
poultry; it allows 3.0 ppm PCB in poultry fat.  The Wildlife
Resources Commission tested for PCBs on a wet weight basis.
The Commission attempted to convert  their measurements to a
fat basis; in doing so, they found that doves were contami-
nated with up to 480 ppm of PCBs, or 160 times the FDA toler-
ance for PCBs in poultry.54

     However, Dr. Renate Kimbrough of the Center for Disease
Control believes that the Commission improperly analyzed the
data.  She feels that people eating  game having the detected
levels of PCB contamination would not exceed  the FDA's safe
daily intake standard for PCB.  She  also feels that the Com-
mission did not analyze enough control specimens to determine
what the "background" level of PCB contamination is.55

     Property damage-—Some garden and agricultural produce was
destroyed or not harvested as a result of the PCB spills..
North Carolina officials have not estimated the extent of the
damages or monetized them, but note  that damages were limited
to garden produce, some commercial vegetable production, and
some corn grown for silage.  There was no loss in milk pro-
duction.
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     The milk of dairy cattle grazing near contaminated areas
was found in August 1978 to be contaminated with PCBs in con-
centrations as high as 0.214 parts per million (ppm).  This,
however, is significantly lower than the current federal
tolerance of "1.5 ppm PCB (fat basis)  in milk.56  some dairy
herds near contaminated areas were monitored for a year after
the spill; over that time the PCB contamination has dwindled
to near trace amounts.  Vegetables growing near the contamina-
tion were tested and found to have low levels of PCB contamin-
ation ranging up to 0.652 ppm.  There are no federal toler-
ances for PCB contamination in vegetables.  The contamination
found in the vegetables is not considered dangerous.57

     There is no evidence of a decline in property values
along the spill routes, and no PCBs have been found in domes-
tic wells in the affected areas.58

     Acute and latent health effects—immediately after the
dumping, persons near the spills complained of nausea, head-
aches, and burning sensations in the throat and nose.  Since
PCBs are relatively non-volatile, these effects are attributed
to the chlorinated benzene solvents present in the dumped PCB
mixture.  Chlorinated benzenes harm the endocrine and nervous
systems, the liver, heart, and lungs.59  Residents along the
spill routes have reported births of congenitally malformed
children, dog fetuses aborting, sick cattle, and headaches.
These reports have been investigated by the North Carolina
Division of Health Services, but so far no causal link or
statistical correlation with the PCB spill has been found.60

     Although it is difficult to assess the degree to which
humans have been exposed to the dumped PCBs, or will be ex-
posed in the future, latent health effects as a result of the
spills must be considered a real possibility.  The medical and
scientific communities have reached the conclusion that PCBs
are very hazardous.  Their potential latent medical effects
include cancer, birth defects, mutagenicity, and changes in
behavior.61  Reassuringly, a series of blood samples taken
from persons living along the spill route have found no sig-
nificant accumulation of PCBs in the blood.62

     Enforcement and litigation costs—No estimate has been
made of what it cost the state of North Carolina and the
federal government to apprehend, indict, and try the Burnses
and the Wards, nor of legal costs for the class action suit
seeking cleanup and compensation.

     Cleanup  costs—The cost of the immediate response to the
PCB spills--including analysis of the spilled material,
surveying the extent of the pollution, covering the contami-
nated soil with carbon and asphalt, investigating possible
                              216

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agricultural and health effects, notifying the public, and
general administrative costs—has not been estimated.

     The state of North Carolina estimates that it will cost
$1,580,000 to remove the contaminated soil from the road
shoulders, reshape the shoulders, haul the contaminate
material to the disposal site, and construct the disposal
site.63

Cost Redistribution—
     So far there has been no redistribution of social and
private costs.  However, in June 1981 the State of North
Carolina filed suit against Ward and Burns seeking to recover
approximately $12 million in damage and punitive costs.  This
suit, if successful, could substantially redistribute social
of private costs.

Private Costs of Siting Hazardous Waste Facilities--
     So far there have been no expenditures by private parties
on behalf of siting the landfill.  All the private expenditures
have been made in an attempt to keep the landfill from being
sited, first in Chatham County, then in Warren County.  These
expenditures include appearing at public hearings, writting to
government officials and representatives, and, for the land-
owners near the proposed Warren County site, legal fees.  The
amount of these expenditures has not been estimated.

Social Costs of Siting Hazardous Waste Facilities—

     The Costs of Having a Site  (Regional)—

     Natural resource damage—According to the draft Environ-
mental Impact Statement prepared by the state of North Carolina,
the proposed Warren County landfill will not adversely affect
air or water quality, plant or animal life, or historical or
archaeological resources.  The only adverse environmental effect
the state identified was the removal from agricultural produc-
tion of the five acres used for the landfill.64

     Property damage—Landowners adjacent to the proposed
Warren County landfill allege that the landfill would con-
stitute a private nuisance, impairing the enjoyment of their
property, and lowering its value. *>5

     Acute and latent health effects—According to the staters
draft Environmental Impact Statement, the landfill will have
no adverse health effects on workers or area residents.6**

     The cost of refusing the site—In its draft Environmental
Impact Statement, the state says that the Warren County site
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is the best of the six most suitable disposal sites that have
been identified.  Another one of these six sites could pre-
sumably be used instead of the Warren County site, but at a
higher, total cost.  Since the other five sites are not far
from Warren County or the PCB contamination, using one of them
would not impose greater removal, transportation, or disposal
costs.  However, the state would be forced to bear the cost of
duplicating site evaluation, applying for an EPA permit, and
gaining official and public approval for any new site, and
this cost could be considerable.  In addition, the other suit-
able sites are either closer to populated areas or have less
favorable hydrologic characteristics,67 which could increase
the chance that the landfill would adversely affect natural
resources or public health and safety.

