United States
Environmental Protection
Agency
TASK FORCE
ON
RITUALISTIC USES OF MERCURY
REPORT
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United States Office of Emergency and OSWER 9285.4-07
Environmental Protection Remedial Response EPA/540-R-01-005
Agency Washington, DC 20460 December 2002
Superfund
TASK FORCE
ON
RITUALISTIC USES OF MERCURY
REPORT
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DISCLAIMER
THE OPINIONS EXPRESSED IN THIS REPORT ARE THOSE OF THE
TASK FORCE MEMBERS AND OTHER PARTICIPANTS IN ITS
ACTIVITIES. THEY ARE NOT NECESSARILY THE VIEWS OF THE
ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION AGENCY, THE AGENCY FOR TOXIC
SUBSTANCES AND DISEASE REGISTRY, THE CONSUMER PRODUCT
SAFETY COMMISSION, OR ANY OTHER PARTICIPATING
ORGANIZATION.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY vii
PREFACE xiii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS xv
1. PRACTICES AND EXPOSURE 1
1.1 Terminology and Focus 1
1.2 Availability 1
1.3 Uses 2
1.4 Alternatives to Mercury 4
1.5 Fate, Transport, and Exposure 4
1.6 Environmental Monitoring 5
1.7 Comparison to Other Mercury Exposure Issues 7
2. HEALTH EFFECTS 8
2.1 How Does Elemental Mercury Get Into The Home? 8
2.2 Acute, High-Dose Effects 8
2.3 Chronic, Low-Dose Effects 9
2.4 How Much Mercury Is Dangerous? 9
2.5 Pediatric Effects 9
2.6 Mercury in Breast Milk 9
2.7 Reproductive Effects 10
2.8 Genetic and Cancer Risks 10
2.9 Biological Monitoring 10
2.10 Treatment 12
3. HISTORY OF ACTION AT FEDERAL, STATE, AND LOCAL AGENCIES 14
3.1 EPA 14
3.2 ATSDR 16
3.3 Consumer Product Safety Commission 16
3.4 California 17
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3.5 New York State 17
3.6 New York City 17
3.7 Connecticut 17
3.8 Chicago/Illinois 18
3.9 Oregon 18
3.10 Puerto Rico 19
4. SUMMARY OF TASK FORCE ACTIVITIES 20
4.1 Plenary Conference Calls 20
4.2 Activities of the Clinical Research Subcommittee 20
4.3 Activities of the Environmental Monitoring Subcommittee 20
4.4 Activities of the Community Outreach Subcommittee 20
4.5 Forum on Ritualistic Uses of Mercury 22
5. POLICY OPTIONS 29
5.1 Outreach and Education 29
5.2 Research Funding 31
5.3 Regulatory Information-Gathering Provisions 31
5.4 Labeling Mercury at Point of Sale 32
5.5 Supply Limitation 33
5.6 Exposure Limitation 34
5.7 Technical Assistance and Response 34
6. RECOMMENDATIONS 36
6.1 Community Outreach and Education 36
EPA/OERR 36
ATSDR 37
Regions/Local Health Departments/CBOs 37
Community-Based Organizations 37
6.2 Research Agenda 37
Clinical studies 37
Ethnographic research 38
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Risk perception and risk communication research 38
Fate and transport studies 38
Epidemiology and toxicology 38
6.3 Environmental Monitoring 39
EPA 39
6.4 Technical Assistance and Response 39
REFERENCES 40
ADDENDUM 52
ADDITIONAL RESEARCH 53
U.S. EPA Office of Emergency and Remedial Response 53
New Jersey Department of Environmental Protection 53
U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development Office of Healthy Homes53
ADDITIONAL REFERENCES 55
APPENDIX A: OUTREACH AND EDUCATION BROCHURES 56
APPENDIX B: MINUTES FROM FORUM PANELS 58
APPENDIX C: SCHEDULE OF TASK FORCE PLENARY CALLS 76
APPENDIX D: INTERVIEWS WITH COMMUNITY GROUPS 77
APPENDIX E: EVALUATING COMMUNITY OUTREACH EFFORTS 94
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
The U. S. Environmental Protection Agency's (EPA) Office of Emergency and Remedial Response
(OERR) convened the Task Force on Ritualistic Uses of Mercury in January 1999 to recommend
an appropriate course of action regarding the use of elemental mercury as part of certain spiritual
practices and folk traditions. In forming the multi-agency task force, EPA hoped to gain a better
understanding of these practices and traditions and their potential public health and environmental
impacts. This report summarizes the Task Force activities, provides an overview of what is known
about cultural and spiritual mercury use, and makes recommendations for further investigation,
outreach, and action.
Scope of Problem: Availability, Use, and Exposure
In many urban areas in the United States, religious supply stores known as botanicas sell a variety
of herbal remedies and religious items used in certain Latino and Afro-Caribbean traditions,
including Santeria, Palo, Voodoo, and Espiritismo. The involved religions evolved from native
faiths brought to the New World by African slaves. It is important to note that these religious
practices were vigorously suppressed by the slave owners over hundreds of years. Their survival,
in fact, was only assured by disguising them as European religions. Thus, many of the religious
figures and deities were renamed after Catholic saints, but retained many of the roles consistent with
the original African beliefs. It is not surprising that after so many years of religious oppression,
these groups might be sensitive toward scrutiny by those in authority.
A number of studies have documented mercury's availability for purchase in many botanicas.
Mercury is used to attract luck, love, or money; to protect against evil; or to speed the action of
spells through a variety of recommended uses, including wearing as amulets, sprinkling on the floor,
or adding to a candle or oil lamp. It is sometimes taken internally to treat gastrointestinal disorders,
or added to detergent or cosmetic products. Data gathered to date on availability and use of mercury
are largely based on self-reports, with small or non-representative samples. Not enough attention
has been given to characterizing populations that use mercury. The extent of use across the
population, and typical use patterns for individuals are still unknown. Little is known about how
mercury is supplied to botanicas for retail sale. Scientific aspects, such as the fate and transport of
mercury vapor indoors, are also not well understood. There is no clinical data that confirms that
people who use mercury for cultural and spiritual purposes (and people who share their living space)
have elevated mercury levels. However, no one has formally studied this question, and
socioeconomic and political barriers inhibit reporting of health problems related to cultural and
spiritual mercury use. Actual measurements of mercury concentrations in indoor air in botanicas
and residences are also necessary to gauge the severity of the problem, and to relate source and
exposure data.
Nonetheless, mercury's volatility and long residence time indoors create a potential for direct
inhalation exposures to individuals from these uses. Mercury is difficult to remove from home
materials, and small amounts can lead to contamination for extended periods of time. Its widespread
availability in botanicas suggests that indoor mercury exposure may be a problem for some users
and their families.
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Health Effects
In short-term exposure (on the order of hours), mercury first affects the respiratory system and can
result in pneumonitis, severe bronchiolitis, pulmonary edema, and/or death. With smaller doses over
a longer period of time (e.g., occupational exposure where workers are exposed for many years),
neurologic effects predominate. These effects may include intention tremors, emotional lability,
insomnia, memory loss, neuromuscular changes, headache, ataxia, polyneuropathy, and deterioration
of performance in tests of cognitive function. Because of their variability and nonspecificity, these
chronic neurologic effects may be misdiagnosed as behavioral or psychiatric disorders. The long-
term health effects in children with elevated urine mercury levels have not been well studied.
However, for any given overall household air concentration, children may be at higher risk of
toxicity than adults.
Measurement of inorganic mercury in the urine is the most widely accepted method of monitoring
for toxic levels of exposure and most closely reflects the body burden of the substance, especially
in chronic exposures. However, for a number of reasons, interpretation of urine mercury levels is
not always straightforward. Although a number of studies have found adverse neurotoxic effects
at higher urinary mercury levels, the lowest mean chronic urinary mercury levels at which adverse
health effects have been demonstrated in humans are close to the upper background value of 20
micrograms per liter (|ig/L).
Task Force Recommendations
A number of federal, state and local agencies have acted over the past decade to gain a better
understanding of the problem and to reduce mercury exposure from spiritual and cultural practices.
Actions have included informal and formal information gathering, meetings with community groups,
production and distribution of health alerts and outreach materials (including fact sheets, sample
labels, Web sites, brochures, radio announcements, and press releases), investigation of complaints,
research funding, risk assessments, voluntary product recalls, measurements of mercury air levels
in botanicas and surrounding living areas, and enforcement of applicable regulations, ranging in
scope from letters to potential violators to a 1991 order banning the packaging of mercury in small
vials for sale in Puerto Rican botanicas.
The Task Force recommendations seek to reduce mercury exposure by recommending realistic and
cost-effective actions that will promote health and well-being while respecting cultural traditions
and community autonomy. The Task Force recommends approaches that rely primarily on
community outreach and education activities to inform mercury suppliers and the public about
mercury's risks, and encourage the use of safer alternatives. Because there continues to be a paucity
of data on the extent of use of mercury for these purposes, the fate and transport of mercury indoors,
and the exposure that might result from these uses, the Task Force prioritized a number of areas for
further study and research. The Task Force recognizes there are many competing priorities for
research, and that government agencies, and non-governmental organizations must balance these
recommendations against other existing priorities. The Task Force made the following
recommendations:
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I. Community Outreach and Education
A coordinated effort between state and local health departments and local community organizations
can help inform mercury suppliers and the public about mercury's risks. Federal agencies can play
a supportive role in these activities.
EPA/OERR
1. Develop a brochure on mercury describing its hazards and what to do if mercury is spilled. This
brochure will serve as a template that can be used by local groups in designing their own
communications. The brochure is intended primarily for distribution via the Web.
2. Produce a written statement for distribution to community groups on the do's and don'ts of
mercury use. This was widely requested by forum participants, this "official message" should
also include messages from the brochure and emphasize the importance of community leaders
in outreach.
3. Encourage funding to assist community-based organizations (CBOs) and local health departments
involved in outreach and education activities.
4. Work with various EPA offices to incorporate mercury in existing education programs, where
appropriate. Because of the perceived success of programs addressing lead and asthma, there was
general support for incorporating the issue of mercury and its health effects into existing
programs in the Office of Children's Health, the Office of Indoor Air, and the Office of Toxics.
It would be particularly effective to add cultural mercury use issues to the indoor air hotline, and
to EPA's Tools for Schools kit.
Agency for Toxic Substances and Disease Registry (ATSDR)
1. Encourage state and local health departments to partner with CBOs in their area and develop an
effective outreach strategy.
2. Encourage the addition of the issue of mercury to existing education programs, where
appropriate. There was general support for incorporating the issue of mercury and its health
effects into existing programs that deal with similar health issues, such as Indoor Air Quality
Programs (e.g., carbon dioxide and lead); Asthma Programs; and Prenatal Care Programs. The
Woman, Infants, and Children (WIC) approach is a good model. Mercury exposure questions
should be included on the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES) and
the Hispanic Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (HHANES). Secondhand exposure
should be included in another line of questioning, such as how long has the exposed person lived
in their residence, etc. Early education childhood prevention programs should follow or be
attached to lead questions.
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Regions/Local Health Departments/CBOs
Plan, implement, and evaluate local education and outreach activities. Much of the outreach and
education on mercury use is necessarily local. Forum participants agreed that grassroots education
efforts are most likely to be effective. Although federal agencies can provide general guidance
about the content of a warning message about mercury use, it is up to state and local health
departments working with CBOs to tailor the message to the local audience and deliver the message
effectively. The collective wisdom compiled from the participants in the forum on Ritualistic Uses
of Mercury on conducting outreach and education can be found in section 4.5. There was consensus
that partnerships between local and state health departments and CBOs are most effective at
promoting mercury programs.
Community-Based Organizations
1. Communicate with publishers and authors of religious/spirituality books that contain mercury
spells, to request inclusion of a specific note about the risks of using mercury and how to reduce
risk in practice - or a consideration of alternative spells that use non-toxic substances.
II. Research Agenda
The following key research areas should be prioritized against other existing priorities:
1. Clinical studies to identify elemental mercury levels in people. Ideally, levels of mercury would
be examined in the bodies of mercury users versus a control group. Twenty-four hour urine
mercury samples could be obtained rather than spot samples, and the mercury could be speciated.
Follow-up would connect exposures to particular sources and use patterns. Given the real-world
constraints imposed by funding issues and the stigma associated with cultural mercury use, some
modifications will have to be made. For example, anonymity and the convenience associated
with spot-urine sampling are needed to attract participants. A simplified research strategy might
only consider base screening mercury levels in Latino and Caribbean communities versus other
communities. Although researchers should strive toward detailed measurement studies where
possible, the studies should, at a minimum, measure the incidence of exposure and impact of
mercury on the community. Incorporation of mercury tests into other routine tests - for example,
child blood-lead levels - might be an effective way for local clinics to collect useful data.
ATSDR has Institutional Review Board (TRB) guidelines that govern clinical studies involving
human subjects, and these must be followed for any clinical study.
2. Ethnographic research to identify the needs, beliefs, use and exposure patterns in specific
subpopulations, and to understand the frequency and extent of different uses, sales rates, and
mercury supply chains. Such research would better characterize the mercury-using population,
illuminating how mercury is used and its exposure implications, as well as its cultural meaning
or significance. Identifying safe alternatives for mercury used by practitioners in a variety of
cultural and religious contexts is also desirable. Participant observation should be a particularly
effective research tool for this work.
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3. Risk perception and risk communication research that evaluates the effectiveness of
communication materials and outreach strategies, and provides input for improved designs for
both. Market research approaches are also valuable here in understanding the audience and
designing salient messages with immediate practical application. Stakeholders should be
involved in ongoing discussions of risk management, and in the design and evaluation of risk
communication materials.
4. Fate and transport studies of mercury in indoor air to better relate cultural use to acute and long-
term exposure levels, and to develop models to predict indoor concentrations and residence times.
Air measurements in vehicles, residences and botanicas are needed to validate these models and
measure typical exposure levels stemming from cultural and religious uses.
5. Epidemiology and toxicology studies aimed at understanding low-level health effects of mercury
and exploring novel biomarkers for exposure assessment are needed. Small grants (such as those
provided in the past by ATSDR and EPA Regions 2 and 5), will be sufficient and effective for
sharing key information for most of these studies. Priority should be given to proposals that
represent true collaborations with active involvement of community groups with demonstrated
access to exposed populations. Private foundations may be a source for funding on this issue.
Some academic professional organizations in sociology and anthropology may provide small
grants for new projects in this field. Finally, the federal and state health care and clinical health
community may be an additional funding source for many of these studies. The Office of
Minority Health in the Department of Health and Human Services, for example, may have an
interest in some of these research areas.
III. Environmental Monitoring
EPA
1. Provide guidance on the use of generally accepted ambient levels of mercury.
2. Provide guidance on instruments and detection limits to use when sampling for mercury. The
NIOSH 6009 method is the standard method used to monitor for mercury. Newer instruments
have been developed that are more portable, and can provide faster and cheaper measurements.
Guidance is needed on the use of these newer instruments to ensure their precision and accuracy
when compared against the standard NIOSH 6009 method.
3. Provide guidance on action levels of mercury.
IV. Technical Assistance and Response
1. Any clinical response must meet ATSDR's criteria for an environmental health intervention and
would require environmental data that would meet the criterion for a public health hazard. If
these conditions are met, a response framework would be constructed. ATSDR is prepared to
provide guidance in public health practice through ascertaining the public health implications of
exposure scenarios and the development and adaptation of the current response strategy. ATSDR
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is ready to assist in developing an integrated risk management protocol based on environmental
and biological sampling, should one become necessary in the future. Any cleanup response to
mercury releases on the Federal level must be pursuant to the legislative and regulatory
authorities of Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability Act of 1980
(CERCLA).
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PREFACE
The U. S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) convened the Task Force on Ritualistic Uses of
Mercury in January 1999 to recommend an appropriate course of action regarding the use of
elemental mercury as part of certain folk practices and religious traditions. In forming the multi-
agency Task Force, EPA hoped to gain a better understanding of these practices and traditions and
their potential public health and environmental impacts. This report summarizes Task Force
activities, provides an overview of what is known about cultural and spiritual mercury use and
makes recommendations for further investigation and outreach.
Mercury is a well-known and much-studied toxic substance. The Task Force designed its work to
complement EPA's broader agenda to reduce mercury in the environment. These EPA efforts focus
primarily on reducing: 1) releases from coal fired power plants, 2) consumption of methylmercury
in fish, and 3) the use of mercury in schools and medical facilities. Indoor domestic exposure to
mercury vapor is of significant concern because of its potential for direct impact on human health.
A variety of sources can lead to domestic exposure, including improperly removed gas pressure
regulators, broken thermostats and thermometers, mercury manometers, and children releasing
stored mercury. In response to repeated requests from Dr. Arnold Wendroff of the Mercury
Poisoning Project in Brooklyn, New York, EPA formed the Task Force to gain a better
understanding of cultural and religious uses of mercury.
The Task Force identified the following purposes as its scope of work:
• To share information about ongoing efforts to evaluate the extent of the problem and related
education and outreach activities;
• To recommend a research agenda to better define the extent of distribution and problems
resulting from cultural and spiritual uses of mercury;
• To recommend a community-based strategic plan for education and outreach activities that
informs users and those exposed to mercury of the hazards of cultural and spiritual uses of
mercury and that encourages reduced exposure; and
• To recommend public health and environmental management protocols, if needed. The protocols
would cover health education activities and outreach to affected populations, and identify tiers
of action to determine if a response is needed. The protocols would identify a broad base of
organizations and agencies who could assist in implementing the protocol.
Accordingly, this report presents the current state of knowledge about these practices and their
health effects, discusses the key areas where additional knowledge would be a helpful guide for
decision makers, and develops a framework for a community-based public health plan addressing
cultural mercury uses.
Report Organization
This report is organized into six chapters. Chapter 1 gives an overview of the problem in its cultural
and political context, identifying the practices involved and the exposures that can result. Chapter
2 provides detailed background on the health effects of mercury exposure. Chapter 3 discusses the
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policy history of cultural and religious mercury use, detailing actions of federal, state, and local
agencies since 1990. Chapter 4 describes the activities of the Task Force, including the forum it
hosted in May 2001. Chapter 5 evaluates the full range of options available to regulators in
addressing this issue, with a focus on EPA, and the likely consequences of each action. Chapter 6
recommends a course of action for research and outreach.
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
A great number of people have contributed to the work of the Task Force.
First, Peter Redmond, Allen Maples, and Geri Bell served the Task Force as Chairs, providing
leadership and guidance in our discussions and actions. Laurie Ann Columbo served as chair of the
Outreach and Education subcommittee, Erik Auf der Heide as chair of the clinical intervention
subcommittee, and Clyde Johnson and Craig Beasley as chairs of the environmental sampling
subcommittee. We thank Suzanne Wells for her support of the Task Force's activities.
Several people contributed to the writing of this report. Donna Riley, an American Association for
the Advancement of Science (AAAS) fellow at EPA wrote the bulk of the report. Erik auf der Heide
wrote Chapter 2 in its entirety. Maureen Lichtveld contributed the framework for the outreach and
education recommendations. Clyde Johnson contributed the discussion on environmental
monitoring. Karen L. Martin incorporated final comments on the report, and prepared it for printing.
The Task Force built on the foundation of work done previously at EPA by Mary Dominiak, Greg
Susanke, Andrea Blaschka, and Sam Gutnik in OPPTS, and Kim Fletcher in CIOC. We are grateful
for their continued assistance.
We are grateful to the community members who took the time to meet with Task Force
representatives at the National Alliance for Hispanic Health, the Temple of Yehwe, the League of
United Latin American Citizens, the Latin American Youth Center, the Pan-American Health
Organization, and the American Public Health Association. We acknowledge with gratitude the
hard work of Dr. Arnold Wendroff of the Mercury Poisoning Project, a tireless advocate for more
than a decade, who first brought national attention to this issue; without him this Task Force would
not have existed.