     Other alternatives avilable would be to:  1) Transport
the contaminated material to an existing EPA-approved chemical
waste landfill in Alabama; it is estimated that this would
cost $12 million*^  2) Incinerate the contaminated soil.
The cost of this alternative has not been estimated, but it
would surely be more than the $12 million estimated for dis-
posing of the material in Alabama, since the material would
have to be transported even further to reach an incinerator,
and incineration is much costlier than landfilling.  It should
also be noted that so far EPA has not approved any PCB in-
cinerators, although applications for two incinerators are
pending.  3) Treat the waste in situ.  This is not permitted
by federal regulation, so North Carolina would have to bear
the additional cost of a legal battle with the federal govern-
ment and possible penalties.  In addition, the in situ treat-
ment may not protect the environment and public health and
safety as well as removal and disposal of the material would.

     Government expenditures to site facilities—The state of
North Carolina has spent a substantial but uncalculated amount
,of money to identify and investigate possible disposal sites,
seek approval from EPA, local officials and residents, and
defend itself against the lawsuits seeking to prohibit use of
the Warren County site.  EPA and its counsel, the Department
of Justice, have also had to pay an unknown amount to defend
the federal government against the Warren County suits.

Footnotes

 1.  State of North Carolina, Removal and disposal of soils
     contaminated with PCBs along highway shoulders in North
     Carolina (Draft Environmental Impact Statement,
     December 28, 1979), p. 1.

 2.  Ibid.

 3.  Ibid.

                             218

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 4.  Ibid.,  p.  2.

 5.  Ibid.

 6.  Ibid.

 7.  Ibid.,  p.  3.

 8.  Ibid.,  p.  1.

 9.  Ibid.

10.  U.S. Environmental Protection Agency,  Studies conducted
     in connection with PCS  spills in North Carolina
     (November  9,  1978), p.  38.

11.  Supra,  note 1,  p.  2.
12.  David Hershman,  The  Dumping  of  PCBs on North Carolina
     Highways,  Integrated Case Studies Program, Duke Univer-
     sity (draft;  paper  in  press)t p.  5.

13-  Supra, note 1,  pp.  3-4.

14,  Interview  with  Dr.  Martin Hines,  Chief of Epidemiology,
     North Carolina  Department of Human Resources (May 28,
     1980) .

15.  Interview  with  Leonard Blanton, Deputy Director, North
     Carolina Food and Drug Protection Division (May 12,
     1980); Interview with  Dr. William Cobb, Director, North
     Carolina Food and Drug Protection Division (May 28, 1980).

16.  Ibid.

17.  Supra/ note 1,  p. 9; supra,  note 11, p. 5.

18.  See State  of North  Carolina  v.  Robert Burns, Indictment,
     August 28, 1978.

19.  Marc Leepson, "The  Waste That Wouldn't Go Away," Environ-
     mental Action 10:11 (October 7, 1978), p. 4.

20.  Interview  with  Donald  Stevens,  North Carolina Department
     of Justice (May 12,  1980).

21.  15 U.S.C.  §§2601-2629.

22.  Ibid., §2615.

23.  Interview with Ralph W. Jenning, EPA Region IV (October 21, 1981).
                              219

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24.  Interview with Donald Moore,  Sales Manager,  Ward Trans-
     former Company (May 13, 1980).

25.  See State of North Carolina v.  Robert  Earl "Buck" Ward
     Jr., Indictment,  January 22,  1979.

26.  Supra, note 20.

27.  Supra, note 23..


28.  Ibid.
29.  N.C.G.S. §14-284.2 (1979).

30.  Supra, note 1, pp. 4, 10-11.

31.  Supra, note 12, pp. 11-12.

32.  Supra, note 1, pp. 25-26.

33.  Interview with David Kelly, North Carolina Department of
     Crime Control and Public Safety (May 23,  1980).

34.  Supra, note 12, p. 12.

35.  Application to EPA (December  12,  1980).

36.  Resolution of Warren County Board of Commissioners
     (January 2, 1979).

37.  Resolution of Vance Countv Board  of  Commissioners
     (April 2, 1979) .

38.  Letter from John C. White, Region IV EPA  Administrator,
     to North Carolina Governor James  B.  Hunt  (June 4,  1979).

39.  Supra, note 12, pp. 13-14.

40.  Supra, note 33.

41.  Warren County v.  North Carolina et al, No. 79  CVS  167
     (Warren Cty. Sup.  Ct., filed  August  16, 1979).

42.  Ibid., Temporary restraining  order (August 16, 1979).

43.  Warren County, An ordinance prohibiting the storage and
     disposal of PCBs (August 21,  1979).

44.  Supra, note 41, preliminary  injunction  (September  6,
     1979) .

                              220

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45.  Twitty, et al.  v.  State of  North Carolina No.  79-CO8-183
     (Warren Cty. Sup.  Ct.,  filed September  12» 1979).