We thank the Marasco Newton Group, especially Erin Hogan and Brian Ellingwood, for their
support.
We acknowledge on the following two pages the active participants in Task Force activities, and
many others who have supported our work.
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Active Participants on the Task Force on Ritualistic Uses of Mercury
EPA Headquarters
Craig Beasley (OERR)
BenLim(OPPTS)
Donna Riley (AAAS Fellow/OERR)
Peter Redmond, (OERR)
Suzanne Wells (OERR)
Consumer Product Safety
Commission
Martin Bennet
Kris Hatlelid
FEDERAL GOVERNMENT
EPA Region 2
Michael Bious
Martin Freeman (ERRD)
Nina Habib-Spenser
Natalie Loney
Mark Maddaloni
Deborah Meyer
EPA Region 5
Alexis Cain
ATSDR/CDC
Stephanie Alexander
Louise Fabinski (Region V)
Erik Auf der Heide
Arthur Block (Region II)
Laurie Ann Colombo
Steve Jones (EPA Liaison)
Maureen Lichtveld
Pam Tucker
STATE AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT
New York City Department of
Health
Chris D Andrea
Nancy Jeffery
New York State Department of
Health
Pat Fritz
Ed Horn
Wanda Welles
Florida Department of
Environmental Protection
Jack Price
Illinois Department of Public
Health
Mike Moomey
Chicago Department of Public
Health
Esther Sciammarella
New Jersey Department of
Health and Senior Services
Jim Blumenstock
Connecticut Department of
Public Health
Brian Toal
Florida Department of Health
Roger Inman
NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS
Puerto Rican Family Institute
Victor Bianco
New York Academy of Medicine
Eric Canales
Mercury Poisoning Project
Dr. Arnold Wendroff
Carribean Women's Health
Association
Marco Mason
National Alliance for Hispanic
Health
Rita Monroy
Montefiore Medical Center
Phillip Ozuah(Family Medicine)
Medgar Evers College (CUNY)
Clyde Johnson
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Supporters of the Task Force on Ritualistic Uses of Mercury
FEDERAL GOVERNMENT
EPA Headquarters EPA Region 2 ATSDR/CDC
Kevin M. Mould (OERR) Mary H. Cervantes-Gross Lina Balluz (CDC)
Charles A. Openchowski (OGC) Mary Kowalski Angle Fugo (ORO)
Greg Susanke (OPPT) Janet L. Sapadin Kim Gehle
Karen L. Martin (OERR) Evan John Stamataky Norys Guerra
Bilue Thomas Jennifer Lycke
EPA Region 5 Mike McGeehin (CDC)
Brad Stimple National Institutes of Health Ralph O'Connor
Paula Skedsvold George Pettigrew (Region VI)
EPA Region 1 Juan Reyes (ORO)
Geri Weiss EPA Region 9 Bob Safay (Region IV)
Tom Dunkelman Ron Wilson (Ombudsman)
Patrick Young
STATE AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT
New York State Department of Florida Department of New Jersey Department of
Health Environmental Protection Environmental Protection
Stan House David Kelly Michael Aucott
Gerry MacDonald
Florida Department of Health Connecticut Department of
Joe Skerke Public Health
Rolous Frazer Kenny Foscue
NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS
Puerto Rican Family Institute National Alliance for Hispanic UIC - Great Lakes Center
Maria La Dome Health Daniel Hryhorczuk
Mary Girone Mary Thorngren
Princeton University
New York Academy of Medicine New Mexico State University Valerie Thomas
Thomas Matte C. Alison Newby
Brooklyn Hospital
Suzanne Nicoletti-Krase
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1. PRACTICES AND EXPOSURE
1.1 Terminology and Focus
The Task Force on Ritualistic Uses of Mercury initially chose the term "ritualistic" to refer to uses
of mercury that are ceremonial or religious in nature, or that occur according to social custom.
Although this is exactly what the term ritualistic means, the Task Force discovered in the course of
its work that the term seems to carry some negative connotations that were not intended.
Although the Task Force has retained its name, the language in this report consistently refers to
"cultural," "religious," "folk medicinal," and "spiritual" uses of mercury, as preferred language,
recognizing that this language is also imperfect.
Although the Task Force remains concerned about mercury exposure stemming from uses in any
cultural or spiritual tradition, its attention was drawn to the widespread availability of mercury in
botanicas - shops that supply folk medicines, religious artifacts, and other cultural goods in Latino
and Caribbean communities.
1.2 Availability
In many urban areas in the United States, religious supply stores known as botanicas sell a variety
of herbal remedies and religious items used in Latino and Afro-Caribbean traditions, including
Santeria, Palo, Voodoo, and Espiritismo. Many botanicas sell mercury (also called azogue or
vidajan) for individual use in homes, as part of these traditions.
A 1995 survey of 41 New York botanicas found that 38 reported selling mercury, most of them at
a rate of one to four capsules a day[l]. An earlier survey of 115 botanicas in 13 cities in the United
States and Puerto Rico found that 99 sold mercury[2]. The Chicago Department of Public Health
visited 16 botanicas in local Latino communities; all 16 sold mercury in capsules (average weight
of V2 oz.)[3]. Twelve of the botanicas sold the mercury without any sort of labeling. The other four
provided English and Spanish warning labels, although the information was incomplete.
As awareness of mercury exposure has increased in certain areas through the efforts of public health
officials, researchers have found that mercury is more difficult to obtain from botanicas. However,
the sale of mercury seems merely to have been driven underground, so that establishing oneself as
an insider will substantially increase the likelihood of a mercury sale, either on site or at a secret
location[4].
Mercury is commonly sold in a large gelatin capsule that contains, on average, about 9 grams of the
metal[2]. Larger quantities are less commonly sold in small jars or plastic bags.
In addition to botanicas, plumbing supply stores sell elemental mercury for use in manometers.
Mercury may also be available through mail order, over the Internet, and in some hardware stores
and markets, called bodegas, in Caribbean and Latino neighborhoods.
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The availability of mercury needs to be better characterized. To properly characterize the extent of
exposure, more information is needed to estimate the volume of mercury sales, the number of
botanicas that sell mercury now (the limited studies available are several years old), and the
amount purchased per customer. Based on a recent report in the Chicago Sun Times, mercury sales
appear to have declined[5]. Have mercury sales actually slowed there, or have they moved
underground? How has this change affected the extent of mercury use in that community? More
generally, how is mercury availability related to its use? All of these questions need further
investigation.
1.3 Uses
Mercury is used in a variety of ways to attract luck, love, or money; to protect against evil, or to
speed the action of spiritual works, as proposed by spiritual or folk traditions. Popular books on
Santeria feature "recipes" for spiritual works that contain mercury [6], [7]. Zayas and Ozuah[ 1 ]found
that botanica personnel most commonly recommended carrying mercury as an amulet in a sealed
pouch (49%) or pocket (32%), or sprinkling mercury in the home (29%). A survey of Latin
American and Caribbean residents of the Bronx[8]reported these uses as well as burning mercury
in a candle, mixing it with perfume, and sprinkling it in the car. Wendroff[2]reported that 13 of 28
New York botanicas prescribed sprinkling mercury indoors. Ingestion of mercury has also been
documented in Mexican American communities as a treatment for the culturally bound intestinal
disorder empacho[9],[10]. Mercury is sometimes mixed with water or other liquids and used to
clean the home, added to spiritual baths, or placed under the bed in a cup of water[l, 2, 4, 8].
The extent of mercury use is unknown, but several studies have collected data that indicate its use
is prevalent in some areas. Johnson[8]surveyed 203 Latin American and Caribbean adults in New
York City; 44% of Caribbean and 27% of Latin American respondents reported mercury use. Six
percent of Latin American and 12% of Caribbean mercury users said they used it daily; 54% of Latin
American and 50% of Caribbean mercury users said they used it occasionally. It is of interest that
nearly two-thirds of the user and non-user respondents (with no significant difference between the
two groups) said they would welcome having indoor air measurements or biological testing for
mercury. Eighty-two percent said they obtained elemental mercury from a botanica; 3% brought
it with them when they emigrated to the United States; 6% got it from their job, a pharmacy, their
landlord, or their parents; and 9% did not specify a source.
A survey in Hartford Connecticut, conducted by the Hispanic Health Council, found that of 108
Latino and West Indian residents of Hartford, only 8% reported using mercury, while 17% knew of
its use. Of 10 spiritists and folk healers interviewed, only one reported currently using mercury in
the home, although all knew about the practice (Toal B. Connecticut Department of Health.
Personal Communication, August 2, 2001.). Zayas and Ozuah[l]found that the source of
recommendation for mercury use was reported as a family member (39%), spiritualist (39%), or
friend (37%), while santeros (Santeria priests) were mentioned by only 10%. In a survey of 79
Latino residents of Chicago, Illinois, 16 (1 male, and 15 females) reported that they had used
metallic mercury on several occasions. Half knew someone outside of the family, who used mercury
and one-fourth knew someone within the family, who it. One of the 16 reported current use of
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mercury at least once a month, three reported using it during the prior year, and 12 said they used
it more than a year ago[3].
Wendroff describes in an unpublished study carried out in fall 1990 by Dr. Deborah Arbit, a chief
resident at the State University of New York-Downstate Medical Center. A survey of 100 women
patients, mostly Haitian and Hispanic, revealed 25% who were familiar with the spiritual use of
mercury, but were not users nor did they have users in their household. One patient reported using
mercury by mixing it with her cologne and applying it daily 2 years before she gave birth to a child.
Her urine and that of her newborn child were negative for mercury as were cord blood and amniotic
fluid. However, her breast milk was reported to contain 57 |ig/L of mercury (Wendroff AP. Study
of mercury use in New York City. 1999.).
Although a significant number of studies have been completed, it is difficult to draw many solid
conclusions from them. Data gathered to date are largely based on self-reports. Problems
identifying willing participants result in small or non-representative samples, or both. Most data
have been gathered in the New York metropolitan area. Not enough attention has been given to
characterizing populations that use mercury and their underlying belief systems. Mercury use is
often casually attributed to Santeria, without evidence that it is more prevalent in that religion than
in other spiritual or cultural traditions.
There are data gaps in our understanding of mercury use. A reliable estimate of the frequency of
mercury use, as well as other toxic substances such asprecipitado rojo (mercuric oxide), greta (lead
oxide), and azarcon (lead tetroxide), is still needed. Knowing the details of the location, quantities,
and frequency for each type of use, as well as its cultural origins will help to reliably estimate the
distribution of different uses and resultant exposure levels. Still unknown is the extent of use across
the population, including uses outside of Latino or Caribbean traditions (e.g., in Hindu, Wiccan/Neo-
Pagan, or new age practices), and typical use patterns for individuals.
Little is known about how mercury is supplied to botanicas for retail sale. In December 1992, the
California Department of Health Services received a consumer complaint filed by Dr. Arnold
Wendroff of the Mercury Poisoning Proj ect in Brooklyn, New York, that metallic mercury had been
sold in several botanicas in the Los Angeles, California, area. This matter was referred to the U. S.
Environmental Protection Agency's Office of Enforcement, which learned that Los Angeles area
botanicas, as well as retail establishments in other areas of the country, obtained mercury from a
metal recycler. EPA reported that this company sold a very small percentage (the exact numbers
were not specified in the report) of its recovered mercury to religious supply companies throughout
the country. These companies repackage and redistribute mercury, along with other religious
articles, to small business establishments (e.g., religious stores and candle shops)[ll]. However,
less-formal operations, such as individuals in unmarked trucks delivering small amounts to
botanicas, also seem to be in place[4].
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1.4 Alternatives to Mercury
There are many possible alternatives to elemental mercury, depending on the religious or cultural
tradition and on the desired outcome. It is not possible to say that elemental mercury can always
be substituted by a particular substance, because mercury has so many different uses in so many
different traditions. However, for any particular use, it is usually possible to find a way to achieve
the same result with less-toxic materials, if a spiritual consultant in the appropriate tradition is asked
for advice. For example, where mercury is used to speed the action of a spiritual work, sangre de
dragon (dragon's blood, a red resin obtained from the fruit of several species of daemonorops
palms) is considered in some traditions to be a very powerful substitute, but it is not considered toxic
by scientists[12]. Amulets for personal protection can be made with aguaflorida (Florida water,
a perfumed water or cologne), or by carrying any of a number of medallions or curios, such as the
coin of the siete potencias (Seven African Powers). Purification or spiritual cleansing of a home can
be accomplished with aguaflorida, or various plants.
1.5 Fate, Transport, and Exposure
Mercury's volatility and long residence time indoors create a potential for inhalation exposures to
individuals. Mercury is difficult to remove from contaminated buildings, and small amounts can
lead to contamination for extended periods of time.
Data gathered at mercury spill events provide some bounds for expected air concentration levels.
Several months after a large jar of mercury was spilled in an Ohio apartment, two children
developed acute mercury poisoning, and air levels in the apartment were 50 - 400 micrograms per
cubic meter (|ig/m3)[13]. In Michigan, a 300g spill resulted in air concentrations of 10 - 40 |ig/m3
several months after the spill and acute poisoning of three children in the house[14]. Breakage of
a mercury thermometer on a vinyl floor, followed immediately by cleanup of all visible beads,
resulted in mercury air concentrations of 5 |ig/m3 a week later, and 0-2 |ig/m3 2 weeks later[15].
No similar incidents yet reported relate to cultural and religious uses of mercury. However, no one
has looked systematically for these incidents, and socioeconomic and political barriers inhibit
reporting (Engblom R, EPA Region 6. Personal Communication, May 23, 2001.).
A study at Montefiore Hospital in the Bronx[16]measured mercury in the urine of 100 pediatric
patients (55% Hispanic, 43% African American), and showed a 3% rate of elevated (> 10 |ig/L)
mercury levels. This number is similar to the 4% rate of elevated blood lead levels in the same
population, indicating that the mercury exposure may warrant similar public attention.
For any given overall household air concentration, children may be at higher risk for toxicity than
adults. This is because mercury vapor is denser than air and becomes more concentrated near the
floor where children do more breathing. Also, when compared to adults, pediatric respiratory air
exchange per unit body weight (minute ventilation per kilogram) is greater; for the same air
concentration of mercury, a larger dose in the pediatric population would be expected[17],[18].
The fate and transport of mercury vapor indoors are not well understood. For example, to estimate
exposure from sprinkling mercury indoors, we need to predict typical droplet-size distributions.
Droplet size determines the amount of surface area that is exposed to air, and along with temperature
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and ventilation rates, the amount of mercury that volatilizes. Differences in exposure estimates of
several orders of magnitude can occur for the same mass of mercury with different surface areas.
Similarly, the effects of temperature, humidity, and deposition rates onto walls, floor, carpet, and
other indoor materials are critical determinants of mercury levels that warrant further study.
Most important, there is a need for clinical data. Do people who use mercury for spiritual and folk
tradition purposes (and people who share their living space) have elevated mercury levels? Ideally,
clinical studies would follow up on findings of elevated urine levels with home testing and a source
assessment. Because of the stigmatization of this practice and other political and cultural factors,
it has been very difficult to find volunteers for this type of study. More realistic studies might
simply determine whether members of Latino and Caribbean communities in U. S. cities have
elevated mercury levels. A variety of factors could contribute to a higher mercury burden in these
populations, so a study would not necessarily be able to conclude that cultural and spiritual uses
were responsible if higher levels were found. However, if a pattern of elevated mercury levels is
found, community groups will have a greater incentive to work toward identifying and reducing all
mercury sources.
1.6 Environmental Monitoring
Actual measurements of mercury concentrations in indoor air in botanicas and residences are needed
to gauge the severity of the problem, and to relate source and exposure data. Government agencies
have set standards for mercury in indoor air to protect human health. EPA's risk database gives a
reference concentration (RfC) of 0.3 |ig/m3 of air[19]. ATSDR minimal risk level (MRL) for
chronic or lifetime exposure is 0.2 |ig/m3[20](no intermediate exposure MRL has been developed).
The reference concentration and MRL are not meant to be used as hard and fast rules for action; they
represent conservative estimates of exposure to the human population (including sensitive
subgroups) that is likely to be without an appreciable risk of adverse health effects during a lifetime.
The Occupational Safety and Health Administration's (OSHA) ceiling limit (which shall not be
exceeded at any time) is 100 |ig/m3[21], and the National Institute for Occupational Safety and
Health (NIOSH) recommends an 8-hour time-weighted average (TWA) of 50 |ig/m3[22]in
occupational settings. These standards were set in the early 1970s, and more recent 8-hour TWAs
have been set by the American Council of Governmental Industrial Hygienists (ACGIH) in 1996
at 25 |ig/m3[23].
Methods for establishing mercury exposure measurements can vary at the state and local level,
because equipment availability and cost considerations impact measurement protocol. Different
technologies produce measurements with different levels of scientific uncertainty, which can affect
decision-making about appropriate responses. Although the above standards guide decision makers,
other site-specific variations are also considered, such as the time-activity patterns of building
occupants, and the sensitivity of the population exposed.
The Jerome meter is a hand-held device that gives real-time readings of mercury in indoor air. An
air sample passes through the instrument, and the electrical resistance of a gold film sensor inside
increases in proportion to the concentration of mercury and mercury compounds in the air.
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The Jerome is fast but loses accuracy at low levels (< about 10 ng/m3). It has a number of
interferences that make its use in a cultural and religious exposure setting problematic. For example,
the presence of smoke and nitrogen compounds, including ammonia, can create falsely high
readings. Such compounds are likely to be present near an altar or in a botanica where candles are
frequently lit and burned for hours.
The NIOSH 6009 method is recognized as a highly accurate measurement protocol for mercury in
indoor air, but it requires lengthy sample times (8- hours standard), and the sample must be sent to
a lab for analysis using atomic absorption spectrophotometry. Atomic absorption spectrophotometry
can produce accurate readings at very low concentrations (certainly below the MRL of 0.2 ng/m3).
Unfortunately, the NIOSH method is time-consuming, and it can be inconvenient for building
occupants.
Thus, the Jerome is useful for exploratory readings and source identification, but the NIOSH method
is often needed to determine what further actions might be necessary, and to verify cleanup levels.
Typically, when using the Jerome meter, indoor air concentrations > 10 ng/m3 can result in a decision
to isolate residents from the exposure, and conduct an investigation to identify any sources of
mercury in the home (appropriate response actions follow if necessary). For readings <10 ng/m3
that the Jerome still registers as non-zero (typically >3 ng/m3), further analysis (e.g., with the
NIOSH method) is needed to get an accurate determination of mercury levels. In fact, further
analysis may even be necessary with a non-detect on the Jerome, because of the instrument's level
of sensitivity. Because cleanup goals may be set at or below 1.0 ng/m3, it is not possible to use the
Jerome reliably for verification of cleanup.
Recently, a number of new hand-held instruments with greater sensitivity, were introduced into this
complicated decision-making landscape. These instruments can provide accurate real-time readings
<10 ng/m3 (some claim sensitivities as low as 0.002 |j,g/m3). The instruments use a form of atomic
absorption spectrophotometry that isolates only mercury atoms for analysis.
This increased sensitivity may allow agencies responding to mercury spills to reduce the use of the
NIOSH method and simplify their decision-making processes, in some cases. However, several
considerations must be taken into account. First, it will be some time before these instruments have
replaced Jeromes in the arsenals of state and local agencies, so it is necessary to continue to provide
guidance to decision makers facing data based on the Jerome meter. Second, the instruments'
accuracies must be more thoroughly tested against the NIOSH method to determine when and how
they can be appropriately used. Third, time-weighted average measurements are still needed to
estimate exposure properly and determine the risk levels for occupants. Although some of the new
instruments have a logging capability that might be used to track measurements over time, the
feasibility and accuracy of using an instrument in this way needs to be investigated further.