46.  Interview with  Charles  Johnston, Warren County Attorney
     (May 28, 1980); Interview with Lewis  A. Thompson III,
     attorney for Twitty et  al.  (May 28, 1980).

47.  Langdon v. Hunt, No.  80-487-CIV-5  (E.D. North  Carolina,
     July 7, 1980).

48.  Supra, note 20.

49.  43 Fed. Reg. 7150-7164  (February 17,  1978).

50.  Interview with  William  Gunter, PCB regulation  team
     leader, EPA (May 12,  1980).

51.  Interview with  Gary Odom, Holley- Electric Company
     (May 13, 1980).

52.  Interview with  William  Stevens, Rollins Environmental
     Services (May 12,  1980).

53.  Memorandum from Carl W. Betsill, Wildlife Biologist,
     North Carolina  Wildlife Resources  Commission to Grady
     Barnes, Assistant  Chief, Division  of  Game, North Carolina
     Wildlife Resources Commission (January  25, 1979).

54.  Ibid.

55.  Interview with  Dr. Renate Kimbrough (June 23,  1980).

56.  32 C.F.R. §109.30(3)(1). ;

57.  Supra, note 15.

58.  Supra, note 33,

59.  Coate, W.B., Schoenf isch,, W.H:> Lewis T.R., Busey, W.M.
     1977.  Chronic  inhalation exposure of cats, rabbits and
     monkeys to 1,2,4-trichlorobenzene. Arch* Environ. Health
     32(6)-.249-255.

     Fomenko, V.N. 1965.  Determination of the maximum per-
     missible concentration  of tetrachlorobenzene in water
     basins.  Hyg. Sanit. (USSR).  30:8-15.

     Rimington, C.,  and Ziegler, G. 1963.  Experimental
     porphyria in rats induced by chlorinated  benzenes.
     Biochem. Pharm. 12:1387-1397.

60..  Supra, note 14.

          - - •  '           •  - '221          -  •"'   '

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61o  See, generally, 42 Fed. Reg. 6532 et seq.  (February 2,
     1977);  National Institute for Occupational Safety and
     Health, Criteria for a recommended standard.   Occupa-
     tional exposure to polychlorinated biphenyls  (PCBs).
     Washington:  December 1977.

62.  Supra,  note 14.

63.  Supra,  note 1, p. 9.

64.  Ibid.,  pp. 34-37.

65.  Supra,  note 45.

66.  Supra,  note 1, p. 36.

67.  Ibid.,  pp. 23-24.

68.  Ibid.,  p. 36.
                             222

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GENUINE RISK:  KENTUCKY'S VALLEY OP THE DRUMS

Introduction

      On a ten-acre site near Brooks, Kentucky, Arthur L.
Taylor stored and dumped the drums of chemical wastes that he
hauled away from Louisville industries.  Eventually thousands
of drums, some empty, some full and oozing waste, littered
Taylor's dump, giving the site its popular name:  The Valley
of the Drums.  The Valley of the Drums became an abandoned
waste dump in 1978 when Arthur Taylor died, leaving a small
estate inadequate to pay for the massive efforts needed to
clean up the site.

      Although Kentucky environmental officials had known of
Taylor's operation since 1967, the state did not take action
to close and clean up the site until January 1979.  In March
1979, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency joined the
cleanup efforts prompted by reports that oil and other
chemicals from the site were entering nearby Wilson Creek.
EPA spent $300,000 of emergency clean up funds to sort and
stack the drums of waste and divert runoff from the site
through a treatment plant before it enters Wilson Creek.

      EPA counted 17,051 drums on the surface of the dump.  Of
these 11,628 were empty, 3,239 contained solid wastes and the
remaining 2,184 contained liquids.    An unknown number of drums
lie buried in the dump and a substantial amount of earth has
been contaminated by wastes that Taylor poured directly into
pits.  In soil and water samples taken in and around the dump,
EPA has detected 197 organic chemicals and 28 metals, includ-
ing 21 suspected carcinogens, mutagens, and teratogens and 26
priority water pollutants.

      EPA's cleanup was only a stop-gap aimed at preventing
runoff into Wilson Creek; the Agency was initially restricted
to such measures because use of the emergency funding used to
pay for the cleanup was limited to abating immediate threats
to navigable waters.

      By the Summer of 1980 Kentucky had managed to persuade
five of the largest generators of the waste dumped at the Taylor
site to remove the filled drums that could be identified as
having originated with them.This action tgok_care of 1,300 of
the filled drums. J¥ftTfj:ire~|^	„	_
Environmental Response^ Compensation and Liability Act of 1980
(CERCLA) the state has received $400,000 and all the liquid
waste at the site has been removed.  As of October 19-80,
officials are planning to conduct a feasibility study to assess
the cost of total cleanup.
                              223

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Background Information

The Location—
     The Valley of the Drums is located in a rural area in
Bullitt County, Kentucky,  fifteen miles south of Louisville*
(See Figure B-4.)   Fortunately, the site is well suited
geologically for service as a waste dump,  being made up of
relatively impermeable shale and clay that prevents surface
water from percolating down to groundwater.  In fact, a
Kentucky state geologist reported that "the Site would be
excellent for the disposal of hazardous waste by incineration
or chemical treatment and  with proper engineering would be
technically sound for burial also."l

Waste Disposal—
     From 1967 until his death in February 1978,  Arthur Taylor
hauled drummed chemical wastes from manufacturers in
Louisville.  According to  the generators of the waste, Taylor
assured them he was hauling these wastes to approved landfills
and incinerators.2  Taylor did haul some of the waste to the
nearby Smith landfill, but much of it he brought to his
property in Bullitt County near Brooks,  Kentucky.  Here Taylor
disposed of the wastes by  pouring them into pits in the ground
or nearby Wilson Creek, burying them in drums on the property,
or burning them in open fires.  Taylor cleaned and stored the
drums he had emptied on the site until he  eventually resold
them to drum recyclers.

     Later investigations  have found that  Taylor hauled waste
primarily for five generators:  Reliance Universal, a paint
and coatings manufacturing company;  Ford Motor Company, which
has an automobile assembly plant near Louisville; the
George W. Whitesides Company, a solvent recycler; Kurfees
Coatings, which manufactures paints and coatings; and Louis-
ville Varnish, another coatings manufacturer.   Analyses have
shown the wastes in the Valley to be predominantly paints,
pigments, solvents used in the paint industry, and plastics.3

     Taylor charged up to  $2.50 per drum to remove waste.4
This fee apparently covered in most cases  both hauling and
disposal of the waste at his dump.   Reliance Universal, how-
ever, reports that it paid Taylor $2,50  per drum to haul the
waste to the Smith Landfill near the Valley of the Drums, and
paid Taylor an additional  $3.00 per drum to cover disposal at
the landfill.  Reliance eventually discovered that Taylor was
not delivering all its waste to the landfill and was ap-
parently pocketing the landfill charge.  Reliance then began
to pay the landfill separately for waste that Taylor hauled
there.5

     Another waste generator, Ford Motor Company, reports that
it chose Taylor as it did  other waste haulers, by seeking

                              224

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iemt_.  i. .^ ^>^7?!g3^.i/r^s§3g?r*'''r I
       Figure B-4.   Location of the  Valley of the Drums.
                              225
                                        best available copy.

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competitive bids.  Ford required Taylor, like other waste
haulers, to sign an agreement stating that the wastes hauled
from Ford would be disposed of in a legal manner.6

     Records of the generators from which Taylor hauled waste
indicate that he hauled at least 27,389 drums during the
eleven years he was in business.7  in March 1979, 17,051
drums were counted on the surface of the site; the remaining
10,000 or more drums are presumed to have been buried at the
site, disposed of elsewhere, or emptied at the site and resold
to recyclers.8

     Taylor's operation was a small one, consisting of just
himself and a few occasional employees and a couple of
trucks.  Taylor did not have the required permits for hauling
hazardous waste or for using his property as a disposal
site.9

Response—

     State enforcement action—Kentucky state environmental
officials knew of Taylor's operation since 1967, but even
though he was operating illegally, the state took no action to
close his dump until 1979.

     The first state contact with the site came on
December.13, 1967, when the solid waste and air pollution
control programs of the Department of Natural Resources and
Environmental Protection jointly investigated reports of open
burning at the Taylor dump.  Officials gave Taylor information
on operating a sanitary landfill.  When they returned a year
later, state investigators found open burning continuing to
take place, but took no enforcement action.^

     The state next became involved with the Taylor dump in
November 1975 when the Division of Water Quality of the
Kentucky Department for Natural Resources and Environmental
Protection (DNREP) inspected the site in response to com-
plaints from neighboring landowners.  Joseph Vanhoozer, who at
the time owned land abutting Wilson Creek just downstream from
the Valley reports that the vapors coming from wastes dumped
into Wilson Creek were overpowering at times, and that pigs he
kept on this property once became covered with red paint after
they had wallowed in the creek.11  Another neighboring land-
owner, Jelline Bolt Owen, had to move a horse from her proper-
ty because of the wastes in Wilson Creek.12  Mr. Vanhoozer
and Ms. Owen complained to various governmental authorities
about the pollution, including the local fire and health de-
partments1-* in addition to the Water Quality Division.

     A Water Quality Division inspector sent to the site in
response to the complaints took samples from Wilson Creek, but

                              226

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noted that there was no need to test them because they were
almost pure oil and paint.I4  As a result of this and other
inspections, the Division filed an administrative complaint
against Taylor in early 1976, which charged him with viola-
tions of water pollution control law, including discharges of
paint, oil, and other industrial wastes to Wilson Creek;
failure to obtain a permit for the discharges;  and failure to
report spills.15  on April 23, 1976, a hearing was held on
the administrative complaint at which the Division presented
its case against Taylor.  Ms. Owen testified that the pollu-
tion in Wilson Creek was sometimes so thick that one could
walk on it.l*>  Taylor did not appear at the hearing to
present a defense, nor did he send a representative, although
he had been notified of the hearing.17

     After this hearing, the enforcement system apparently
broke down.  Testimony indicated that Taylor was violating the
law, but the hearing officer presiding over the case did not
file a report indicating tow the case should be resolved until
August 1978, over two years later.  The hearing officer said
that he took so long in issuing a report because he had for-
gotten about the case.18  Apparently the Division of Water
Quality did not press him to issue a report.  The "recommended
order" he finally filed in August 1978 recommended that the
site be closed and that Taylor's estate—Taylor died in
February 1978--be fined $3,000.  The order was never imple-
mented, however, because the Secretary of the Department for
Natural Resources and Environmental Protection declined to
sign it, feeling that the case was "too bollixed up" to en-
force the order after the delays.19