EPA scientists are gathering the necessary quality assurance/quality control data on these new
instruments, while this equipment is being used on an experimental basis.
1.7 Comparison to Other Mercury Exposure Issues
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It is important to understand the scope of this problem relative to other mercury issues. A 1999 EPA
analysis of domestic mercury spills found that of 19 spill reports from 1986-1998, 11 (58%) were
due to children playing with mercury, 3 were related to improper or former business practices on
site, 3 were inadvertent (e.g., spills), and 2 were discoveries not related to residents' actions. The
total cleanup cost for these incidents was $6 million (range per incident was $3,300 to $3.4 million).
No reported spills listed cultural and religious mercury use as a source of exposure[24].
AT SDR's Hazardous Substances Emergency Events Surveillance System tracks mercury releases
in 16 participating states. An analysis of data from 1993-1998 shows that of 390 reported "fixed
facility" (non-transportation) events involving mercury only, 65 (17%) occurred in private
residences, 80 (21%) occurred in schools and universities, and 64 (16%) occurred in health care
facilities. Causal factor data were available for 46 of the domestic events, with 33 stemming from
human error, 6 from equipment failure (e.g., thermometers, gas pressure regulators, blood pressure
devices), 4 from "deliberate" damage, and 3 due to other causes. Cultural and spiritual uses were
not mentioned in any reported incidents. Thirty persons had elevated blood-mercury levels in four
residential events - 24 were exposed in a single event, in which schoolchildren found mercury in
an alley and brought it into several homes[25].
The mercury exposure that poses the greatest risk to most Americans is ingestion of methylmercury
in certain kinds offish. Hair and blood mercury data from the 1999 National Health and Nutrition
Examination Survey (NHANES) indicate that approximately 10% of women have mercury levels
within one-tenth of the reference dose (0.1 |j,g methylmercury/kg body weight/day) for
methylmercury. A reference dose is an estimate (with uncertainty spanning perhaps an order of
magnitude) of the daily exposure of the human population to a potential hazard that is likely to be
without risk of deleterious effects during a lifetime. Virtually all of the mercury was organic,
indicating methylmercury exposure as the primary source[26].
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2. HEALTH EFFECTS
Recently, ATSDR was asked by the EPA to provide consultation about the health effects from
inhalation of elemental mercury vapor in the home. This chapter summarizes the scientific literature
related specifically to home inhalation exposures to elemental mercury vapor. It should be noted
that in some aspects there may be overlap with toxicity from exposures to other forms of mercury
(e.g., methylmercury or mercuric chloride) or other routes of exposure (e.g., ingestion). However,
a distinction must be made between the adverse health effects from these other forms and routes of
exposure and those due to elemental mercury vapor inhalation. It is easier to recognize toxicity from
an acute exposure to elemental mercury in the home, than from chronic exposures because of non-
specific signs and symptoms associated with the latter. Therefore, this document gives more
attention to chronic exposures.
2.1 How Does Elemental Mercury Get Into The Home?
Elemental mercury can get into the home in a number of ways. Children may be exposed to mercury
vapors when they bring metallic mercury home to play with it. The heavy, shiny, silver liquid that
forms little balls or beads when spilled fascinates children. Children may find elemental mercury
when they trespass in abandoned warehouses, closed factories, or hazardous waste sites. Children
also have taken elemental mercury from school chemistry and physics laboratories and abandoned
warehouses[18].
Broken thermometers, thermostats and other mercury-containing instruments or equipment (e.g.,
fluorescent light bulbs, barometers, blood pressure measurement equipment, and light switches) used
in the home, and stored mercury, are other sources of metallic mercury[18],[27]. Workers in
industries that use metallic mercury have inadvertently brought mercury into their homes on
contaminated work clothing and shoes or boots, exposing household members to the chemical[28].
Sometimes persons are exposed to mercury when attempting to extract gold from gold ore by
heating it with metallic mercury,[29],[30]or when heating amalgam dental fillings to extract the
silver [14],[31]. This practice is especially dangerous because heating mercury increases
tremendously the amount of toxic vapor released[18].
Mercury may also get into the home as the result of folk traditions and spiritual practices (see
Chapter 1).
Metallic mercury and its vapors can remain for months or years on furniture, carpet, floors, walls,
and other such items, thus continuing to be a source of exposure[18]. Elemental mercury
contamination can be removed from some items, such as clothing, by exposing them to outdoor air
and sunshine.
2.2 Acute, High-Dose Effects
In acute (short-term, on the order of hours), high-dose (concentrations on the order of 10 mg/m3, or
10,000 ng/m3) exposure, mercury first affects the respiratory system and can result in pneumonitis,
severe bronchiolitis, pulmonary edema, and death[32]. In a number of case reports of fatal
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inhalation toxicity from mercury vapor, all were attributed to respiratory failure[18]. Central
nervous system effects, renal damage, and inflammation of oral tissue can also occur[32].
2.3 Chronic, Low-Dose Effects
With smaller doses (on the order of 10-100 ng/m3) over a longer period of time (years) neurologic
effects predominate[32]. These may include intention tremors, which initially affect the muscles
of the eyelids, tongue, and fingers[33] and sometimes spread to other parts of the body. Often this
tremor can be demonstrated when an individual attempts to draw or write[34],[35]. Other effects
include emotional lability, which is characterized by irritability, excessive shyness, confidence loss,
and nervousness; insomnia; memory loss; neuromuscular changes (e.g., weakness, muscle atrophy,
muscle twitching); headache; ataxia; polyneuropathy (e.g., numbness, exaggerated tendon reflexes,
and slowing of nerve conduction); and deterioration of performance in tests of cognitive function.
In some cases, hearing or visual field loss or hallucinations have occurred[18]. Because of their
variability and non-specificity, these chronic neurologic effects may be misdiagnosed as behavioral
or psychiatric disorders[35],[36]. Other chronic effects include excessive perspiration or salivation,
kidney dysfunction, and corneal or lens opacities. Occasionally, exposure to mercury causes a
syndrome called acrodynia, or pink disease. Acrodynia is an idiosyncratic, non-allergic
hypersensitivity response caused by an exposure to mercury. It can result in severe leg cramps;
irritability; and abnormal redness of the skin, followed by peeling of the hands, nose, and soles of
the feet. Itching, swelling, fever, fast heart rate, elevated blood pressure, excessive salivation or
sweating, rashes, fretfulness, sleeplessness, or weakness, or any combination of symptoms, may also
be present. Acrodynia has been thought of as a disease of small children, but has occasionally been
reported in older persons[18],[32],[37],[38].
2.4 How Much Mercury Is Dangerous?
There are case reports of clinical findings, such as those listed in the previous section, associated
with exposure to mercury vapors resulting from broken clinical thermometers (which contain about
0.3 mL, or 0.06 teaspoons, of mercury[27]) or blood pressure measuring devices[39],[40],[41].
Overall, the amount of mercury contained in a thermometer is small and does not present an
immediate threat to human health. However, to avoid a health risk over time, the mercury should
be cleaned up and disposed of properly.
2.5 Pediatric Effects
The long-term health effects in children with elevated urine mercury levels have not been well
studied. However, for any given overall household air concentration, children may be at higher risk
for toxicity than adults. This is because mercury is heavier than air and becomes more concentrated
near the floor, where children breathe[42]. Also, when compared to adults, pediatric respiratory air
exchange per unit body weight (minute ventilation per kilogram) is greater, so given the same air
concentration of mercury, one would expect a larger dose in the pediatric population[17],[18].
2.6 Mercury in Breast Milk
There is evidence of inorganic mercury secretion in breast milk[18].
2.7 Reproductive Effects
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Empirical data on reproductive risks of mercury exposure are limited. A number of studies failed
to show adverse effects on fertility in male workers with urine mercury levels as high as 8,572 |ig/L
[17]. On the other hand, a few studies suggest that an increased risk of spontaneous abortion might
be present when either the mother or the father have been exposed to elemental mercury resulting
in urine values as low as 50 |ig/L[18]. Although both methyl mercury and elemental mercury have
been implicated as a toxicant effecting unborn children, data on the effects of elemental mercury are
limited and mainly based on a few case reports. Although most of these case reports do not
demonstrate adverse effects on the fetus, not enough evidence exists to conclude that the fetus is not
vulnerable to such exposures [18],[30],[43],[44].
2.8 Genetic and Cancer Risks
The evidence is inconclusive as to whether there are risks of chromosome abnormalities secondary
to inhalation exposure to elemental mercury. To date, epidemiologic studies have not documented
an increased risk of cancer from exposure to metallic mercury [18].
2.9 Biological Monitoring
Measurement of mercury in the urine is the most widely accepted method of monitoring for toxic
levels of exposure and most closely reflects the body burden of the substance[45],[46],[47],[48],
[49],[50],[51],[52], especially in chronic exposures[53]. However, for a number of reasons,
interpretation of urine mercury levels is not always straightforward. A bimodal pattern of excretion
has been described with a rapid initial phase (half-life of 2 days), followed by a slower phase (half-
life of 70 days)[54]. Inter-individual variation has been observed in the time it takes to rid the body
of mercury. In volunteers exposed to 10 to 15 minutes of mercury vapor inhalation, for example,
elimination followed a single-phased excretion pattern that varied from 35 to 90 days[55]. Also,
urine mercury levels vary depending on what time of day they are collected (e.g., the level is highest
in the morning[56],[57],[58]. Furthermore, the level of urine mercury at which an individual will
manifest signs and symptoms of toxicity varies[59],[60],[61],[62]. Finally, urine levels may not
adequately reflect mercury levels in the mammalian brain, and concentrations in various regions of
the brain may differ[63],[64]. Although estimates of brain mercury half-life elimination rates in
some studies of metallic mercury vapor exposure are as short as 21 days for a brief exposure, one
case report found mercury persisting in brain tissue 10 years after cessation of known exposure[65].
Numerous studies have been conducted to ascertain how high the level of urine mercury
accumulated must be before adverse health effects occur from chronic low-dose exposures. These
studies focused primarily on the central nervous system, which is the target organ system most
sensitive to this type of exposure. Effects on the kidney have also been reported, but generally at
higher doses than those that result in neurologic toxicity[63].
These studies provided useful evidence linking chronic, low-dose mercury exposure to adverse
health effects. However, they provide less guidance in interpreting what urinary mercury levels
mean in any particular individual. Some papers report mean (or median) group values of urine
mercury levels associated with renal and neurologic and neurobehavioral abnormalities without
reporting the standard deviations[66],[67],[68],[69],[70],[71],[72],[73],[74],[75]. In others, the
10
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lower 95% confidence interval calculated from the reported standard deviations are below zero,
suggesting a non-normal distribution[76],[77],[78],[79]. When the distribution of urine mercury
values does not correspond to a normal (bell-shaped) curve, it is hard to interpret what a person's
urine level means with regard to health risk. Many of the reported standard deviations are large,
indicating substantial inter-individual variations[77],[78],[79],[80],[81],[82]. No papers could be
found that reported the sensitivity (i.e., the probability of the test being positive if disease is present),
specificity (i.e., the probability of a test being negative if disease is absent), predictive value positive
(i.e., the probability of disease if the test is abnormal), or predictive value negative (i.e., the
probability of being disease-free if the test is normal) of urine mercury tests in an individual[83].
Knowledge of these probabilities is necessary if the urine mercury level is going to be of any
practical value in guiding health care interventions in any given individual patient.
Some guidance is provided to the clinician by data collected on urine mercury levels in reportedly
unexposed subjects. Goldwater reported urine mercury levels from 1,107 participants in a non-
randomized multinational sample of persons without a known history of mercury exposure[84]. He
found that urine mercury levels as follows:
• <0.5 |ig/Lin78%
• <5 |ig/L in 86%
• <10 |ig/Lin 89%
• < 15 |ig/Lin 94%
• <20 |ig/L in 95%
• <25 |ig/L in 96%
• 25-50 |ig/L in 1.9% and
• >50|ig/Lin 1.5%
The highest urine mercury level found was 221 |ig/L.
The author points out that the study used convenience sampling, and participants were not picked
randomly. The currently accepted upper normal value for urine mercury is based on the level found
in 95% of the unexposed population, i.e., 20 |ig/L[85]. Although a number of studies have found
adverse neurotoxic effects at higher urinary mercury levels[59], [66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73],[86],
[87],[88]the lowest mean chronic urinary mercury levels at which adverse health effects have been
demonstrated in humans are close to the upper background value of 20 |ig/L. Many of these studies
reported on very subtle signs of toxicity that required sophisticated instrumentation to detect and
which would not generally show up on a clinical neurologic exam. Piikivi and Hanninen[81 ] studied
workers exposed to mercury who had mean urine levels of 10.1 |imol/mol (standard deviation (SD)
6.8, range 1.9-31.2) and controls with mean levels of 1.2(SD 0.9, range <0.6 -3.8). These values
correspond to 17.9 |ig/g (SD 12.0, range 3.4 - 55.2) and 2.1 |ig/g (SD 1.6, range <1.1 - 6.7)[42].
Exposed workers showed significantly more sleep problems and higher mood scale values for anger,
fatigue, and confusion compared with controls. No significant decrements in psychomotor tests or
memory and learning were found in exposed persons. Echeverria et al.[77]studied exposed dentists
with spot urine mercury levels >19 |ig/L (compared with unexposed controls having no detectable
mercury in urine) and found decrements in tests of neurobehavioral function. The mean urine
11
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mercury level in the exposed group was 36 |ig/L, but with a large SD of 20 |ig/L. Fawer et al.
[89]found increased hand tremor in exposed subjects with a mean urine mercury level of 11.3
|imol/mol creatinine and SD of 1.2 |imol/mol. This corresponds to a mean and SD of 20 |ig/g
creatinine and 2.1 |ig/g, respectively[42]. Chapman et al. found changes in tremor in exposed
workers with mean levels of 23.1 |ig/L (SD of 28.3 |ig/L)[78].
Several studies have been published on adverse renal effects as they relate to urinary mercury levels,
and these effects seem to occur at higher mercury levels than those that cause neurobehavioral
effects. Naleway et al. studied dentists with urine mercury levels of 0 - 115 jig/g creatinine and
found no relationship between the mercury levels and serum creatinine, creatinine clearance, serum
• «2-microglobulin (B2M), or urine B2M[75]. Boogaard et al. compared high exposure (mean 23.7
|ig/g creatinine, range 3.5 - 71.9), low exposure (mean 4.1 |ig/g, range 0.6-8.8), and non-exposed
controls (mean 2.4 |ig/g, range 0.5 - 6.8)[74]. No standard deviations were reported. Although
B2M and N-acetyl-* •D-glucosaminidase were higher in the groups with high exposure when
compared with the low-exposure groups, both were within the 95% confidence interval of the levels
found in the unexposed control groups. Buchet et al. did not find an increase in urinary albumin,
transferrin, orosomucoid, B2M, alkaline phosphatase, or plasma creatinine in those persons with
mercury levels <50 |ig/g[81]. The authors also reported an increase in • «galactosidase in those with
urine mercury levels of 5 - 49.9 |ig/g, but the authors also indicated that the health consequences
of this finding were unknown. Roels et al. reported that increased excretion of urinary proteins was
seen at a mean urinary mercury level of 95.5 |ig/g (range 9.9 - 286.0, 5% level of 12.3, 95% level
of 245.4)[69]. However, urine levels of amino acids, B2M, retinol binding protein, and albumin
were not significantly elevated compared with controls.
A number of papers have reported on urine mercury levels at which neurologic symptoms are more
likely to be found on a routine neurologic examination. Some found that symptoms and signs were
not apparent in the patient's medical history or on the physical exam until urine mercury levels were
in the 50 - 100 |ig/L or |ig/g creatinine range[18],[90],[91]. In other studies, this occurred at 102
- 162 ,ig/L or ,ig/g[47],[92],[93],[94]200 - 450 jig/L or |ig/g[95],[43],[59],[71],[72],[93],[95] or
even as high as about 1,000 |ig/L[90],[96].
2.10 Treatment
The comments of Campbell et al., epitomize the dilemmas faced by clinicians treating patients
exposed to elemental mercury[97]. Although case studies might applaud specific treatment
modalities, there is a paucity of empirical data on how these treatment alternatives affect outcome.
The result is an absence of evidence-based treatment decision guidelines. In particular, there is little
to help the physician identify patients with a good prognosis who may avoid unnecessary therapy.
Chelation has been touted not only as a treatment[98],[99],[100], but as method of diagnosis as well
[101],[102],[103],[104]. The safety and efficacy of chelation for diagnostic purposes is unproven
[105],[106]. Some authors have reported the recommendation that all individuals who have
specified blood or urine mercury levels or who are symptomatic should undergo chelation[90],[98].
Unfortunately, little empirical evidence exists to justify these blood or urine levels as an indicator
for chelation. Furthermore, many of the clinical signs and symptoms of mercury toxicity are
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nonspecific (e.g., forgetfulness, headache, irritability, emotional lability, insomnia, inability to
concentrate, nervousness, anxiety, dizziness, nightmares, excessive shyness, violent behavior,
decreased appetite, weight loss)[85],[107],[108]. These findings may overlap with signs and
symptoms due to nontoxic psychiatric disorders, thus leading to a misdiagnosis[36],[97],[109]. The
rarity of mercury toxicity[94] may also make it less likely to be high on the list of conditions a
clinician would typically consider. Intention tremor is probably one of the least ambiguous findings
related to metallic mercury exposure[108]. Although some authors recommend monitoring urine
mercury levels to assess the efficacy of chelation, the urine levels that should guide the initiation or
cessation of treatment are not clearly documented[98].
There are few controlled, systematically collected data on how chelation effects the outcome of
elemental mercury toxicity. The results from the case-study design reports completed are hard to
interpret [29],[94],[97],[110],[11!],[! 12],[113],[114],[115],[116],[117]. Anumber of investigators
have noted increased urinary excretion of mercury after the administration of chelators
[31],[85],[90],[104],[106],[111],[116],[118],[119],[120],[121],[122]. However, evidence is lacking
to show that the outcome is better for those who are chelated versus those merely removed from
exposure[34],[35],[36],[85],[91],[101],[102],[122],[123],[124],[125]. Itispossiblethatthisoccurs
because chelation mobilizes only a small proportion of the total body burden of mercury or because
it mobilizes mercury in the kidney tissue, but not in the brain[126]. Because some cases of mercury
toxicity will abate with simple removal from exposure,[33],[107],[127]it is difficult to assess the
effects of chelation therapy without doing controlled studies. In a review article, Kosnett was only
able to find one study that addressed this issue[128]. This study involved 86 patients treated with
the chelator, dimercaprol (BAL) within 4 hours of ingesting >lg of mercuric chloride. Although
the study showed improved survival when compared to historic controls, its relevance to patients
with longer term exposure to elemental mercury is unclear.
Some have expressed concern that chelators, by mobilizing mercury from other tissue stores, may
enhance brain levels and worsen toxicity[37],[101],[129]. The potential for adverse consequences
when chelation therapy is used is an issue in treatment decisions. For example, approximately 50%
of patients treated with BAL experience adverse drug reactions. Doses >5 mg/kg may result in
vomiting, seizures, stupor, and coma[103].
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3. HISTORY OF ACTION AT FEDERAL, STATE, AND LOCAL AGENCIES
3.1 EPA
EPA first took up this issue in 1992, when the California Department of Health and Human Services
investigated a complaint, lodged by Dr. Wendroff, related to the sale of elemental mercury in folk
pharmacies or botanicas in the Los Angeles area. The EPA's Office of Enforcement took up the
matter for consideration under section 7 of the Toxic Substances Control Act (TSCA)[130J. In
January 1993, the Office of Pollution Prevention and Toxics (OPPT) conducted a risk assessment
to determine whether these uses of mercury constituted an "imminent hazard to human health."
OPPT noted that "many uncertainties still exist regarding the extent and conditions of use of
mercury in these practices" but offered two scenarios as "bounding estimates" of exposure. Acute
exposures were found to be of low to moderate concern, but chronic exposures were found to be of
high concern. Three risk-management options were considered: risk communication in a public
outreach campaign, product stewardship to prevent distribution of mercury to botanicas, and
regulatory action under TSC A. Product stewardship was deemed ineffective because there are many
legal sources of mercury; regulatory action was deemed resource-intensive, difficult to implement
and enforce, and a potential infringement of religious freedoms protected by the First
Amendment[ll].
EPA engaged several national Latino organizations for help implementing a public outreach
strategy. The organizations had the following suggest!ons[l 1]:
• EPA should carefully identify the target population because mercury use is more likely to be
limited to specific communities and not likely to be widespread.
• A risk communication program should be established, with the help of Latino organizations; the
program should be framed as general mercury education with no mention of religion.
• Other interventions such as preventing suppliers' sales of mercury to botanicas would likely be
ineffective, drive the problem underground, and erode the already low level of trust the
community has in government agencies.
• EPA should have an ongoing dialogue on other environmental and public health problems of
concern to Latinos, including pesticide exposures to farm workers, environmental justice analysis
of Toxic Release Inventory (TRI) data, and cross-border disposal problems along the Rio Grande.
In September 1994, the EPA launched an informational campaign, including a two-page mercury
alert and a four-page technical fact sheet to be used as a resource for other groups contacted about
mercury uses. The fact sheet was produced in English, Spanish, and Portugese (Appendix A). EPA
sent outreach materials developed by California and Connecticut (Appendix A) to state Departments
of Health and Environment, flagging this issue for them. States were asked to provide EPA with
both the names of community groups who could help in getting the message out, and a list of
contacts who could provide assistance with health or clean-up issues.
As part of this outreach effort, EPA developed and aired a series of radio broadcasts on the subject.
Broadcasts were written, translated and recorded by the Hispanic Radio Network, Inc. as part of a
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regularly scheduled daily program called "The Best of All Worlds," which dealt with environmental
and health issues. The broadcasts consisted of five segments that discussed the uses of mercury,
potential substitutes, dangers to health, diagnosis and treatment, and cleanup of contaminated homes.
The segments aired on five consecutive days in September 1994 on all the Spanish language stations
that are members of the Hispanic Radio Network across the United States. Segments were prepared
and delivered by the show's host, Reverie de Escobedo.
In addition to the outreach effort, the Chemical Control Division in the Office of Prevention
Pesticides and Toxic Substances sent a letter to mercury producers, importers, and recyclers,
informing them of the hazards involved in downstream uses of mercury and encouraging them to
implement product stewardship measures to ensure that labeling and other safety information
distributed with their products are supplied to downstream users. In particular, recipients of the
letter were asked to work with mercury distributors to ensure that they are taking appropriate steps
to ensure that consumers are made aware of the hazards of mercury.
In response to several poisoning incidents involving school students in 1994, EPA's Office of
Emergency and Remedial Response (OERR) developed and distributed a pamphlet and video
directed toward children about the dangers of playing with mercury (Appendix A).
In 1997, EPA issued a joint alert with ATSDR about continuing patterns of mercury exposure,
reporting several incidents from 1994-1997 involving mercury poisoning in schoolchildren, and
warning of the potential for similar incidents occurring from spiritual and folk traditional uses,
although no such incidents had been reported. The alert was released in English, Spanish and
Haitian Creole[131]. This was part of an agency-wide mercury outreach strategy, that included a
conference on pollution prevention, use reduction and disposal, an outreach project to science
teachers nationally, and a mercury spill fact sheet, as well as an intra-agency task force that
developed an EPA Action Plan for mercury.
In November 1998, Dr. Wendroff contacted the Community Involvement and Outreach Center
(CIOC) in EPA's OERR with a concern about what he believed to be a large number of
contaminated homes soon to be discovered. Because of the potential for releases to the environment,
the issue was taken up by OERR to review the extent and severity of the problem. After conducting
initial background research and identifying previous work done by states and OPPT, a multi-agency
task force was established to assess the problem. The Task Force included representatives from
EPA; ATSDR; Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC); and state, county, and city health
departments. Private citizens representing academia and community groups were also invited to
join. Task Force conference calls began in January 1999.
In 1998, EPA Region 5 gave approximately $20,000 in a grant to both the Illinois State Health
Department and the Chicago Health Department, to obtain measurements of mercury levels in
residences where spiritual and folk traditional practices occur. Because as access to homes has
proven exceedingly difficult to obtain, this research is ongoing. EPA Region 2 similarly gave a
$20,000 Environmental Justice grant to the Puerto Rican Family Institute (PRFI) (originally in
conjunction with Dr. Wendroff) to gather information from community members in New York City
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about the use of mercury for spiritual practices. A short questionnaire was developed and given to
subjects who visited PRFI; there was a low reported familiarity with mercury use in religious
practices. PRFI also developed pamphlets in English and Spanish (Appendix A) addressing
elemental mercury poisoning from spiritual uses. A 1998 Environmental Justice/Pollution
Prevention Grant was awarded by EPA Region 2 for more than $82,000 to Clyde Johnson(principal
investigator [PI]) and Arnold Wendroff (co-Pi), to investigate mercury sales in Brooklyn, and to
obtain residential measurements of mercury vapor concentrations.
3.2 ATSDR
ATSDR and EPA issued a j oint alert in 1997 on "continuing patterns of metallic mercury exposure,"
including incidents involving (a) schoolchildren who were exposed to high levels of mercury at
school and elsewhere, and (b) religious uses of mercury [131].
In 1999, ATSDR prepared a draft framework for "public health response to ritualistic use of
elemental mercury" [132]. A four-part framework was proposed, consisting of outreach, education,
environmental and clinical response, and capacity building for partnerships with state, district, and
local health departments. Many of that report's recommendations have been discussed by the Task
Force and are incorporated here.
3.3 Consumer Product Safety Commission
The CPSC is empowered to oversee the labeling of hazardous substances in consumer products
under the Federal Hazardous Substances Act (FHSA)[133]. A label similar to the following is
required for mercury, in addition to information identifying the name and location of the
manufacturer:
Front: WARNING: VAPOR HARMFUL. HARMFUL IF SWALLOWED. See additional cautions
on (side/back) panel.
Side/Back: Contains mercury. Mercury vapors are toxic. Do not apply heat to the mercury. Avoid
opening or spilling it. If spills occur, push the mercury onto paper, put it in a closed container, and
discard it in the trash. DO NOT sweep or vacuum. Do not burn the mercury or throw it down the
drain. Wash hands thoroughly after handling. If swallowed, DO NOT INDUCE VOMITING.
Immediately call a physician or Poison Control Center for first aid instructions. Keep out of the
reach of children[134].
Even if properly labeled, the sale of mercury for household use is not recommended by the CPSC.
The CPSC has overseen compliance with mercury labeling requirements. It has issued Consumer
Safety Alerts[135] and distributed them specifically among populations of potential mercury users.
It has warned large suppliers that mercury may not be distributed for resale to consumers unless
properly labeled, and provided a sample warning label to pass on to any retailers who may purchase
mercury from them for resale.
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The CPSC also acted with the cooperation of a distributor in a 1995 voluntary recall of mercury
necklaces imported from Mexico, which consisted of a small glass ball or vial filled with mercury
on a leather or beaded chain[136].
3.4 California
The California Department of Health Services issued a public warning about the personal use of
mercury in January 1994, after the Los Angeles County Department of Health Services investigated
the sale of mercury in the Los Angeles area[137].
3.5 New York State
New York State Department of Public Health conducted a study in the mid 1990s of mercury in
Chinese folk medicines, in which laboratory analysis revealed high concentrations of mercury,
arsenic, and lead in certain medicinal products. Some medicines, if administered at the
recommended doses, could result in doses of mercury that exceeded those associated with nervous
system effects in humans. The Food and Drug Administrations was contacted about these medicines
in 1996[138].
3.6 New York City
New York City Health Department of Health and Mental Hygiene has been responding to mercury
uses in religious and folk practices since 1991, including outreach with fact sheets, brochures,
posters and press releases, as well as working with botanica owners in all five boroughs. The
department developed and distributed a clinician's brochure to 4,000 licensed New York City
pediatricians, family practitioners, and obstetricians/gynecologists; they also developed and
distributed a general brochure to botanicas for the public in English, Spanish, and Haitian Creole.
The department subsequently sent a letter to botanicas for which addresses were available,
explaining the labeling requirements for mercury, and inspectors conducted follow-up visits. This
activity may have caused mercury sales to go underground in New York and northern New
Jersey [4], (Redmond P. U. S. Environmental Protection Agency. Personal communication with Eric
Canales, New York Academy of Medicine, February 15, 2001.).
Early results from the follow-up visits included some air measurements taken with a Jerome
instrument. No measurements taken inside the botanicas exceeded any occupational exposure limits
(the highest was 20 - 22 jig/m3). However, these levels would be of serious concern if a botanica
were in a multi-use space that someone used as a residence, in addition to (or adjoining) a
commercial space. Due to these concerns 11 botanicas that were identified during the initial surveys
as sharing the building with a residence were sampled. A Lumex JAA-915 was the instrument used
for all of these inspections. Five of the 11 botanicas sampled evinced levels above l|ig/m3 in a
breathing zone (range 1 -8|ig/m3). As a result of these findings, residential common areas and or
apartments, and in one case a business, were sampled in each instance. None of samples collected
in these residential areas, including samples collected outside of occupant breathing zones, e.g., riser
penetrations at floor level) exceeded l|ig/m3.
3.7 Connecticut
The Connecticut Department of Public Health conducted a study[12]described elsewhere in this
report in collaboration with the Hispanic Health Council. The state's implementation plan to address
cultural and religious mercury use provided for the distribution of bilingual/bicultural materials
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where azogue is sold, including in botanicas and working sites of folk medical practitioners. A
comprehensive brochure (Appendix A) was developed by the Hispanic Health Council, and
published and distributed for outreach in 1993, with one version for medical professionals and
mercury suppliers and another for the general public. Commercial establishments selling mercury
were asked to provide an educational brochure to each mercury customer, as well as display a visible
poster describing the health hazards of azogue. The biggest challenges Connecticut encountered
were limited resources and community resistance.
Additionally, information on mercury was distributed at thermometer points of purchase, and a
series of radio interviews on Spanish language stations were aired. Press releases were designed,
and stories were carried in several Spanish language newspapers as well as on the front page of the
Hartford Courant (Toal B. Connecticut Department of Health. Personal communication, August
2,2001.).
Connecticut is updating its fact sheet and reinvigorating its efforts for community education,
including a plan to branch out to other cities in Connecticut with Latino populations (e.g.,
Bridgeport, Waterbury, New Haven).
3.8 Chicago/Illinois
The findings of the Chicago Department of Public Health's 1997 study[3] are described elsewhere
in this document. The Illinois Department of Health, Division of Environmental Health was given
EPA funding in 1998 to determine mercury levels in air as a result of cultural and religious mercury
use, to determine which uses result in the greatest exposures, and to determine whether cultural and
religious uses of mercury constitute a public health hazard.
Both agencies are hopeful that mercury use has decreased, as a September investigation by the
Chicago Sun Times found only 1 of 15 botanicas reported continuing sales of mercury[5].
However, it is possible that the reporter could not gain access to mercury because the sales have
simply gone underground.
3.9 Oregon
In April 2001, the Oregon Department of Human Services, Health Division issued a health alert
about mercury necklaces imported from Mexico and worn by children in schools. The necklaces
have mercury and sometimes a brightly colored liquid contained in a hollow glass pendant on a
leather cord or beaded chain. Pendants come in shapes including hearts, bottles, chili peppers, and
saber teeth. When school students bring them into the classroom, they can break, causing spills
[139].
The alert provided information about the necklaces and their risks, the health effects of mercury
vapor, and information on spill prevention and response in schools. The alert was distributed via
the World Wide Web and submitted to the Oregon Department of Education for distribution to
schools.
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3.10 Puerto Rico
Under a 1973 Puerto Rican law amended in 1987, hazardous products may not be sold to the public
without written labels, and the sale of certain hazardous substances is prohibited altogether. On
January 15, 1991, in response to a complaint from Dr. Wendroff, an inspector from the Department
of Health in Puerto Rico visited a botanica and purchased mercury. In a May 1991 order, the sale
of mercury in botcmicas was found to constitute a danger to the consumer and to the community, in
violation of the hazardous substances law. The Mardo Distributing Corporation, which was a
mercury supplier to industries in Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands, was prohibited from packaging
mercury in small vials for sale to consumers[140].
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4. SUMMARY OF TASK FORCE ACTIVITIES
4.1 Plenary Conference Calls
Task force members participated in regular plenary conference calls (Appendix C). The group
organized itself into three subcommittees, which held additional calls to conduct their business
regarding clinical research, environmental monitoring, and community outreach. Plenary calls
served as a forum for sharing information, discussing the results of subcommittee work, and raising
for consideration a wide range of policy options for addressing this issue (Chapter 5).
The Task Force decided to host a forum as a vehicle to hear from experts on this issue. Because
many of the researchers involved with cultural and religious mercury use had been active task force
participants, and had already shared much of their knowledge with the task force, it was decided that
the most beneficial use of the time at the forum would be to focus more narrowly on listening to
religious practitioner and community outreach experts.
4.2 Activities of the Clinical Research Subcommittee
The clinical research subcommittee reviewed the literature on elemental mercury exposure and
health effects, shared information about ongoing research, and identified research needs. This work
is reported in Chapters 1 and 2, and Sections 5.2 and 6.2.
4.3 Activities of the Environmental Monitoring Subcommittee
The Environmental Monitoring Subcommittee discussed available measurement technologies for
elemental mercury in indoor air, and typical action levels used in different situations by regulatory
agencies. The subcommittee reviewed sample protocols for the investigation and response of
mercury spills. The work of the committee is reported in Sections 1.5 and 6.3.
4.4 Activities of the Community Outreach Subcommittee
The Community Outreach Subcommittee shared information about ongoing outreach activities and
resources (Appendix A has sample resources), barriers to community involvement, and strategies
for involving the community in outreach efforts. Much of this information can be found throughout
this report, especially in Chapter 3 and Sections 5.1 and 6.1.
To receive input directly from community members on outreach strategies, representatives of the
task force began a series of interviews in fall 2000 with community, religious, and public health
leaders in the Washington metropolitan area. The persons interviewed were representative of
communities that may be exposed to mercury through a number of routes, including through
religious ceremonies and practices.
The task force requested interviews from 19 individuals and/or organizations that work extensively
with communities of Latin and Caribbean origin. Of these, a total of six interviews were granted
and conducted by members of the task force (Appendix D). Through these interviews, the task force
hoped to gain a better understanding of the ways in which mercury is used, the cultural sensitivities
surrounding such practices, and opportunities to reduce risks and exposures in the community from
all home sources of mercury exposure.
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Those persons interviewed were asked a series of questions, depending on their organization's
purpose. The interviewees were educated on the activities of the task force as well as its mission
in conducting the interviews. After each interview, interviewees were asked to participate in the
task force forum in May 2001. Although not all were available to attend, each interviewee shared
with task force representatives salient points that should be addressed in such a forum. The
complete results and recommended actions from each interview are presented in
Appendix D.
The salient points gathered from the interviews are summarized below:
• Overall, there is a lack of information regarding the impact of mercury's use in communities.
• The majority of organizations interviewed had limited involvement with this issue and were
unaware of any reported incidents of cultural and spiritual mercury exposures. Most had little
if any direct experience with spiritual and folk traditions that incorporate mercury use.
• Most reported that mercury use is not widespread throughout Latino and Caribbean communities.
Some suggested that it may be much easier to obtain mercury in the United States than in home
countries.
• It is believed that most consumers from these communities are unaware of mercury's adverse
health effects.
• In some traditions, the physical nature of the metal is believed to enhance a spell's effectiveness.
• The regulation of mercury would not necessarily cease the supply and demand, but just intensify
this issue by causing the sale of mercury to go underground.
• Embracing the broader issue of mercury exposure as a whole is the most effective means for
educating the public.
• All organizations interviewed expressed a willingness to assist the task force in either data
acquisition or education and outreach efforts.
Respondents offered the following suggestions for addressing the problem:
• Focus outreach more broadly than just on Latino and Caribbean communities who engage in
cultural or religious practices; a more general approach will be better received and reach a wider
audience.
• Capitalize on previous experience with HIV/AIDS education when developing potential
education and outreach strategies; previous experience, may be useful in surmounting barriers
associated with cultural taboos and a reluctance to speak about private or personal practices.
• Examine all domestic routes of exposure involving mercury and plan a "best approach" for
addressing them.
• Gather clinical data from experimental and hospital studies regarding exposure levels of mercury
and its effects.
• Conduct a wide reaching campaign that encompasses the hazards of mercury in general by
developing educational videos and national publications in Spanish.
• Seek expertise of anthropologists familiar with cultural practices affecting health care.
• Engage religious leaders that represent many area religions in outreach and education; lay
persons may be more inclined to heed warnings of the hazards associated with cultural and
religious mercury use if it comes from a trusted community figure.
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4.5 Forum on Ritualistic Uses of Mercury
The Forum on Ritualistic Uses of Mercury was held May 14 -15, 2001, in Arlington, Virginia. The
task force convened the discussion forum to understand better the cultural and religious components
of this environmental and public health issue. Approximately 40 people participated in the forum,
including cultural and religious practitioners; environmental, public health, and community
advocates; government officials; and academicians.
4.5.1 Desired Outcomes
Three desired outcomes for the forum, guided the planning and structure for the 1.5 day event:
• Task force members and other forum participants will understand the origins, scope, and
complexities associated with cultural and religious uses of mercury. A panel of four faith
practitioners was invited to the forum to provide insight into the beliefs and practices of their
respective traditions, and to educate participants about how mercury is and is not used within that
tradition.
• Participants will help develop outreach strategies that incorporate the perspectives of
community members and health educators who work effectively with Latino and Caribbean
communities. A panel of community health education experts was assembled to provide best
practices and lessons learned for conducting cross-cultural outreach and education, and to help
develop innovative means for building support from a variety of community organizations and
institutions.
• Participants will provide input to the task force activities report. A draft form of this report
was distributed to participants before the forum, and participants were asked to comment on the
entire report. Break-out sessions were designed specifically to discuss and revise report
recommendations (Chapter 6).
4.5.2 Participant Expectations
The expectations of forum participants were also solicited before the meeting, to plan a more
productive event and to assist in evaluation of the forum on its conclusion. The three main themes
culled from the responses were:
• Listen and understand - particularly regarding the context, meaning, and specific practices of
cultural and religious mercury use.
• Network - connect with others involved in reducing mercury exposures in communities, and
forge ties that would help participants work together productively in the future.
• Action - setting a clear direction for research, and actively involving community members in risk
assessment, outreach, and education.
4.5.3 Facilitation and Evaluation
In an effort to ensure all voices were heard and the stated objectives were met, a skilled facilitator
experienced in cross-cultural issues moderated the forum proceedings, assisted by a team of
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facilitators who moderated the break-out sessions. The end-of-forum evaluations indicated that
expectations were met and the vast majority of participants felt it was a success.
4.5.4 Panel 1: Religious Practitioners
In the first panel, representatives from Santeria, Palo Mayombe, and Voodoo shared their
experiences and beliefs with forum participants, providing background on their faith tradition and
the ways that mercury is and is not incorporated into its practices. Major points that emerged from
the first panel session include the following:
1. The community is diverse. Numerous faiths within faiths exist in Latino and Caribbean
communities. Knowledge of and involvement in specific religious practices vary from region to
region. In some cases, mercury is central to religious belief or practice; in other cases it has a
more general cultural context. Mercury is used in a variety of manners and contexts, posing
different levels of risk to the user.