     In May 1977, the Division of Hazardous Material and Waste
Management of DNREP began to investigate the Valley of the
Drums.  During one of several visits to the site in May 1977,
inspectors discovered Taylor digging a trench for the burial
of drums.  Taylor was told that he must have a permit to oper-
ate a disposal site.  Taylor agreed to cease operations and
apply for a permit.  Taylor went to Frankfort, the state capi-
tal, on May 25, 1977 to discuss obtaining a permit, but never
filed an application for one,  Although an  inspection on
June 7, 1977 found no activity at the Valley, by October 1977
there was evidence that Taylor had resumed  burying drums,
still without a permit.  The Division warned Taylor on
November 14, 1977 that he was operating in  violation of the
law.  The next day he requested another permit application
form.  Further inspections in late November 1977 revealed that
Taylor had buried  more waste on the site,  so on November 30,
1977, the Division asked DNREP's Office of General Counsel to
take legal action to stop the disposal and  clean up the
site.20  inexplicably,  the Office of General Counsel never
brought charges against Taylor and the Division of Hazardous
Materials and Waste Management did not pursue the matter.

                              227

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     DNREP finally took action to close and clean up the site
in January 1979, nearly a year after Taylor's death.  On
January 12, 1979 the Department took samples of drum contents
and surface water on the site.  Analysis revealed wastes typi-
cal of the paint industry, including such solvents as methyl
ethyl ketone, toluene, ethyl benzene, butyl alcohol, and
xylene.  No pesticides or PCBs were detected at this time.21
On January 22, 1979, EPA and the state Division of Sanitary
Engineering surveyed the houses within a one-mile radius of
the dump and found only two with wells.  All other houses were
served by the Louisville Water Company or by cisterns.22

     One of these houses was found to have low concentrations
of such organics as chloroform, bromodichloromethane, xylene,
and diethylphthalate in its well water.  Apparently the con-
centrations were not considered high enough to warrant chang-
ing water supplies.  At the other house no organic compounds
in concentrations greater than 5 micrograms per liter (equiva-
lent to 5 ppm) were found.23

     DNREP initiated legal action on January 22, 1979, when it
filed an administrative complaint against Nell Taylor, Arthur
Taylor's widow, alleging that she was transporting and dispos-
ing of hazardous waste without a permit, operating a solid
waste disposal site without a permit, and discharged pollu-
tants into Wilson Creek.  DNREP asked that Mrs. Taylor be
enjoined from future activities in violation of the law, be
required to clean up the site, and be assessed civil penalties
of $31,000 per day.24

     A hearing was held on DNREP's complaint March 27, 1979,
and on March 29, 1979, the presiding hearing officer filed an
interim report.  DNREP presented its case at this hearing, but
since Mrs. Taylor did not present a case other than by cross-
examination of DNREP's witnesses, the hearing officer's report
stated only the undisputed facts in the case.  It did not con-
clusively adjudicate the case nor did it consider whether to
impose penalties on Mrs. Taylor.25  DNREP1s complaint against
Mrs. Taylor has lain dormant since March 1979 because the
Department has chosen to take other non-legal measures to try
to clean up the Valley.

     Grand Jury investigation--The Bullitt County Grand Jury,
at the request of Circuit Court Judge C.V. Sanders, investi-
gated dumping at the Taylor site during its February 1979
term.  On March 5, 1979, the Grand Jury reported that it could
find "no evidence of criminal conduct on the part of those
manufacturers whose waste by-products have been stored in
Bullitt County."  After further investigations during its
April and December 1979 terms, the Grand Jury broadened this
finding, stating that "under the laws in existence at the time
hazardous wastes were disposed of on the site, no indictable


                              228

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offenses had been committed."26   The Grand Jury, of course,
only addressed itself to criminal offenses, and did not con-
sider civil liability.

     Emergency cleanup—On March  2,  1979,  the U.S. Environ-
mental Protection Agency began emergency cleanup  operations
under S311 of the Federal Water Pollution  Control Act,27
which authorizes the cleaning up  of  discharges of oil and
hazardous substances to navigable waters.   DNREP requested the
emergency aid after finding that  oil and chemicals from the
site were being washed into Wilson Creek.
                                                       ^».
     To contain contaminated runoff  from the site, EPA's con-
tractor dug ditches to divert surface water to a catchment
pond, where a filtration unit was installed to purify dis-
charge from the pond before it entered Wilson Creek.  In addi-
tion, an underflow dan and aeration  units  were installed in
Wilson Creek.  These measures achieved a 98% reduction in
pollutants leaving the site.28

     The contractor next sorted and  stacked drums according to
their contents.  As of March 21,  1979, there were estimated to
be 17,051 drums on the surface of the Taylor- duwpY "of Which
11,628 were empty.  Of the full drums, 3,239 contained solids,
and 2,184 contained liquids.  The empty drums, except for a
few suitable for resale, were crushed and  stacked on the
site.  In addition, an unknown number of drums are buried at
the site and an unknown amount of soil has been contaminated
with chemical wastes.29

     EPA was unable to have the drums removed from the site
and properly disposed of because  $311 of the FWPCA only auth-
orizes expenditures to abate immediate threats to navigable
waters.  With the catchment and filtration system installed on
site, that goal had been achieved.  The state and EPA both
claim to not have the money needed to clean up the site per-
manently and dispose properly of  the waste there.       —

     During the cleanup, EPA took numerous soil and water
samples within and around the site.   Analysis.found 126. or-
ganic compounds in standing water and runoff from. the. site...
These were mostly solvents, ketones, pthalates and other or-
ganic compounds associated with the  paint  and plastics indus-
tries.  No PCBs were detected in  any of the water from the.,
site.  Tests of sediments from several drainage areas on the
site showed a large number of .organic compounds, along with
lead, zinc and titanium.  PCBs in concentrations of up to
14 ppm were found in sediment from three sampling sites.30
The only chlorinated pesticide found was 1.7 ug/1 of
1,2,4-trichlorobenzeae in one of  the samples.
                             229

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     Water samples from Wilson Creek had approximately the
same range of organic compounds as those found in runoff from
the site.  No PCBs were found in the water in Wilson Creek,
but uo to 3 ppm of PCBs were found in sediment from the creek
bed.3T

     EPA analyzed fish and crayfish from Wilson Creek near the
Valley of the Drums and further down the drainage for chlor-
dane and PCBs.  The fish sample taken nearest the Valley of
the Drums had no detectable concentrations of either of the
substances.  Other fish in the drainage had up to 2.97 ppm of
chlordane, and 0.48 ppm of PCBs.32  The FDA tolerance for
PCBs in the edible portion of fish at the time of the sampling
was 5 ppm; since August 1979 it has been set at 2 ppm.33
The PCBs detected thus far were below the FDA tolerances, but
on March 21, 1979, Eugene Mooney, Secretary of DNREP, advised
against eating fish from Wilson Creek.34  jt is unclear
whether the chlordane found in the fish originated at the
Valley of the Drums.  One EPA scientist believes that the
source of the chlordane more likely is termite treatment of
houses in the area.35

     Of 142 compounds identified in the water and soil on and
near the site, 40 are included in the Human Effects Section of
the Registry of Toxic Effects, 27 are in the Carcinogenic
Effects Section, and 6 are in the Teratogenic Effects
Section.36

     The cleanup cost roughly $300,000 and the analyses of
soil and water cost approximately $200,000.37

     EPA's cleanup of the site has only a temporary solution,
which the head of the Emergency Response Branch of EPA's
Region IV characterized as a "band-aid" designed to last six
to eight months.  According to the EPA engineer who.designed
the system, the site's water filtration plant requires a
rejuvenation costing around $20,000 every six months.  EPA
recharged the system's filter and cleared out the diversion
tranches in July 1979 at a cost of $28,000; since then main-
tenance of the plant has been the state's responsibility.38
The state is about to clean and recharge the filtration system
again;  it estimates that this will cost $10,000.39

     Comprehensive cleanup—Because of the limitations of §311
of the Federal Water Pollution Control Act, the State of
Kentucky had to look to other sources for a complete cleanup
of the site that would go beyond the containment achieved in
March 1979.  A complete cleanup will be expensive.  State
officials estimate that it will cost roughly $2.5 million to
analyze, remove, and properly dispose of the wastes dumped at
the Valley of the Drums.^0  Because Taylor's widow,, who
inherited the site from Taylor, had only limited resources,

                              230

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the state has not pursued its complaint against her.  If the
state obtained a judgment against her,  she would in all proba-
bility declare bankruptcy,  leaving the  state with the property
and the responsibility for  cleaning it  up.  Instead, the state
decided to try to get the generators of the waste to clean up
the site.

     The state at first considered an innovative approach to
cleaning up the site proposed by William Fluhr.  Fluhr wanted
to buy the dump site and operate on it  a model chemical waste
disposal center, including  a liquid waste incinerator, a
solvent recycling facility, and a barrel cleaning service.
Once in operation on this site, Fluhr would have incinerated
or recycled the wastes dumped on the site.41  Fluhr and
Mrs. Taylor are reported to have agreed on a price of $30,000
for the 25-acre site.42  However, the current agriculture
zoning of the property would not permit operation of the waste
facility, and the community objected to any zoning change,
thereby scuttling the plan.

     The state next turned to the generators of the waste
dumped at the site.  Rather than sue the generators to force a
cleanup, however, the state had decided to pursue a voluntary
effort.  The state has managed to persuade the five firms that
generated most of the waste dumped at the Valley of the Drums
to pick up and properly dispose of the  wastes that they can
identify as having originated with them.  The companies that
have agreed to do this are the Ford Motor Company, Reliance
Universal, Louisville Varnish, Kurfees  Coatings, and the
George Whitesides Company.