2. It is important to get the real story. Many African diaspora religions have been misrepresented
and endured a great deal of persecution. Academia alone does not present a complete and
accurate picture, nor do many popular mass-market books; ordained practitioners, recognized
elders, and other community figures are untapped sources of information on cultural uses of
mercury.
3. Mercury is available. Mercury is easily obtained and readily available to those who wish to use
it, and most of the people who buy mercury for cultural and religious purposes are recent
immigrants to the United States. Much of its sale and distribution is unregulated and operates
underground.
4. Put mercury use in context. The lack of access to the modern American health care system in
many minority and immigrant communities has prompted many to employ traditional folk
remedies, some of which include mercury. For these users, mercury is often used repetitively
until the underlying problem is resolved. Many of those who use mercury are not aware of its
toxicity, or that breathing the vapors creates the highest exposures.
5. Tips for education and outreach. Education should be focused across the board to a wide range
of cultural and religious groups. Focusing on only a few traditions will be counterproductive.
Other religions, such as Hinduism, also use mercury, but are largely overlooked in research,
education, and outreach efforts. Providing people with information will result in behavioral
changes that reduce exposure. Alternatives to mercury exist, and it is important to be sure they
are in fact safer than mercury.
4.5.5 Panel 2: Health Educators
The second panel was comprised of Latino and Caribbean health educators and other health
educators who serve Latino and Caribbean populations. Major points that emerged include the
following:
1. Use peer education with people who will be respected by the community. Some community
members might be suspicious of outsiders. Peers and respected religious leaders in the
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community will be best received, but sometimes community and religious leaders will be
reluctant to get involved if they stand to lose the trust of their community
2. Use effective ways of reaching people, including frequenting local businesses such as beauty
salons and laundromats; hosting events with free food and an educational program; and using
Spanish language print, radio, and television avenues. Get to know the community so you can
include local businesses and community organizations. Be aware of political issues among
community groups to ensure that working with one group will not hinder your relationship with
another.
3. Put the issue in the proper perspective. A number of pressing health issues in Latino and
Caribbean communities require attention. When resources have to be allotted to so many other
health issues, it is important to put cultural and religious mercury use in proper perspective.
4. Determine what needs to be followed through. Be sure you have a plan for referring people
in need of further medical attention, and that culturally sensitive and multilingual staff are
available to handle inquiries, including addressing health insurance issues.
5. Know your audience. Focus groups are an effective way to involve the audience population and
identify the most effective messages. Messages must be clear and practical. Try to understand
mercury use from the user's perspective; they are rational decision makers, and mercury use
makes sense based on their information and context. Materials must reflect knowledge of the
audience in format, design, and literacy level. Using language that indicates appropriate cultural
context (for example, Lukumi words when discussing Santeria) is helpful.
Summaries from the panel sessions are provided in Appendix B.
4.5.6 Breakout Sessions
Breakout sessions focused on report recommendations (Chapter 6) and on conducting community
outreach and education activities. The following ideas emerged as suggestions for local health
departments and community-based organizations engaged in planning outreach programs.
1. Know Your Audience
a. Focus groups are not only necessary for outreach, they are fundamental. However, it
is difficult to recruit participants for such a sensitive topic. Money is a possible incentive
to attract participants; assure them that the discussion will remain general. Another
suggestion is to have an involved person (possibly a practitioner) lead the focus groups.
Focus groups should be conducted for practitioners, sales people, and lay people as well.
i. Research should be conducted to better know the audience. Depending
on available funding, this could include focus groups and marketing research.
b. Some suggestions from forum participants for reaching the audience:
i. Provide information in a sensitive manner. To be effective programs must
present information to the targeted audience in a sensitive manner.
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ii. It is unrealistic to expect an immediate cessation of mercury sales or
usage. Successfully educating the community and subsequently reducing
mercury exposures will be predicated on a cultural transformation that will
not occur overnight.
iii. Remember that there are conflicting messages about the safety of
mercury. Mercury is still used in school laboratories, dental work, and
thermometers. Such use fosters the perception that mercury is a benign
substance.
2. Follow through
a. A long-term support network will be needed to handle referrals and inquiries resulting from
the educational outreach. The support network may include a hotline, perhaps at the state
level, that is manned by individuals who are multilingual and culturally sensitive. The
support network should also include a plan for referring individuals to health care providers
that will receive them regardless of immigration status, insurance coverage, or income.
3. Evaluate!
a. All groups undertaking outreach activities should evaluate the effectiveness of the outreach
effort, which is critical to measuring success and determining future directions for
educational efforts. Quantitative and qualitative evaluation methods will measure process,
outcomes and impacts, including changes in awareness, knowledge, attitudes, and behaviors
(Appendix E).
Specific Recommendations for different Outreach channels:
1. Media
• The right media outlet needs to be targeted for specific cultures. Research
should be done on which communication medium will penetrate the target
community (radio, television, or newspaper). It was suggested that radio programs
are popular within minority communities.
• Identify media channels to target local communities. Local TV, radio, and
newspapers that target specific communities should be used where possible.
Mainstream media may also be used to reach community youth.
• Develop/use posters and brochures to get the message out. Train, subway, and
bus stations were suggested as appropriate areas for placing posters in targeted
community areas. Ensure that materials developed target the community that should
be reached and the materials are interesting and colorful.
• Use public service announcement videos to target specific audiences. There was
general consensus that developing public service announcement (PSA) video tapes
explaining what mercury is and its resulting health effects would be an effective
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means of getting the word out on mercury. Such spots are run in health clinic
waiting rooms and on closed circuit hospital channels.
• Use radio/television spots. Television and radio spots were suggested as a good
means of reaching less disfranchised groups. Showing informational spots during
prime viewing hours, such as during soap operas, was noted to be particularly
effective.
2. Social Networks
• Take advantage of mandatory meetings between community-based
organizations and other large associations with similar programs Many
community-based organizations take part in mandatory meetings with other
organizations/associations with similar goals (e.g., state and local health
departments). Participants suggested that community-based organizations take
advantage of the captive audience at these events to share information and network
on mercury exposure issues.
• Provide free breakfast/lunch programs to gather community members for
informational meetings. The National Alliance for Hispanic Health (NAHH) has
found such programs to be successful in bringing in a targeted group, such as
mothers with children in the Headstart program, to provide them information on a
given topic.
• Expand the pilot "Amnesty Day" in Florida that provides for safe disposal of
household mercury. "Amnesty Day" is a pilot program sponsored by the state of
Florida in which the state disposes of mercury in households at no cost.
• Distribute educational materials in centrally located community businesses.
Beauty parlors, laundromats, legal aid societies, hospital community centers, and
food distribution centers are regularly visited and could provide educational
information to the public.
Target multi-cultural events. Deliver messages at sporting events, community
fairs, parades, celebrations of different national holidays, and generally any gathering
points.
• Peer Education. This could include establishing relationships with different
organizations and relying on peers to spread the messages by word of mouth,
presenting information to local civic organizations, answering health-related
questions and concerns at community coordination centers/ public availability
sessions or providing training and materials for persons responding to community
questions and concerns.
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3. Religious Groups
• Identify the religious organizations that are willing to share mercury health
education nationwide.
• Identify the key religious people in the community. These religious leaders may
know how to get through to the community in ways that other people would not, in
addition to providing insight into outreach materials for the community.
• Religious groups must be researched to see how allied the groups are between
cities. This research should also encompass cultural considerations that may vary
among various regions.
• Conduct outreach through botanicas that emphasizes alternatives to mercury.
Mercury does not need to be used in Santeria spells, but mercury makes the spells
stronger. A higher level practitioner can do the work to get a more powerful spell.
It is more expensive but is an alternative to using mercury.
• Remember it is not illegal to use mercury. Do not persecute individuals for
doing so. Some people will not stop using mercury, and they have a religious right
to use it if they choose.
4. Schools
• Educate the teachers so that they may in turn educate the children. This
recommendation may include the idea of distributing a one-page alert for children
to take home to their parents, possibly piggy-backing ATSDR's one page lead alert.
Materials such as comic books that illustrate the dangers of mercury were suggested
as possible educational tools.
Use school health programs. Through discussion, the group recognized that certain
segments of the population would not be reached through many of the traditional
outreach methods. The group suggested that school health programs would be
helpful in such cases to reach the children of these communities.
• Recruit college students to visit schools. Local environmental college students
could come to the schools and speak with the children about the dangers of using
mercury.
• Distribute safety alerts addressing the possibility of mercury exposure in school
laboratories. Participants agreed that parents need to be informed of mercury's
continued use in certain educational experiments. A solution to this problem would
be to send home a one-page alert describing the situation and possible exposure risks.
5. Health Care Providers
• Present information to health care providers at national and local workshops.
One target audience includes other health agencies who may not be aware of cultural
mercury use. There was general consensus that distributing materials on the risks
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associated with mercury to health care providers at national and local conferences,
health fairs, and association events represent effective means to communicate this
information to communities.
Provide education to health professionals. Another target audience includes
health professionals, including alternative or nontraditional health care providers.
Building these relationships could result in enlisting some hospitals or clinics in
clinical
data- gathering efforts. Health professional education includes:
• • Distribution of physician's resource guides (such as those developed by
Connecticut DHS and New York City Department of Health (included in
Appendix A);
• • Presentation of grand rounds at local hospitals;
• • Direct consultation with health care providers;
• • Distribution of educational materials such as the Case Studies in
Environmental Medicine to all health care providers in impacted areas;
and
• • Providing training for health professionals on the possible psychological
effects and neurobehavioral manifestations of mercury exposure.
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5. POLICY OPTIONS
A variety of options are available to federal, state, and local agencies that begin to address the issue
of mercury use in spiritual and folk traditions. The task force seeks to reduce mercury exposure, by
recommending realistic and cost-effective actions that will promote health and well-being while
respecting spiritual and folk traditions and community autonomy. This section describes various
policy options considered by the Task Force. All available options are discussed below, and their
feasibility and suitability assessed in light of these objectives.
5.1 Outreach and Education
A carefully planned outreach program that involves community groups and local health
professionals would provide information to mercury users about its risks and available alternatives.
Ensuring that health and risk-reduction information come from sources that are respected by
mercury users is critical and requires the cooperation of religious leaders and authors/publishers of
related materials. The provision of sample labels through such a program could allow for careful
design and attention to cultural and language factors in risk communication not addressed by current
labeling law.
ATSDR is best equipped to direct such outreach activities with its network of state and local health
departments. The proximity of state and local agencies to, and previously established relationships
with, the community will enable them to use effective outreach strategies. ATSDR has proposed
a health education strategy focused broadly on the toxicity of elemental mercury in all settings of
potential public exposure.
Challenges to community outreach efforts include the following:
• The need to understand and address risk perception issues, cultural and
religious belief systems, language barriers, the role of non-traditional
health care providers, and resistance by suppliers due to fear of
prosecution, litigation, financial loss, etc.
Message development will need to sensitively separate the dangers of
mercury exposure and the social-psychological benefits of folk traditions
and religious practice.
• Public health interventions will need to incorporate working with religious
practitioners to find safe alternatives to mercury use without interfering
with religious practices.
Many outreach efforts have already been undertaken, but there was no
evaluation of their effectiveness. Any new outreach effort must have an
evaluation component with outcome measures.
Two important social and political factors present a challenge in outreach to communities that use
mercury. First, some of the religions and cultural traditions involved have a history of government
suppression and social stigma, leading to secrecy about practice. Second, many practitioners and
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botanica proprietors are recent immigrants who may mistrust any "authority" representing federal,
state, or local government. One strategy for addressing these issues is to make effective use of other
educational efforts to prevent mercury exposure - for example, those targeted toward schoolchildren
or people who eat fish. Distributing general information about the hazards of mercury is likely to
reach a wider audience and be better received among cultural and religious users.
Mercury use may not be a top priority for groups focused on Latino and Caribbean health because
it does not affect as many people as other key health issues such as access to insurance (especially
among children), fighting diseases such as cancer and HIV/ADDS, controlling tobacco use, asthma,
and prenatal care. Until there are good data linking cultural and spiritual mercury use with adverse
health effects, Latino and Caribbean health organizations will be reluctant to get involved.
Environmental health issues are a top priority for many of these organizations; for example, the
NAHH maintains a hotline for indoor air quality. The hotline provides community members with
information on a number of home contaminants including radon, lead, carbon monoxide,
environmental tobacco smoke, asbestos, volatile organic compounds, household pesticides,
biological contaminants, mercury, and asthma.
More outreach to community groups is needed to gain an understanding of what Latino and
Caribbean communities in the United States, and especially those communities that use mercury,
know and believe about mercury and its risks. This information is essential for designing effective
risk-communication materials.
Working with spiritual consultants within these communities is essential for effective outreach.
These spiritual leaders can authoritatively provide information to clients about the use of mercury,
and may have knowledge of equally potent, non-toxic substitutes for mercury (Section 1.3). It is
important for public health workers to understand the role of spiritual consultants as medical
practitioners and businesspeople in the community to assess the opportunities for the integration of
less toxic and equally effective substitutes for mercury.
Several different designs already exist for community outreach and education activities, but their
effectiveness has not been evaluated. Persons involved in community outreach need to be clear
about the expected outcomes, and the role of community groups, community leaders, local agencies,
and federal agencies in these efforts.
Prototypes from New York City, Connecticut, Los Angeles, and Chicago were reviewed, as well as
outreach strategies developed by EPA and ATSDR. Some key issues are discussed below.
• Specific or general? Some suggest that a more general approach to education about
mercury and all its sources in the home will be better received by Latino and
Caribbean communities, because it does not single out a stigmatized practice.
Others worry that a general approach weakens the emphasis on practices that are
potentially responsible for the largest exposures.
• Role of community leaders and organizations. Working with individual
community leaders (physicians, priests, social workers, and spiritual consultants) and
organizations holds promise for reaching out with credibility to a large number of
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people. However, if this issue is not a priority for many leaders or groups, the
message could get lost. Gaining the trust of these individuals and groups may also
be challenging for federal or local agencies that approach them, especially if their
local record on health issues has been lacking.
• Role of state and local DOHs. State and local health departments and
environmental agencies are a critical link to implementing any outreach plan,
becausetheir proximity to communities is a great advantage for follow-up. If
agencies have good working relationships with community organizations or leaders,
the effort could go quite smoothly. Some agencies may not have the right contacts
with the population they are trying to reach in this effort, and may have resource
limitations that necessitate pursuing other priorities.
• Role of CPSC, EPA, ATSDR. Federal agencies can serve as a resource center that
follows efforts in every region and tracks successes and challenges to be addressed,
sharing information with local agencies. They can work to ensure consistency in the
effort, so that communities are treated equally in the process. Federal agencies can
provide an overarching plan and see it through to implementation by working with
the state and local agencies. They are limited in their ability to follow through on
a community level or to provide oversight of state and local activities.
The effectiveness of community outreach is more likely to be long-lasting than punitive approaches
are, or those that seek to control the sales of mercury rather than the demand for it. Communication
materials have already been developed by a number of community and governmental groups, but
the process has broken down at the point of community distribution. Working with community
groups to disseminate this information effectively should be a top priority.
5.2 Research Funding
EPA has already used its research-funding capabilities to understand better the extent of this
problem in Connecticut, Illinois, and New York. Similar studies could be funded to answer a
number of questions, including characterizing the extent of the problem, better understanding
specific uses of mercury and their cultural contexts, and evaluating the effectiveness of outreach and
education activities. EPA's Office of Research and Development has identified cultural and
religious uses in its mercury research strategy, but has not funded any additional studies. Experience
to date indicates that research efforts are effective when community members are positively
engaged. Small research projects are likely to carry large benefits for sponsoring agencies. State
and local health departments would benefit greatly from sponsoring local studies in their area to
provide local knowledge and to establish relationships with the community.
5.3 Regulatory Information-Gathering Provisions
Dr. Wendroff has called for EPA or CPSC to subpoena sales records ofbotanica wholesalers. Were
such information gathered, it could provide a bounding estimate of mercury sales. The two most
likely justifications for government intervention in this case would stem from either labeling
violations, the jurisdiction of CPSC, or from violations of occupational health limits for mercury
vapor, the jurisdiction of OSHA. CPSC's information-gathering authority is narrowly directed to
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obtaining products and product labels[141 ]or obtaining records related to interstate commerce[ 142].
CPSC and OSHA have few resources to support such action.
Under certain circumstances, EPA could conceivably use CERCLA 104(e)[143]or similar provisions
in other environmental statutes to query botanica wholesalers about the quantities of mercury that
come through their businesses. The information on sales would be gathered to estimate the
likelihood of an environmental release from mercury spills during the packaging process (mercury
is poured into gelcaps), or from leakage or failure of mercury-filled gelcaps, which are more delicate
than other containers typically used to store or transport mercury. Clearly, occupational and
consumer exposure are the primary concern here, not environmental releases, thus suggesting that
CERCLA may not be the most appropriate statute for gathering this information.
It may be easier to gather information at a local level, where there may be more complete knowledge
of the businesses and populations involved. However, state and local agencies may have less
authority to acquire this type of information.
5.4 Labeling Mercury at Point of Sale
There are several ways to support labeling of mercury that is sold in botanicas. The FHSA[133]
contains provisions for the labeling of hazardous substances, described earlier in this report. CPSC
is charged with enforcement of labeling regulations. The CPSC's authority is broad, but its
resources limited, so that the commission's actions are usually targeted toward large distributors or
corporations. The CPSC has taken action (via enforcement letter) against major suppliers of
mercury to botanicas and botanica wholesalers. The problem now lies with many small distributors,
rendering enforcement activities resource-intensive for CPSC.
FHSA is very general in its labeling requirements, such that enforcement of the law may not
ultimately lead to effective risk communication. For example, although the CPSC recommends that
labels be multilingual to reach all potential users, this is not actually required by the FHSA. Local
and state labeling statutes may also apply, and may have stronger requirements that lead to more
effective labeling.
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There are three primary enforcement approaches for federal, state, and local officials:
• Voluntary compliance. If community outreach is successful, it may be possible to
work with botanicas toward increased voluntary compliance with labeling
regulations, or the inclusion of other warning information - for example, a brochure
- with the product at the point of sale. A sample label template photocopied for
distribution by each establishment, for example, could be shared in a cooperative
manner by local environmental or health departments, or community organizations.
This is a "harm reduction" approach that would work with botanicas to provide more
information on their product. There may be some resistance to voluntary labeling,
because of anticipation of decreased sales if the product appears hazardous.
• Non-punitive inspection visits. This approach would consist of informing botanica
proprietors of the law, then visiting to check for compliance. Non-compliance would
be met with a warning or a strongly worded request for compliance. In the New
York area, this approach has been implemented, and many botanicas now deny
selling mercury, although it can be purchased by insiders. Such an approach is
difficult to implement in a manner that is perceived as truly non-punitive by the
community, especially when botanicas are singled out for inspection, while other
stores that sell unlabeled mercury (e.g., plumbing supply or hardware stores) are not
inspected.
• Punitive fines. A more punitive approach would involve inspections and fines,
which fall under the jurisdiction of the CPSC or state and local agencies, where
applicable. Such an approach is time-intensive, requiring the redirection of the
efforts of the small number of inspectors to police potentially hundreds of botanicas.
The CPSC does not have the power to recall the product, but can ask that it be
labeled in the future. A fine of up to $3,000 may be imposed under the FHSA when
a hazardous substance is found to be sold without a label, or mislabeled. Punitive
enforcement would likely have a negative community impact, adding to mistrust of
government officials and interfering with other methods to mitigate exposure. This
approach is likely to drive mercury sales underground, and not ultimately address the
problem of indoor mercury use.
5.5 Supply Limitation
Sections 6 and 7 of the Toxic Substances Control Act (TSCA)[130]and Section 7003 of the
Resource Conservation and Recovery Act (RCRA)[144]might be explored as avenues that could
potentially be used at the federal level to stem the supply of mercury from wholesalers to retail
botanicas. Better data are necessary to document how widespread the problem is before a
determination can be made on whether an action might be justified under TSCA to restrict the sale
of mercury for these particular religious and cultural uses.
Other reservations and concerns were raised about a supply-limitation approach. Regulating only
against botanica retailers could be construed as a violation of the First Amendment: the Supreme
Court has struck down laws that impact only certain religious groups[145]. Regulating botanicas
alone would also mean that mercury would continue to be available through other means; for
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example, by breaking open thermometers. A crack-down targeted to these communities may worsen
already strained relations with immigrant populations, drive mercury sales underground without
significantly impacting use, and hamper outreach efforts. Thus, a TSCA or RCRA action would
have to be broader and impact the use of mercury in other consumer products as well. Such an
action would certainly be resource intensive, and may not find political support at this time.
State and local governments may have more flexibility and less political resistance in proposing or
implementing similar policies. Many state and local agencies have sponsored exchange programs
for mercury thermometers or banned the sale of mercury-containing consumer products in their
jurisdiction, or both. A national effort to remove mercury from schools[146]has resulted in several
states and local jurisdictions passing legislation on mercury elimination.
5.6 Exposure Limitation
Botanicas and wholesalers are workplaces with potentially high mercury levels because of the
packaging activities that may occur there. NIOSH recommends occupational exposure limits at 50
|ig/m3 as an 8-hour (TWA)[22], but this standard was set in the 1970s, and both the ACGffl and
WHO have lowered their recommended TWA to 25 |ig/m3 in recent years[23].
An approach to reducing domestic exposure or mitigating the effects of exposure in the home
involves mandating or encouraging testing of dwellings for mercury vapor when the mercury is sold,
or establishing a "right-to-know" for buyers or new tenants, as in some states require for radon or
lead. Similarly, a local or state policy promoting routine testing of children for mercury at a certain
age, as is done for lead, may be helpful in identifying chronic exposure cases.
5.7 Technical Assistance and Response
RCRA 7003 [ 144]and CERCL A106(a)[ 147]both provide for remedial actions when threat of release
to the environment exists. RCRA 7003 is more flexible in determining what constitutes a "release"
but is not attached to funds that could cover some of the costs. A variety of similar laws exist at the
state and local levels that govern the cleanup of contaminated buildings. Identifying contaminated
dwellings would be difficult to impossible without the cooperation of the residents, because access
is required to obtain air samples. Barriers to voluntary reporting to local authorities include the
stigmatized nature of the practices, immigrant uneasiness dealing with authorities, and the
potentially significant financial burden of cleanup.
If remediation efforts are undertaken without prevention education, it is likely that dwellings or
botanicas will become re-contaminated by subsequent mercury use. Because of the great expense
of mercury cleanups, those who pay for it will want some assurance that re-contamination will not
occur.
To date, there has been no demonstrated need for a clinical response strategy tailored specifically
to the spiritual and cultural use of mercury , because of a lack of reported exposure cases. There is
a need to gather data from existing sources regarding if and to what extent intentional domestic uses
of mercury pose a public health threat. The first step before any remediation or clinical response
is to define the nature and extent of intentional domestic uses or elemental mercury. If a clinical
response is necessary, the response must meet ATSDR's criterion for a environmental health
intervention and would require environmental data that would meet the criteria for a public health
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hazard. Should it become necessary to develop such a strategy, ATSDR can provide guidance in
public health practice through ascertaining the public health implications of exposure scenarios and
the development and adaptation of the current response strategy. ATSDR can assist in developing
an integrated risk management protocol on the basis of environmental and biological sampling that
includes the following:
1. Development of exposure history screening tool to identify individuals at risk for
mercury exposure and in need of further investigation. This tool would likely be a
mailout survey or survey in connection with a call-in hotline at a local health
department or community information center in conjunction with a national
community and health provider plan. Positive screens will be followed up with
"exposure driven" sampling and biological sampling, described below.
2 Standardized analysis and biological sampling strategy. ATSDR can facilitate
collection of biological samples by providing training and education to health
professionals on urine mercury collection and interpretation. ATSDR can establish
a mechanism between the states and National Center for Environmental Health to
analyze the biological samples. A standardized analysis and sampling strategy will
strengthen risk management decisions to protect public health.
3 Development of detailed exposure history during biological sampling; a more
detailed exposure history will be elicited to help identify exposure sources, routes,
intensity, duration, and frequency, as well as other individuals who may be exposed.
4. "Exposure driven" environmental samples could be taken in human contact areas
of known use, to ensure that other family members or persons who come in contact
with mercury vapor can be identified. Without these data it would be difficult to
document the exposure source. To prevent further exposure, finding the source is
imperative.
5. Integrated clinical evaluation and referral protocol to evaluate and characterize
exposure to mercury and related health effects, to facilitate appropriate referrals and
follow-up of exposed individuals. Clinical referral networks would need to be
established with the Association of Occupational and Environmental Health Clinics
including Pediatric Environmental Health Specialty Units to consult with physicians
who have questions and concerns regarding the diagnosis and treatment of patients
exposed to metallic mercury. Clinical evaluations for those determined to be
exposed allow early detection and prevention of adverse health effects among highly
exposed persons. Experts in occupational and environmental medicine perform
exams on eligible patients, including appropriate medical and exposure history,
physical exam, lab work, follow-up, and referral as necessary. The protocol does not
provide for treatment. Before clinical evaluations, a plan for continued follow-up
of any conditions discovered shall be in place in conjunction with local and state
health departments.
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6. RECOMMENDATIONS
In Chapter 5, the Task Force describes various policy options for addressing the issue of spiritual
and folk uses of mercury. This section focuses on those actions the Task Force recommends be
taken by various governmental and non-governmental organizations. These recommendations are
those of the Task Force members, and are not binding on any organization. The Task Force
recommendations seek to reduce mercury exposure by recommending realistic and cost-effective
actions that will promote health and well-being while respecting cultural traditions and community
autonomy. The Task Force recommends approaches that rely primarily on community outreach and
education activities to inform mercury suppliers and the public about mercury' s risks, and encourage
the use of safer alternatives. Because there continues to be a paucity of data on the extent of use of
mercury for these purposes, the fate and transport of mercury indoors, and the exposure that might
result from these uses, the Task Force prioritized a number of areas for further study and research.
The Task Force recognizes there are many competing priorities for research, and that government
agencies, and non-governmental organizations must balance these recommendations against other
existing priorities.
6.1 Community Outreach and Education
A coordinated effort between state and local health departments and local community organizations
can help inform mercury suppliers and the public about mercury' s risks. Government agencies can
play a supportive role in these activities.
EPA/OERR
1. Develop a brochure on mercury describing its hazards and what to do if mercury is spilled.
This brochure will serve as a template that can be used by local groups in designing their own
communications. The brochure is intended primarily for distribution via the Web.
2. Produce a written statement for distribution to community groups on the do's and don'ts
of mercury use. This was widely requested by forum participants, this "official message" should
also include messages from the brochure and emphasize the importance of community leaders
in outreach.
3. Encourage funding to assists CBOs and local health departments involved in outreach and
education activities.
4. Work with various EPA offices to incorporate mercury in existing education programs,
where appropriate. Because of the perceived success of programs addressing lead and asthma,
there was general support for incorporating the issue of mercury and its health effects into
existing programs in the Office of Children's Health, the Office of Indoor Air, and the Office of
Toxics. It would be particularly effective to add cultural mercury use issues to the indoor air
hotline, and to EPA's Tools for Schools kit.
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ATSDR
1 Encourage state and local health departments to partner with CBOs in their area and develop
an effective outreach strategy, as outlined in the next section.
2 Encourage the addition of the issue of mercury to existing education programs, where
appropriate. There was general support for incorporating the issue of mercury and its health
effects into existing programs that deal with similar health issues, such as Indoor Air Quality
Programs (e.g., carbon dioxide and lead); Asthma Programs; and Prenatal Care Programs. The
Woman, Infants, and Children (WIC) approach is a good model. Mercury exposure questions
should be included on the NHANES and HANES surveys. Secondhand exposure should be
included in another line of questioning, such as how long has the exposed person lived in their
residence, etc. Early education childhood prevention programs should follow or be attached to
lead questions.
Regions/Local Health Departments/CBOs
1. Plan, implement, and evaluate local education and outreach activities. Much of the outreach
and education on mercury use is necessarily local. Forum participants agreed that grassroots
education efforts are most likely to be effective. Although federal agencies can provide general
guidance about the content of a warning message about mercury use, it is up to state and local
health departments working with CBOs to tailor the message to the local audience and deliver
the message effectively. The collective wisdom compiled from the participants in the forum on
Ritualistic Uses of Mercury on conducting outreach and education can be found in section 4.5.
There was consensus that partnerships between local and state health departments and CBOs are
most effective at promoting mercury programs.
Community-Based Organizations
1. Communicate with publishers and authors of religious/spirituality books that contain
mercury spells, to request inclusion of a specific note about the risks of using mercury and how
to reduce risk in practice - or a consideration of alternative spells that use non-toxic substances.
6.2 Research Agenda
The following key research areas should be prioritized against other existing priorities:
1. Clinical studies to identify elemental mercury levels in people. Ideally, levels of mercury would
be examined in the bodies of mercury users versus a control group. Twenty-four hour urine
mercury samples could be obtained rather than spot samples, and the mercury could be speciated.
Follow-up would connect exposures to particular sources and use patterns. Given the real-world
constraints imposed by funding issues and the stigma associated with cultural mercury use, some
modifications will have to be made. For example, anonymity and the convenience associated
with spot-urine sampling are needed to attract participants. A simplified research strategy might
only consider base screening mercury levels in Latino and Caribbean communities versus other
communities. Although researchers should strive toward detailed measurement studies where
possible, the studies should, at a minimum, measure the incidence of exposure and impact of
mercury on the community. Incorporation of mercury tests into other routine tests - for example,
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child blood-lead levels - might be an effective way for local clinics to collect useful data.
ATSDR has 1KB guidelines that govern clinical studies involving human subj ects, and these must
be followed for any clinical study.
2. Ethnographic research to identify the needs, beliefs, and exposure patterns in specific
subpopulations, and to understand the frequency and extent of different uses, sales rates, and
mercury supply chains. Such research would better characterize the mercury-using population,
illuminating how mercury is used and its exposure implications, as well as its cultural meaning
or significance. Identifying safe alternatives for mercury used by practitioners in a variety of
cultural and religious contexts is also desirable. ATSDR will not participate in any research
efforts pertaining to altering religious practices. Participant observation should be a particularly
effective research tool for this work.
3 Risk perception and risk communication research that evaluates the effectiveness of
communication materials and outreach strategies, and provides input for improved designs for
both. Market research approaches are also valuable here in understanding the audience and
designing salient messages with immediate practical application. Stakeholders should be
involved in ongoing discussions of risk management, and in the design and evaluation of risk
communication materials.
4. Fate and transport studies of mercury in indoor air to better relate cultural use to acute and
long-term exposure levels, and to develop models to predict indoor concentrations and residence
times. Air measurements in vehicles, residences and botanicas are needed to validate these
models and measure typical exposure levels stemming from cultural and religious uses.
5. Epidemiology and toxicology studies aimed at understanding low-level health effects of
mercury and exploring novel biomarkers for exposure assessment are needed. Small grants (such
as those provided in the past by ATSDR and EPA Regions 2 and 5), will be sufficient and
effective for sharing key information for most of these studies. Priority should be given to
proposals that represent true collaborations with active involvement of community groups with
demonstrated access to exposed populations. Private foundations may be a source for funding
on this issue. Some academic professional organizations in sociology and anthropology may
provide small grants for new projects in this field. Finally, the federal and state health care and
clinical health community may be an additional funding source for many of these studies. The
Office of Minority Health in the Department of Health and Human Services, for example, may
have an interest in some of these research areas.
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6.3 Environmental Monitoring
EPA
1. Provide guidance on the use of generally accepted ambient levels of mercury.
2. Provide guidance on instruments and detection limits to use when sampling for mercury. The
NIOSH 6009 method is the standard method used to monitor for mercury. Newer instruments
have been developed that are more portable, and can provide faster and cheaper measurements.
Guidance is needed on the use of these newer instruments to ensure their precision and accuracy
when compared against the standard NIOSH 6009 method.
3. Provide guidance on action levels of mercury.
6.4 Technical Assistance and Response
1. Any clinical response must meet ATSDR' s criteria for an environmental health intervention and
would require environmental data that would meet the criterion for a public health hazard. If
these conditions are met, a response framework would be constructed. ATSDR is prepared to
provide guidance in public health practice through ascertaining the public health implications of
exposure scenarios and the development and adaptation of the current response strategy. ATSDR
is ready to assist in developing an integrated risk management protocol based on environmental
and biological sampling, should one become necessary in the future. Any cleanup response to
mercury releases on the Federal level must be pursuant to the legislative and regulatory
authorities of CERCLA.
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ADDENDUM
Since the last official meeting ( August 7, 2001) of The Ritualistic Uses of Mercury Task Force, it
has come to EPA's attention that there have been either new developments in the area surrounding
mercury use in spiritual and folk traditions or additional references that were not considered by the
Task Force.
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ADDITIONAL RESEARCH
U.S. EPA Office of Emergency and Remedial Response
Outreach and Education
OERR's Community Involvement and Outreach Center and ATSDR have entered into a $60,000
cooperative agreement with the National Association of City/County Health Officials (NACCHO)
to work with local health departments to develop outreach and education programs designed to raise
awareness about hazards of mercury and encourage use of safer alternatives.
Fate and Transport of Mercury
The Environmental Response Team is performing fate and transport studies in Edison, NJ to help
understand how much mercury is released during spiritual and folk practices. EPA expects to
publish results of the studies in a peer reviewed journal and present findings at various conferences.
New Jersey Department of Environmental Protection
The New Jersey Department of Environmental Protection (NJDEP)is conducting a study to find out
more about mercury usage in Santeria and other practices and measuring mercury levels in
multifamily dwellings. The work is being carried out under the direction of Alan Stern of NJDEP,
Michael Gochfeld of the Environmental and Occupational Health Sciences Institute, and Donna
Riley of Smith College. The study intends to find out more about mercury usage in Santeria and
other practices in New Jersey, by conducting interviews with mercury users in Union City and West
New York. The santero member of the research team has currently conducted 22 interviews with
santeros/as, espiritistas, and other practitioners. During the interviews, discussions were held on
the ways in which they do or do not use mercury in their work. The other portion of this study is
concerned with measuring mercury levels in multifamily dwellings in Union City and West New
York, in block areas with 80+% Latino population, within 0.5 miles ofbotanicas, and in Montclair,
NJ, a predominantly white, non-Hispanic community with buildings of similar size and age. The
Lumex atomic absorption spectrometer was used to obtain data in the common areas (lobbies and
hallways) of these buildings. The final report will discuss the findings of this study in greater detail.
U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development Office of Healthy Homes
The Department of Housing and Urban Development agrees that the increase in public awareness
in general about the risks of mercury exposures is essential. HUD's Office of Healthy Homes and
Lead Hazard Control is tracking the progress of research efforts underway at the National Center
for Environmental Health and other research organizations. This information will also provide
health care providers with the information they need to target specific populations of children for
routine mercury screening. To supplement current outreach measures, the Office of Healthy Homes
and Lead Hazard Control has expanded its efforts in this area, briefing HUD's regional
environmental specialists of the risk factors associated with mercury exposure and developing an
53
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information packet for HUD field offices, Public Housing Authorities and other HUD clients, that
will include material from the Task Force report.
54
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2002;! 10:873-878.
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APPENDIX A: OUTREACH AND EDUCATION BROCHURES
1. 1991 Consumer Product Safety Commission Alert: Mercury Vapors are Hazardous
2. 1994 EPA Office of Pollution Prevention and Toxics Information Fact Sheet: Hazards to
Consumers Using Metallic Mercury In the Home Environment
3. 1994 EPA Mercury Alert
4. 1995 EPA Office of Emergency and Remedial Response: Warning - It's Dazzling, It's Slick,
It's Awesome, It's Mercury, and It Can Kill You!!
5. 1997 EPA/ATSDR: National Alert
6. EPA Office of Emergency and Remedial Response National Mercury Brochure Draft:
Protect Your Family from Mercury in Your Home
7. Puerto Rican Family Institute: Mercury and Your Health: How to Prevent Metallic
Mercury Poisoning
8. Puerto Rican Family Institute: Public Health Education: Bodegas
9. Hispanic Health Council Environmental Health Unit Information Booklet No. 1, Hartford,
CT: Metallic Mercury and Your Health: An Educational Guide for Health Care Providers
andAzogue Distributors
10. Concilio Hispano De La Salud Unidad De Salud Ambiental Pamfleto No. 1, Hartford, CT:
El Azogue (Mercurio Metalico): Y Tu Salud: Una Guia Educacional Para Proveedores De
Servicios De Salud Y Distribuidores De Azogue
11. Hispanic Health Council Environmental Health Unit Information Brochure No. 2,
Hartford, CT: Azogue and Your Health: How to Prevent Metallic Mercury Poisoning
12. Concilio Hispano De La Salud Unidad De Salud Ambiental Pam Informativo No. 2,
Hartford, CT: El Azogue Y Tu Salud: Como Prevenir Envenenamiento Con Mercurio
Metalico
13. New York City Department of Health: Metallic Mercury Poisoning
14. New York City Department of Health: Metallic Mercury Exposure: A Guide for Health
Care Providers
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At this time Appendix A is not available via the Web. Please E-mail Karen L.
Martin at martin.karenl(g)epa.gov to request a copy of Appendix A.
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APPENDIX B: MINUTES FROM FORUM PANELS
The viewpoints expressed in these minutes are solely those of individual forum participants
and not necessarily those of the Environmental Protection Agency, Agency for Toxic
Substances and Disease Registry, Consumer Product Safety Commission or the Ritualistic
Uses of Mercury Task Force.
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Panel Session I: Members of Religious and Cultural Traditions That Use
Mercury
Eric Canales
Eric Canales works at the New York Academy of Medicine as the Community Liaison/Associate
Project Director at the Center for Urban Epidemiological Studies. Mr. Canales is an ordained priest
in Palo Mayombe, with is an expression of African spirituality. He has worked with Pastor for
Pastor, an organization that informs clergy of health disparities and educates these leaders in
intervention-based programs. In addition, Mr. Canales has consulted with the EPA, Montefiore
Hospital, and the City of New York Department of Health on the cultural and religious uses of
mercury.
Palo Mayombe originated in Africa, specifically, from the Bantu religion. Palo Mayombe is well
recognized in Africa and Afro-Caribbean communities and has also been embraced by many
European and Japanese communities. Mr. Canales pointed out that the increasing Latino population
in the United States brings with it an increase in the number of people practicing religions of Afro-
Caribbean origin. Despite the predominant focus on Latino and Caribbean populations, Mr. Canales
indicated that many other cultures that use mercury are not being targeted, for example, Hindus and
Native Americans. In addition, the diabetic community in East Harlem commonly uses mercury for
healing. In his experience, mercury is not used to a large degree in Palo Moyombe and if it is used,
it is contained in a prenda. Mr.. Canales described a prenda as a consecrated container about the size
of a soup tureen that contains a mixture of natural things, possibly mercury. As the foundation for
religious belief, the prenda is sealed and is never opened again. Mercury use is not widespread
across Palo Mayombe practice. Mr. Canales explained that mercury is a component of the prenda
because it is part of nature, part of what God has placed on this earth, like the wind, trees, and ocean.