     Because drums are often recycled and because Taylor him-
self emptied and refilled drums, it is  very difficult to posi-
tively identify markings on the outside of drums, as they do
not necessarily indicate the source of  the drums' contents.
This makes it difficult to positively identify the origin of
the wastes at the Valley of the Drums.   As a result, the five
companies have claimed only around 1,300 of the 5,423 full
drums on the site.4^  pOr example, Reliance Universal, whose
records indicate that Taylor hauled 13,301 drums of its
waste,44 picked up only 950 drums of waste.45  Ford Motor
Company records show that Taylor hauled 10,105 drums of its
waste;46 it is picking up just 338 drums from the site.47

     Reliance Universal, the first of the five companies to
remove its waste, picked up 950 drums it had identified in May
and June 1980.  Reliance will dispose of the liquid waste it
removes from the site at an incinerator in Kentucky.  Solid
wastes will be disposed of at a secure chemical landfill in
Ohio, as there are no approved hazardous waste landfills in
the state of Kentucky.4°
                              231

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      Reliance estimated that it would cost approximately $65
per drum to remove and dispose of 950 drums of waste from the
site,49 or around $62,000 altogether.  This corresponds roughly
with cost figures supplied by Ford, which estimates that it
will cost approximately $50 per drum to test, remove and dis-
pose of the 338 drums of waste it has identified at the Valley
of the Drums.50  If Reliance's figure is correct, it will
cost the five waste generators approximately $85,000 altogether
to remove and dispose of the 1,300 drums of waste that they
have agreed to pick up from the site.

      In September of 1981, the State received $400,000 from
the Environmental Protection Agency under the Comprehensive
Environmental Response, Compensation and Liability Act of 1980.
These funds have been used to remove the remaining 4,000 full
drums of liquid waste and to upgrade surface water treatment
at the site.  The Kentucky Bureau of Environmental Protection
plans to conduct a feasibility study in the near future to
assess the extent of underground damage and the associated
cost of remedial action.51

Costs

Private Costs of Waste Disposal—

      Actual cost of illegal disposal—Taylor charged up to
$2.50 per drum to dispose of waste.  At least one waste gener-
ator, Reliance Universal, paid Taylor an additional $3.00 per
drum to cover disposal fees at a nearby landfill.  However,
Taylor apparantly failed to deliver the waste to the landfill
and simply pocketed the additional money.

      Comparative cost of proper disposal—Proper disposal of
the wastes found at the Valley of the Drums would have cost
between $15 and $25 per drum in 1976.52

The Social Cost of an Abandoned Site—

      Natural resource damage—Because of the low permeability
of theclay soil at the Valley of the Drums, groundwater appears
not to have been contaminated by the wastes dumped there.
Wastes from the Valley of the Drums may be responsible for
the low level of organic contamination found in one drinking
water well near the site.  Taylor's direct dumping into Wilson
Creek and runoff from the site polluted that creek, which
empties into the Ohio River.  The effects of the pollution
have not been quantified.  Fish and crayfish in Wilson Creek
are contaminated with low levels of PCBs and chlordane.
                             232

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The chlordane contamination cannot be definitely tied to the
Valley of the Drums, but the PCS contamination probably can
be.  Although the concentrations found thus far are below FDA
tolerances for PCB contamination in fish, the state of
Kentucky has advised against fishing in Wilson Creek.  This
has caused a loss in recreational resources.

     Property daroage--Presuraably Mrs. Taylor's land is worth
far leas than it would be if waste had not been disposed of
there.  Her exact losses are hard to determine, however.  As
of January 1, 1978, Bullitt County Property Tax Rolls indi-
cated that Taylor owned real property worth $10,000; ap-
parently this was the dump site.53  However, Fluhr was re-
ported to have been willing to pay three times that amount in
1979 for the property if he could get rezoned to accommodate a
waste disposal operation.  Without the rezoning, Fluhr was not
interested in the property.  Mrs. Taylor is reported to be
continuing to try to sell the dump site.54  Since she has.
not yet"met with success, the value of the property may be
quite low.

     Joseph Vanhoozer last year sold property he owned on
Wilson Creek downstream from the Valley of the Drums.  He felt
.that the property was worth $14,000.  Many people inquired
about the property, but most lost interest after hearing that
it was near the Valley of the Drums.  Vanhoozer finally sold
the property for $8,000.55  other property owners near the
Valley of the Drums would probably suffer similar losses if
they tried to sell their property.

      Acute and latent health effects—No acute health effects
have been reported.It is possible that chemicals in the
runoff from the site may cause latent health effects if they
enter drinking water via Wilson Creek and the Ohio River or
are taken up by fish that are later consumed by humans.
Seventy-three of the contaminants found at the site are listed
in the Registry of Toxic Effects, indicating possible health
•dangers'..      • '.       :         '        '     ,••-•••

     Enforcement and litigation costs--The state of Kentucky
calculates that it had spent $24,391.12 in connection with the
Valley of the Drums as of October 3, 1979, excluding over-
bead.  Part of this sum went for enforcement and part went for
supervising and arranging cleanup.  This expenditure was for
both enforcement of waste and disposal laws and regulations
and for supervising cleanup; how much went to each of these
categores has not been calculated.

     Bullitt County, Kentucky, spent an undetermined amount
for the three grand juries that investigated the Valley of the
Drums.
                              233

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      Since no private parties have filed suit against Taylor
or his estate, no private ligitation costs have been incurred
in connection with this case.
    3*U
      Cleanup costs—EPA has spent $328,000 to clean up the
site and recharge the filtration system once,  $200,000 for
analysis of soil and water samples.  In September of 1981, EPA
designated an additional $400,000 from Superfund to remove
liquid wastes and upgrade surface water treatment.

      An undetermined amount of the $24,391.12 spent by the
state of Kentucy in. connection with the Valley of .the Drums as
of October 3, 1979 went to arranging and supervising cleanup.
The state also expects to spend $10,000-to clean and recharge
the filtration systea on the site.