Palo Mayombe is similar to many Native American religious beliefs in that Palo Mayombe uses
things like mercury from nature. Mercury will most likely remain in use. Rather than trying to take
it out of the practice, Mr. Canales suggested education to help people think about the risks involved
in using mercury.
Mr. Canales stressed the importance of reaching the right people, in particular religious leaders and
ordained practitioners. Godfathers and Godmothers (spiritual mentors who offer guidance to new
initiates, sometimes referred to as "children") need to know hazards of mercury; this knowledge may
in turn be passed onto their children in the faith. In his opinion, Mr. Canales stated that many who
prescribe mercury are unaware of its dangers. Although the New York City Health Department
launched a commendable education campaign on mercury hazards, a grassroots initiative is
necessary to ensure the message is delivered to the appropriate audience and subsequently
understood.
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Mary Jane Garza
Mary Jane Garza is a writer and artist who has been initiated into Santeria, Reiki, lymphatic
massage, and Curanderismo. She has presented many workshops to various healthcare organizations
on promoting cultural diversity and sensitivity.
Ms. Garza began her presentation by expanding on the notion of diversity brought up by Mr.
Canales by noting that mercury use may vary by region as well as ethnicity. To prepare for the
forum, she visited various botanica owners and spiritual healers in her home town of Austin, Texas,
to discuss the use of mercury. The botanica owners stated that mercury was not used very much,
but reported that about 25% of their patrons request mercury for various home remedies and
religious rites. Many botanica owners reported that do not sell mercury because of the dangers
associated with its use; in addition they believe the sale of mercury is illegal in Texas. In Ms.
Garza's experience, mercury is not heavily used in Curanderismo; however, it seems that those who
are asking the botanicas for mercury are the more recent immigrants. Ms. Garza noted that all the
botanica owners she spoke with expressed a desire for more information and handouts on mercury
exposure for their customers. Ms. Garza then inquired into local public schools regarding the use
of amulets or necklaces containing mercury. The schools, which had a high number of Latino
students, did not indicate that such amulets were commonly worn by the students.
Americo Paez
AmericaoPaez was initiated as priest of Orisha worship, also known as Santeria, at age 16. In April
2000, he helped found the Lukumi Church or Orisha, the first church of its kind to be recognized
as a nonprofit organization in the state of New York. Mr. Paez provides religious and cultural
training to priests and all interested peoples, teaching the ways of the ancestors. One of the principal
goals of the training program is to organize practitioners to create an environment of uniform
practice.
Mr. Paez began his presentation by providing background on Santeria. Santeria, which goes by
many names, came to the United States from Cuba, and originated among the Yoruba tribes in
southern Nigeria. According to Mr. Paez, Santeria practices do not use mercury; however, Santeria
does not prohibit practitioners form belonging to other religions that may practice with mercury.
Therefore, just because someone uses mercury and happens to also be a Santero does not mean that
the mercury use is a part of Santeria.
Mr. Paez emphasized the importance of education. The community of Santeria. in addition to other
religious communities, is close knit and deeply connected. Community members see each other as
neighbors and as family; no one would willingly place another in danger.
Michelle Edouard
Michelle Edouard is employed as Senior Human Services Program Manger for the Miami-Bade
County Health Department in Miami, Florida. Prior to her work for Miami-Bade County, Dr.
Edouard served as Executive Director of Profamil, Family Planning Association of Haiti, and Chief
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of Evaluation for the Ministry of Public Health of Haiti. Her outreach efforts have been
acknowledged by USAID, the National Cancer Institute, and the Florida Volunteer Agency for
Caribbean Action.
Dr. Edouard served as a speaker on the practice of Voodoo, which she stated is a secretive religion.
Voodoo is practiced to varying degrees, with those at the higher levels possessing knowledge of
spells and rituals that lower practitioners do not. Such spells are by nature kept secret and passed
down through oral tradition. Because it is not documented, it is difficult to know if mercury is
involved at such high levels. Dr. Edouard explained that people who practice Voodoo often
subscribe to more than one religious faith. For example, approximately 95% of the population in
Haiti practices both Voodoo and Catholicism. Although Voodoo is not a centrally organized
religion and is practiced differently in varying regions, its rituals are practiced to achieve three basic
things: remedies for ills, satisfaction of needs, and survival.
Dr. Edouard stressed that distinction between the core traditions of Voodoo oral traditions passed
down for 200 to 300 years and the materialistic expressions or symbols of the faith, such as
necklaces. The core traditions, even if these include rituals that involve mercury, will not change,
but the materials used in such practices can. People have been forbidden to practice Voodoo through
slavery and the suppression by the Catholic church for centuries. The rituals have persevered
throughout this time and will not cease.
Before the forum, Dr. Edouard went to a botanica and asked how she should use mercury. She was
told to rub mercury on her skin with perfume for good luck.
Questions/Comments:
J
Donna Riley added that in her talks with Max Beauvoir, Voodoo priest at the Temple of Yehwe in
Washington, DC, Mr. Beauvoir had distinguished between what he called "magical" use and
spiritual or traditional use.
Arnold Wendroffsaid that he was familiar with aMigene Gonzalez-Wippler book, that lists several
spells in which she uses mercury. He proposed that this was evidence that mercury is used in
Santeria.
Eric Canales replied that not everything that is written about Santeria is true and added that Ms.
Wippler was not an initiate in the religion. Santeria is often associated with similar religions
because of its origin; the term Santeria was given generically to any religion that used a Catholic
saint and practiced spiritism. Santeria is a cultural, slave term that encompasses the African roots
through Caribbean practice.
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Americo Paez added that the most knowledgeable people, those with 30 or 40 years of experience
in practicing Santeria, are not asked for information. Usually, the first people who are willing to
speak are trying to make a name for themselves.
Arnold Wendroff inquired into the reported use of mercury for treating empacho.
Mary Jane Garza responded that empacho was a blocking of any kind, including stomach cramps.
She said that she usually prescribes bitter herbs and eggs to treat this condition, not mercury.
Michelle Edouard noted that treatments tend to vary depending on the area. Typically, folk remedies
are used because of the lack of access to adequate medical treatment.
Nancy Jeffery directed a question to Mr. CanalesandMr. Paez: Are practitioners knowledgeable
about mercury hazards?
The panel responded that recent immigrants are generally unaware of mercury hazards. These
immigrants do not have the benefit of mainstream education in schools and various media outlets.
Some indigenous knowledge seems to exist showing that ingesting mercury will cause one to
become insane.
Mr. Canales emphasized that this issue is a cultural issue, a people of color issue. He has met
people who were unaware of the hazards of mercury but who want their children to be protected.
Mark Maddaloni asked Mr. Canales for a better understanding of where mercury fits into beliefs
of Palo Mayombe ?
Mr. Canales replied that the answer predates history and is an inextricable element of a religious
rite. He then reiterated the fact that mercury placed in the prenda is contained, sealed, and never
opened again. Eliminating mercury would invalidate the rite. If laws against mercury exist, people
will cross state and country lines or break thermometers to get the mercury they need.
Rita Monroy posed a question: If there is such minimal use of mercury in each group, should
outreach materials target practitioners of there religions or the general public?
Mr. Paez answered that he thinks it is worthwhile to target people through religious groups and
offered the mailing lists of his church.
Mr. Canales said that both the general public and the practitioners should be targeted for outreach
materials. By using posters and public service announcements, the impact of mercury exposure to
could be minimized for everyone. However, new immigrants and new initiates especially need the
information.
Ms. Garza brought up her concern that an educational campaign could backfire by making people
curious about mercury, especially if the message is from the government. Government regulation
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over cultural affairs is not widely respected and is viewed with distrust. Perhaps the message would
be more effectively received if delivered from a church or peer.
Gary Garetano inquired about the frequency and quantity of mercury use?
Mr. Paez replied that mercury is used in bath water, perfume, homes, cars, and businesses such as
botanicas. It can be used in a myriad of ways, and often repetitively.
Dr. Edouard stated that people use mercury to attract luck and love; it will be used until these things
are perceivably met. Some botanicas encourage frequent mercury use because it is better for
business. Mr. Canales added that some people use the mercury until a problem is finally solved;
for instance, until they get a job. Some people (like Hindus) use it everyday.
Craig Beasley inquired as to which religious denominations use mercury?
Mr. Canales replied that across the board, people use mercury in bath water and burn it in candles,
as these are very common practices. Furthermore, he stated that Hindus use a variety of metals in
addition to mercury to attract wealth.
Ms. Garza commented that it is common in Texas to put mercury in a glass of water beside the door.
She has also heard of one person putting it in food, but not very often.
Mr. Paez brought attention to the dangers of using mercury in liquids, and then discarding the
mixture. Often it is flushed down the toilet or left in a field causing environmental hazards and
increased risk of exposure.
Question: How educated are botanica owners in religious practice?
Mr. Paez replied that, in New York, a botanica is just a business. Owners are vendors of herbs and
remedies but are not experts.
Ms. Garb answered that all the botanica owners that she has dealt within Texas are very
knowledgeable about all the religions.
Mr. Canales added that in New York City, botanicas used to sell groceries and were viewed as
cultural centers. Today, a botanica owner may be a Santeros, but is usually just seen as a vendor.
Ordained priests and recognized elders (godfathers and godmothers) prescribe the rituals and their
necessary elements.
Dr. Edouard stated that this was not the case in Florida. Botanica owners in Miami and nearby
areas are practitioners and are very knowledgeable in the faiths. People come to them for emotional,
spiritual, and psychologic healing (there is less emphasis on physical). Delivering the message
about the dangers of mercury is difficult because the people who are using it may not understand the
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pathology of toxic exposure. They may believe that disease is caused by something in their life that
is not spiritually aligned.
NinaHabib Spencer asked if there were alternatives andwhether or not people would be responsive
to alternative?
Dr. Edouard replied that in recommending an alternative to mercury, it is important to ensure that
the alternative is not a toxic substance, that is capable of possibly causing more harm than the
mercury. She reported that when asking for mercury at a certain botanica, she was offered a
stronger powder that was not labeled.
Mr. Canales said that people are not always responsive to alternatives because it contradicts
traditions, and generally people are reluctant to change.
Dr. Edouard answered that in Haiti a myriad of herbs are available in rural areas that could be
substituted for mercury. However, in urban Florida, many of these herbs are not available. Lacking
the ability to practice traditional folk remedies, people then look for something more readily
available than modern medicine, such as mercury.
After recounting a story of a woman who went mad after frequenting a botanica and who returned
and stoned the store, Clyde Johnson asked pane I members if there were concerned about a specific
practice that may be particularly dangerous?
Mr. Canales stated that the danger of developmental damage from inhalation of mercury vapor
needs to be stressed. Candle burning is very common in New York and is particularly harmful
because the exposure to mercury through inhalation. Most communities know that ingesting
mercury will make you crazy and therefore rarely intake it this way.
Ms. Garza stated that in Curanderismo, mercury is not a vital part of practice. However, she is
concerned about amulets or necklaces containing mercury that are popular in Texas. These can be
purchased at botcmicas along the border of Mexico, are unregulated, and can break easily.
Mr. Paez said he is most concerned about mercury use in floor washes and baths. It is a repetitive
practice that relies on constant application.
Mark Maddaloni asked how the mercury is mixed with water?
Mr. Paez answered that you mix it with the water and then attempt to get it on your body.
Mr. Canales added that it is typical to use a little bit of mercury with herbs and a small amount of
water.
Gary Garetano asked how mercury is used in candles and whether it was purchased in candle
wicks?
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The panel answered affirmatively and said that sometimes candles are sold with mercury in wick
and the bottom metal part of the candle.
Dr. Edouard added that mercury is sometimes mixed in oil lamps.
Donna Riley asked whether there are special stores that Hindus frequent to buy mercury?
Mr. Canales answered that he was not sure, but knew that some Hindus get their mercury from the
botanicas.
Donna Riley asked if the panel had concerns about people following the directions inpopular books
on Santeria and Voodoo found in new age book stores and other places?
Mr. Paez agreed that it is a problem and added that some of the same authors who wrote books on
Santeria also wrote new age books.
Mr. Canales reminded the group that these books are not bibles. The ancestors shared the practice
verbally; it is not written down.
Dr. Edouard agreed and added that a central element of Voodoo is secrecy.
Ms. Garza said that Curanderismo came from the Aztecs, who had documented the faith in libraries.
However, once Cortez began to persecute the religion, it became an oral tradition.
Clyde Johnson asked if a relationship exists between mercury use in the Americas and the mercury
found in Egyptian tombs?
Ms. Edouard felt that this may be a possibility. She explained that there is no word for mercury in
Africa; however, the term that is used for mercury in Haiti (vidajah) is a derivation of the French
phrase vif argent (quick silver). This would imply that mercury use is not of African origin, but
European.
Arnold Wendroff added that in his studies he has not found evidence of mercury used in African
religions. He said that he believes that it came from Europe and that the Spanish brought it to
America to extract gold and silver, possibly attributing the metal with the characteristic of attracting
wealth. It was also widely used as a cure for syphilis, portraying the healing powers of mercury.
He then asked that if the health education community were able to demonstrate the deleterious
effects that mercury has had on certain populations, will people be convinced of the dangers and
change their practices?
All panelists agreed that people would be amenable to change if the message is clear, practical, and
comes from a trusted source.
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Mr. Paez added that people have preconceived or illegitimate ideas about different practices, but
when they are shown the right way, they are usually willing to change. The older generation is more
resistant to change and does not want to feel that they have been wrong about something for all this
time.
Do you think that more younger or older people are using mercury?
The panel replied that it is both young and old who are using mercury. Mostly it is people who are
new to the country.
Mr. Canales said that some people buy 5 to 10 capsules per month. Some elderly people are die-
hard users. He stated that outreach on other health issues does occur at group gatherings and places
of worship during celebrations. For example, some groups pass out information about sexually
transmitted disease and distribute condoms. Such intervention needs to be constant because the
community is always changing and transforming.
Dr. Edouard stated that in Miami, a great amount of cross-cultural interaction and exchange occurs.
At flea markets, Haitians and Latinos exchange information and practices, despite the fact that they
may not share the same language or culture.
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Panel Session II: Health Educators with Latino and Caribbean Communities
Lisa Rose-Rodriguez
Lisa Rose-Rodriguez has been a devotee of Santeria for 8 years. She is also pursing a master's in
public health an the University of Connecticut in epidemiology. She has undertaken "Mercury
Poisoning During Santeria Rituals" an independent research project, with the blessing of the
Connecticut Department of Environmental Health . As a devotee and a graduate researcher, Ms.
Rodriguez conducts workshops for health care workers, social workers, and other health and human
services professionals so that they may build rapport with clients who are Santeria practitioners,
influence better outcomes, and increase service utilization.
Ms. Rose-Rodriguez was the first panelist to speak. She is of Portuguese ancestry and lives in
Connecticut. She is currently pursing a graduate degree at the University of Connecticut in which
she works to link together culture and epidemiology. Ms. Rose-Rodriguez is a devotee of Santeria,
but is not an initiate. With respect to the initiates present, she said that she disagrees with Eric
Canales and Americo Paez in their assertion that the rituals will not change despite outreach efforts.
Ms. Rose-Rodriguez began her presentation by defining many of the terms used and placing them
in the appropriate context. Santeria means "of the saints" and is the synergistic union of the Yoruba
religion and Catholicism derived among the slave communities of French, Spanish, and Portuguese
slave owners. The Yoruba was the largest ethnic group removed from Africa. Ironically, the
purveyors of the Yoruba cultures in America are the Cuban, Caribbean, and Latin American
communities, rather than the African-American communities. Orisha is a Lukimi word for deity.
Brujeria is a Spanish (primary Mexican-Spanish) word for witchcraft or person of knowledge.
In Ms. Rose-Rodriguez's experience, mercury is used most often with worship ofEleggud. There
are different levels of worship. For example, a banishing can be conducted by using mercury on a
person's house or purchasing a "run-devil-run" candle at a botanica. An increase in levels of magic
relates to a stronger effect. Each level is a higher exposure to mercury.
Ms. Rose-Rodriguez stated that if white men went to a botanica to distribute brochures, they would
be treated with hostility as an outsider. Ms. Rose-Rodriguez said that she had distributed a survey
to practitioners asking them about their level of initiation and the level that they prescribe mercury.
From the surveys, Ms. Rose-Rodriguez noted that most devotees are female and most commonly
requested works were those thought to bring love and protection. She also brought a catalog to the
forum from which mercury products can be ordered from a California-based company that sells.
Ms. Rose-Rodriguez said that in her experience with the Connecticut Department of Environmental
Health, mercury poisoning cases exceed those of lead poisoning cases. The department sponsors
a program that focuses on identifying speech delay and other developmental delays in children;
however, it is difficult to separate the origin of developmental delay from mercury exposure given
complicating factors of poverty, including lack of prenatal care. It is hard to establish a case
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exposure because the use of mercury is secretive and knowledge of its use is inexact. Mercury can
be inhaled, ingested, or absorbed.
Ms. Rose-Rodriguez reported that candle dressing has caused some concern in Connecticut
hospitals. If the mercury is smeared on top of a candle, there is the risk of inhalation exposure. If
it is used in the Wiccan ay, which is to apply the dressing to hands and then smear it on the outside
of a candle, there is risk of exposure through skin absorption.
Ms. Rose-Rodriguez had some of the preparations from botanicas analyzed for mercury and found
that all dedications to the Seven Powers; that is, the seven main deities of Santeria, and Eleggud
contained mercury. These preparations included powders, baths and oils. She concluded her
introductory talk with the suggestion that the message for prevention of the practitioner, in outreach
materials.
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Suzanne Nicoletti-Krase
Suzanne Nicoletti-Krase is a registered nurse and holds a master's of science degree in community
health education and a doctorate of education in health education. She is Director of Patient
Relations at the Brooklyn Hospital Center. Dr. Nicoketti-Krase has supervised, mentored, and
trained students in community outreach research.
Dr. Nicoketti-Krase shared with the forum her outreach experiences with West Indian and Latino
communities through a newly developed family practice center through a Brooklyn-based nonprofit
organization known as the Church Avenue Merchants Block Association (CAMB A). The CAMB A
Center provides one stop shopping for comprehensive primary and preventive health care, case
management, and legal assistance that is easily accessible to all members of the community. Center
services include family practice/internal medicine, pediatrics, OB/GYN, dentistry, cardiology,
radiology, podiatry, optometry, pulmonary function, nutrition, and physical and speech therapy.
CAMB A's health division is dedicated to linking isolated people to primary care. Although not
directly related to mercury prevention, CAMBA is useful model for reaching the Haitian,
Dominican, and Central American communities. CAMBA's purpose is twofold, to reduce the use
of emergency rooms as primary care centers, and to stress preventive medicine. Prior to instituting
the program, Dr. Nicoketti-Krase and others conducted a community profile of the neighborhood,
noting all area businesses and community organizations in an attempt to make contacts. Realizing
that community members might be suspicious of health care providers from outside of the
community, the program used these contacts to recruit health advocates from within the community.
Representatives from local schools and churches were trained to educated the community and to test
for a variety of health indicators, such as blood pressure, glucose levels, and lead poisoning. These
trained community advocates brought the message of CAMBA to the people through health fairs,
tuberculosis screenings, and parenting classes. A prenatal care program called "Mothers Helping
Mothers" was also established.
Dr. Nicoketti-Krase worked to obtain a primary care initiative grant that funded the training of
advocates. The grant funded some insurance, materials in Creole and Spanish, transportation, and
a quarterly newsletter for those enrolled in the " Stay Healthy Brooklyn Network." Additionally, Dr.