      The five major generators of waste at the site will spend
approximately $85,000 to remove 1,300 drums of waste from the
site.  $2.0 million or more will still have to be expended
before the Valley of the Drums is cleaned up for good.

Redistribution of Costs-
      All indications are that Taylor is at fault for the pol-
lution.  He therefore should be the one to pay, but he is dead,
his business is defunct, and his estate does not have the
resources to pay for a cleanup.  The state could sue his widow,
but if it did she probably would declare bankruptcy, leaving the
state with the property and the responsibility for cleaning
it up.

      The generators of the waste dumped at the Valley of the
Drums likely reaped economic benefits from Taylor's waste dis-
posal operation, so it might be argued that they are morally
if not legally liable for bearing some of the  cleanup costs.
The hypothetical generators' benefits stem from the presumption
that the fees Taylor charged were lower than what it would have
cost to properly dispose of the wastes.  Since paying the full
cost of proper waste disposal should be seen as one of the costs
of doing business, the generators in effect received a discount
on their waste disposal costs.  Some of the generators are
paying back at least part of what they gained  from lower-cost
improper waste disposal by picking up wastes they can identify
as having originated vith them.

      In the end, however, it appears that the cost of cleaning
up the Valley of the Drums will be borne by the public at large.
Both the state and federal government will probably end up
paying for the total cleanup, using either general revenues or
the Superfund which is financed by a tax on chemical feedstocks
which will ultimately be paid by consumers.
                              234

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Footnotes

 1.  Memorandum from Hussein Aldis  to John T.  Smither,
     Director of Division of Hazardous Material  and Waste
     Management (March 16,  1979).

 2.  Interview with William Christoph, Managing  Engineer,
     Louisville Assembly Plant,  Ford  Motor Company (June  10,
     1980); Interview with Paul  Brooks, Reliance Universal
     International (June 10, 1980).

 3.  Interview with Jack Wilson, Commissioner, Kentucky Bureau
     of Environmental Protection (June 10, 1980).

 4.  Interview with Jack Wilson  (July 8, 1980);  Interview with
     Paul Brooks (July 9, 1980).

 5.  Interviews with Paul Brooks (June 10, 1980  and July  9,
     1980).

 6.  Interview with William Christoph (June 10,  1980).

 7.  Interview with Royal Nadeau, Environmental  Response  Team,
     U.S. EPA (June 16, 1980).

 8.  Kentucky Department for Natural  Resources and Environ-
     mental Protection CDNREP) Historical Summary [of Valley
     of the Drums]  (no date).

 9.  Supra, note 3.

10.  Supra, note 8.

11.  Interview with Joseph Vanhoozer  (June 12, 1980).

12.  Jim Adams and Jim Detjen,  "The barrels:   a  problem that
     just won't go away."   [Louisville] Courier-Journal
     (January 17, 1979), p. E7.

13.  Supra, note 11.

14.  Supra, note 12.

15.  Ibid.

16.

17.

18.

19.  	

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20.  Supra, note 8?  Jim Adams and Jim  Detjen,  "'Valley  of
     Drums':  Pleas for action went  unheeded"  [Louisville]
     Courier-Journal (February 4, 1979),  p. E7.

21.  Supra, note 8.

22.  Ibid.

23.  Kentucky DNREPf Briefing Summary  (March 19,  1979).

24.  Bureau of Environmental Protection v. Mrs. A.L. Taylor,
     File No. 1615-06 (Administrative  Complaint before  DNREP,
     filed January 22,  1979).

25.  Ibid., Report and  Recommendation  of  the Hearing Officer
     (March 29, 1979) .

26.  Reports, Bullitt County Grand Jury,  February, April,  and
     December Terms 1979.

27.  33 U.S.C. §1321.

28.  Richard D. Stonebraker and Al J.  Smith, Jr.,  "Containment
     and treatment of a mixed chemical discharge  from the
     'Valley of the Drums'  near Louisville, Kentucky"  (no
     date).

29.  Supra, note 8.

30.  Ibid., U.S. EPA, Louisville Hazardous Waste  Site Briefing
     Summary (April 6,  1979).

31.  Ibid.

32.  Supra, note 7.

33.  21 C.F.R. §109.30.

34,  DNREP, Press Release (March 21, 1979).

35.  Supra, note 7.

36.  Ibid.

37.  "Needed:  Hazardous waste disposal  (but not  in my  back-
     yard)" 13 Environmental Science and  Technology 914
     (August 1979).

38.  Interview with Al  J.  Smith, Jr.,  U.S. EPA (May 27,  1980).

39.  Interview with Jack Wilson (July  9,  1980).
                             236

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40.  Supra, note 3.

41.  Supra, note 37.

42.  Interview with Jack Wilson (June 11,  1980) .

43.  Supra, note 3.

44.  Supra, note 7.

45.  Supra, note 4.

46.  Supra, note 7.

47.  Supra, note 6.

48.  Supra, note 45.

49.  Ibid.

50.  Supra, note 6.

51.  Interview with Barry Burres, Kentucky Bureau of Environ-
     mental Protection  (October 21, 1981).

52.  Interview with Fred Schwartz,  CECOS International
     (July 9, 1980).

53.  Jim Adams and Jim Detjen "Opinions vary about 'Valley of
     Drums' Operator" [Louisville]  Courier-Journal
     (January 23, 1979)  p.  E7.

54.  Supra, note 3.

55.  Supra, note 11.
                              237

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