Nicoketti-Krase collaborated on another grant for cancer awareness in the Puerto Rican community
in Williamsburg, NY. Information was delivered through El Diario and other Spanish newspapers,
as well as Spanish radio and television channels. Similar to CAMBA, the cancer awareness program
recruited "role models" of health from the community to feature in each newsletter. Examples of
topics included pap smears, mammograms, and smoking cessation. Neighborhood people
distributed the newsletter and other educational materials to local establishments, especially beauty
salons. Each volunteer was also asked to recruit one other volunteer. Dr. Nicoketti-Krase stressed
the importance of advocates being multilingual and staffing care facilities with culturally sensitive
people.
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When planning a community advocate program, Dr. Nicoketti-Krase offered the following insights:
• It is important to know whether community advocates are people who will be respected by the
community.
• Competition exists among community-based organizations; be aware of alliances that may
hinder relationships with another organization.
• Have a plan for referring people that need further medical attention.
Set up a system at the hospital or health care facility for handling language and insurance
barriers. Educating the administration at the hospital required a lot of up-front internal work.
Abigail Juarez-Karic
Abigail Juarez-Karic has been the Director of Programs for the Puerto Rican Family Institute in
Brooklyn, New York, since 1989. She has served as an adjunct professor at the New York
University School of Social Work, where she received her master's degree. In 1996, Dr. Juarez-
Karic earned a Ph.D. from the Columbia University School of Social Work.
Dr. Juarez-Karic began her presentation by dispelling the misconception that botanica patrons are
uneducated, noting that she herself has been to a botanica. In describing her involvement in
outreach with the Puerto Rican Family Institute, Dr. Juarez-Karic advised that the best way to get
information to Spanish-speaking people was to have another Spanish-speaking person deliver the
message. The message should be written simply and regularly played on Spanish radio stations.
Her group has also seen positive outcomes from hosting events with food and/or paid audience
participation as an opportunity to educate and disseminate information. Dr. Juarez-Karic also noted
that women are typically the carriers of health-related messages, which is why distributing health
information through beauty parlors is extremely effective.
Nancy Jeffery
Nancy Jeffery is the Director of the Environmental and Occupational Disease Epidemiology Unit
in the New York City Department of Health. The unit which is responsible for conducting adult
heavy metal surveillance (including mercury). Before Ms. Jeffery's 11 years with the New York
City Department of Health, she worked as registered nurse (RN) at Loma Linda University Medical
Center in California. Ms. Jeffery was the first RN to be enrolled in and complete an accelerated
MPH program in epidemiology.
Ms. Jeffery explained that her experience in epidemiology and public health has not specifically
focused on Latino and Caribbean communities; however, she and her department have been
intimately involved in testing for mercury in many New York City botanicas. Her department
investigates elevated levels of arsenic, lead, cadmium, and mercury. According to New York State
law, physicians are required to report elevated levels of heavy metals to the New York City Health
Department. Her department occasionally receives reports of elevated arsenic and mercury, but the
majority of cases involve lead stemming from occupational exposures. To date, no reported cases
of elevated mercury levels resulting from identified cultural practices have been reported.
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Given the scarcity of data on mercury exposure, Ms. Jeffery and her group decided to focus on
educational outreach as a preventative measure. The department adapted a brochure originally
developed in Hartford, Connecticut and translated it into Spanish and Haitian Creole. They also
created a brochure for health care providers, bringing awareness to the signs and symptoms of
mercury toxicity in children. Overall, the department distributed 4,000 educational brochures to
New York City botanicas (those with listed addresses), pediatricians, obstetricians/gynecologists,
and general practitioners.
Ms. Jeffery stated that the biggest obstacle to conducting outreach was the ambiguity associated
with just how to get the information to people who may have a non-occupational exposure. It
seemed to her that it may be more effective to send the message from someone within the
community as opposed to someone from a regulatory agency.
Michelle Edouard
Michelle Edouard was also a presenter in the first panel. As the Program Coordinator of the
Childhood Lead Poisoning Prevention Program for the Miami-Bade County Health Department, Dr.
Edouard has been instrumental in educating the Haitian American and other ethnic minority
communities regarding toxic exposure to lead. Dr. Edouard began her presentation by describing
the Community-Based Diffusion Model used for education outreach within Latino and Caribbean
communities. Dr. Edouard's presentation is included here:
Community-Based Diffusion Model
Essential Planning Principles
1. Know the client.
When getting to know your client base, it is important to avoid using broad racial characterizations
because of the risk of stereotyping. You should be sensitive to beliefs and needs of the targeted
group; learn the target groups educational level, literacy, language preferences and cultural practices;
and identify the group's opinion leaders and its unique set of communication channels not easily
identified by outsiders.
a. Get To Know Caribbean and Latino Communities . In the United States, the Caribbean
and Latino communities cluster in neighborhoods that provide social support (e.g., in
Miami - Little Havana, Little Haiti, and Liberty City). The main languages spoken are
English, Spanish, and Creole, but literacy is limited. Most Latinos read at least at a
third-grade level, but many Haitians cannot read at all. Cultural practices and beliefs in
these communities vary according to county of origin.
b. Get To Know the Haitian Community. The main language of the Haitian community
is Creole, and the literacy level is extremely low. The community consists of Catholic
or other Judeo-Christian Faiths; however, many Voodoo beliefs and practices used for
spiritual survival developed during slavery were integrated into Catholicism.
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c. Get To Know the Latino Community. The main language in the Latino community is
Spanish and is often preferred despite fluency in English. The literacy level is generally
at third-grade level or higher. The Latino community consists mainly of the Catholic
denomination, but many practice other Judeo-Christian religions; beliefs and practices
vary country of origin. For instance, South American Latinos (except Brazilians) have
practices and beliefs inherited from their Indian ancestors, while Caribbean Latinos and
Brazilians share many beliefs and practices similar to those of Haitians.
Most public agencies do not have epidemiologic data to support a diffusion effort; therefore,
community leaders and solicit their input for addressing target populations (focus groups).
Community leaders can provide critical information about the community that may not be available
to outsiders, such as familiarity with languages, health beliefs, education and literacy levels;
knowledge of communication networks and opinion leaders; and social and professional ties in the
community.
2. Assess Target Population for Risk of the Health Problem
Many leaders in Latino and Caribbean communities are unaware that mercury is used in rituals or
for any other cultural reason by members of their ethnic group. However, Dr. Edouard noted that
her visits to various botanicas in Haitian and Latino neighborhoods revealed that mercury is readily
available and widely used. Mercury is well known by Haitian spiritual healers and their customers.
Haitians refer to mercury as vidajan, the old French word for mercury, vif argent refers to
quicksilver. Latino spiritual leaders and their followers call mercury by the name azogue.
Mercury can be used in a variety of ways. Haitians and Latinos mix mercury with perfume or
dusting powder and then rub it on the skin. It is used as an ingredient in some traditional medicines,
then ingested, sprinkled on the floor for good luck or used to wash the floors, kept inside vials or
charm bags as a talisman, and placed in oil lamps or candles and burned. Mercury is used in these
communities for an equal variety of reasons, such as for:
• protection and good fortune,
• warding off evil spirits,
• casting love spells,
• spiritual cleansing, and
curing stomach ailments
Informal surveys and literature searches conducted show that mercury is mostly used for traditional
medicine and as talisman but not often as part of rituals of Voodoo, Santeria, or other religions.
Rituals are difficult to change, but traditional medicinal uses are possible to alter.
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3. Find the message
The right message is essential for a successful outreach campaign. For the behavior to change, the
message must be understood. The problem or risk must be relevant to the target audience, and the
recommendations mustbe acceptable. An educational message should acknowledge the importance
of the product to the users and why they use. For many, the message will be tempered by
considerations of health being more of a concern than respect for the tradition or the religious ritual.
When formulating the message, planners should ask the following questions:
• Does protection from evil spirits matter more than health?
• Are alternatives to mercury acceptable to users?
• Are modern medicines available for ailments?
• Is there awareness and adequate access to health care?
Dr. Edouard offered the following as possible sayings to include in messages for the prevention of
mercury poisoning:
" You can get a better spiritual job by using products other than mercury."
"Ask your Espiritista, Santero, Dokkte Fey or botanicafor substitutes for mercury with similar
power."
"You deserve a perfect spiritual job."
Focus groups serve as an effective method for involving the target population and prevent one from
ignorantly entering into a social marketing campaign. Through focus groups, the receptivity of an
idea can be tested in the actual target group. Focus groups should be conducted by recording
reactions of a sample of 8 to 10 representatives of the target group.
During focus groups for a lead poisoning prevention campaign, the Childhood Lead Poisoning
Prevention Program recruited parents of children 6months to 6 years of age from the target ethnic
groups (Haitian farm workers, inner-city Haitians, Mexican farm workers, inner-city Cubans, and
inner-city African Americans) to discuss values priorities. The results of the focus groups are listed
below:
• Parents want a better future for their children (e.g., a college education).
• Parents would like to see the lead in a child's body (something concrete, tangible).
• Parents want to know what a child with lead poisoning looks like (signs and symptoms).
• Colorful brochures on lead poisoning with photos of children of their ethnic group were
preferable.
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4. Identify Ways to Deliver Messages
Suggest means for delivering messages to target communities including bus and metro-rail
advertising, posters, brochures, personal communication through social networks, broadcast on
minority-specific media, participation in community events and health fairs. The three best practices
for delivering the lead poisoning prevention message to Latino and Caribbean communities in
Miami are:
The Haitian-American Foundation Experience (radio program);
• National Safety Council Advertisement on Univision (Spanish TV channel); and
• Telesante (Haitian TV show).
Dr. Edouard explained that the ideal communication channels for Caribbean/Latino communities
include television and radio media, so that illiteracy is not a barrier. Messages can be delivered at
home, work, or in a car. Further more, ethnic and immigrant populations depend more heavily on
radio and TV for news and entertainment.
Questions/Comments:
J
Arnold Wendroff stated that he has been calling the heavy metals disease registry to inquire about
mercury poisonings to no avail.
Lisa Rose-Rodriguez replied that this may be due to the fact that many cases of mercury poisonings
in the Connecticut disease registry are not directly attributed to a source.
Americao Paez discussed his concern that although he willing to help, he would lose the trust of the
botanica owners if after coming forward, the government would fine them for not being in
compliance. Should this happen, mercury sales would go underground and be uncontrollable.
Ms. Rose-Rodriguez agreed.
Nancy Jeffery reminded the group that it is not illegal to sell mercury in New York, but that labeling
requirements do exist. The New York City Health Department sent a letter to botanicas informing
them that if they sold mercury, it needed to be properly labeled. The following summer, a unit from
the department visited botanicas to inquire about mercury labeling but did not fine anyone.
Recounting a visit that he had made to botanicas in 1991, Arnold Wendroff stated that two shops
admitted to selling mercury. Furthermore, he noticed that mercury had been spilled in a botanica
and was contaminating the store. He reported it to the Occupational Safety and Health
Administration (OSHA). After the botanica was subsequently fined, he found it increasingly difficult
to purchase mercury because he is a white male.
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Ms. Jeffery reported that when New York City Department of Health sent a group our to the
botanicas, it was with an educational motive, not a punitive one. The Spanish-speaking members
of the department were sent with the intention not to scare but to inform the owners of an important
public health risk. Obtaining funding for outreach on a problem with no reported cases is difficult.
Resources have to be allotted to many other health issues. Ms. Jeffery said we need to have
perspective. Rather than focus on what did not work, let us move forward.
Clyde Johnson stated that his student who had surveyed botanicas knew of a church where mercury
was readily available. In the church, the candles were dressed with mercury treatment. He then
asked how widespread this use was.
Ms. Rose-Rodriguez replied that she brought to the forum the catalog from which botanica owners
purchase items wholesale. All the candles are dressed in this manner (Eric Canales disagrees). It
could be a possible survey question: Do you dress your own candles?
Clyde Johnson then asked what would be the best way to get the message to the priests?
Ms. Rose-Rodriguez stated that the first step is identifying them, which is difficult because the
practices are secretive and involve complex levels of initiation.
Susana Baumann, New Jersey Department of Health, added that an effort needs to be made to push
the involvement of similar "culture officers" to involve in outreach efforts.
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APPENDIX C: SCHEDULE OF TASK FORCE PLENARY CALLS
1. January 21,1999
2. March 18,1999
3. June3,1999
4. July 29,1999
5. September 16,1999
6. October 28,1999
7. December 8,1999
8. February 2, 2000
9. March 29, 2000
10. May 11, 2000
11. August 17, 2000
12. October 5, 2000
13. December 18, 2000
14. February 15, 2001
15. March 28, 2001
16. May 9, 2001
17. June 28, 2001
18. August 7, 2001
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APPENDIX D: INTERVIEWS WITH COMMUNITY GROUPS
Interview Questions: Cultural and Religious Organizations
1. What is your involvement in Latino and/or Caribbean faith traditions?
2. How and why is mercury used in Latino and/or Caribbean faith traditions? With what frequency
is it used?
3. Are you aware of any health risks associated with the uses of mercury?
4. Where and how would one obtain mercury (botanicas, from chemical supply stores or Internet)?
What is the volume of standard purchases? Are there warning labels on the vial?
5. How widespread are cultural and religious uses of mercury?
6. What are possible alternatives to using mercury in cultural practices?
7. How should the hazards associated with mercury be communicated to users? Who should be
involved? Who should organize the effort? Who should serve as a point of contact in the
community?
Interview Questions: Public Health Organizations
The following questions were asked of individual and organizations that promote public health
initiatives and provide various additional health and human services:
1. Are you aware of any cultural uses of mercury in Latino and Caribbean communities?
2. Does your organization regard the cultural use of mercury to be a significant public health
threat?
3. If so, what (if any) intervention and/or educational efforts is your organization taking to address
the issue?
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TABLE D-l INTERVIEW REQUESTS
NAME
Rita Monroy
Adolph P. Falcon
Eliana Loveluck
Miguel Flores
Cristina Encinas
Dr. Sarah Lister
Donald P. Hoppert
Brent A. Wilkes
Mauricio Pardon
Ojeda
Max Beauvoir
Earl Lopez
Rev. Mark F.
Hughes
Rev. Horace
Grinnell
Rev. Msgr. W.
Ronald Jameson
Rev. Tarsicio
Buitrago
Rev. Gerard
Creedon
Joe Garcia
Raul Yzaguirre
Larry Gonzales
Arturo Vargas
Sue De Larosa
Linda Hanten
Vanny Marreo
ORGANIZATION
National Alliance for Hispanic
Health
Latin America Youth Center
American Public Health
Association
League of United Latin
American Citizens
Pan American Health
Organization
The Temple of Yehwe
National Institute for Latino
Development
Saint Gabriel's
Saint Anthony of Padua
Cathedral of Saint Matthew the
Apostle
Blessed Sacrament Church
Saint Charles Borromeo
Church
Cuban American National
Foundation
National Council of La Raza
National Association of Latino
Elected and Appointed
Officials
Sierra Club
National Hispanic Leadership
Institute
National Conference of Puerto
Rican Women, Inc.
LOCATION
Washington, DC
Washington, DC
Washington, DC
Washington, DC
Washington, DC
Washington, DC
Washington, DC
Washington, DC
Falls Church, VA
Washington, DC
Alexandria, VA
Arlington, VA
Miami, FL
Washington, DC
Washington, DC
San Francisco, CA
Washington, DC
Washington, DC
COMPLETED
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
No
No
No
No
No
No
No
No
No
No
No
No
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NAME
Jennie Torres-
Lewis
Manuel Mirabal
Migdalia Rivera
ORGANIZATION
National Puerto Rican
Coalition
Latino Institute
LOCATION
Washington, DC
Chicago, IL
COMPLETED
No
No
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Interview Summary 1 - The National Alliance for Hispanic Health
Date: October 4, 2000
Interviewee (s): Rita Monroy - Executive Director, NAHH
Adolph P. Falcon, MPP, Vice President, Center for Science and Policy
Eliana Loveluck, MSW, Director, Center for Consumers
Background and Purpose
On October 4, 2000, Peter Redmond and Donna Riley of the U.S. EPA met with key members of
the National Alliance for Hispanic Health (NAHH) in Washington, DC. The purpose of this meeting
was to:
• Establish new relationships with members of NAHH and to reinforce existing ones
• Determine the priority of mercury poisoning on the NAHH agenda
• Seek feedback on an outreach strategy aimed at reducing mercury exposure in Caribbean and
Latino communities.
Results
Representatives of NAHH spoke freely and candidly about the problem of addressing cultural uses
of mercury in the Latino community. The interviewees also shared their insights on the efficacy of
the Task Force's efforts, past, present, and future, in dealing with the issue. The following issues
were identified as the most inhibiting factors regarding the Task Force's progress.
1. There is a lack of clinical data linking the sale and use of mercury to adverse health effects.
There has been a lot of discussion within the Task Force over the issue of cultural exposure to
mercury; however, there are not empirical data exists to support the claims by some that this
represents a public health crisis. NAHH has yet to see conclusive evidence in clinical studies
indicting that a significant problem with mercury poisonings exists among the population at
large, let alone within the Latino community. Even less information is available documenting
the health implications of mercury exposure through cultural and religious uses. As a public
health advocacy group for the Latino community, NAHH takes seriously each campaign it
investigates and subsequently endorses. NAHH judiciously reviews issues on the basis of their
validity, as well as potency as a public health threat. As a result, NAHH preserves the integrity
of its actions and messages, in addition to its credibility in the Latino community. NAHH
cannot move on an item such as cultural and religious mercury exposures without strong data
indicating that a problem exists. NAHH also felt that the current paucity of human data
contributes to the lack of participation of many organizations originally involved in the Task
Force.
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2. Specifically targeting communities that incorporate mercury in cultural practices will only
isolate them further, hindering any intervention or outreach efforts.
Headquarter nationally, NAHH is structured around a network of Latino health care providers
and consumers. Members consist of community based organizations and individuals, committed
to educating the Latino community on health matters and strengthening their health and social
service infrastructures. This grassroots approach is ideal for reaching Latino communities
isolated from mainstream media and health care services. However, even NAHH admits
difficulty in reaching religious practitioners such as Santeros. A campaign targeting cultural
ceremonies of Santeria may be perceived as a frontal assault on sacred beliefs, causing further
isolation and caution toward outsiders. NAHH believes that by utilizing the cultural and
religious uses of mercury as the primary vehicle for intervention, the Task Force will not be
successful in curbing its use. NAHH stated that it is difficult to estimate the number of Santeria
practitioners in the Latino community, partly due to its loosely organized structure and secrecy
of its practice. Despite this, NAHH felt that cultural and religious use of mercury was not a
major force in the Latino community.
3. The Task Force has not responded to actions suggested by NAHH.
Some time ago, NAHH submitted a proposal to EPA for hosting a forum between Latino
organizations and scientific community. NAHH claims EPA did not respond to this proposal,
hence their gradual decrease in participation on the Task Force. Originally, four to five Latino
organizations were involved in the Task Force; however, as time progressed and little activity
was displayed on the part of the Task Force, other pressing issues took priority. This is true for
NAHH as well.
Recommended Actions
Environmental health issues affecting the Latino community are becoming increasingly important
to NAHH. Recently, NAHH released a report stating that reducing the adverse health effects of
environmental toxins was a priority in the NAHH agenda. From its standpoint on addressing
environmental health issues, NAHH made the following suggestions for the Task Force.
1. Do not focus on the cultural and religious uses of mercury, but broaden the scope to include all
possible domestic exposure routes.
NAHH strongly felt that the most effective means for addressing cultural uses of mercury was
to include the issue in a broader campaign that examines all possible domestic exposure routes.
After discussing the recent evens in Chicago which revealed thousands of possible mercury leaks
from gas meters, NAHH indicated that using this aspect could open the Latino community to
home testing. This approach does not single out the Latino community; rather, it incorporates
them with a larger group sharing a similar problem. Furthermore, an incident such as this
removes any fear of stigmatization or blame in reporting deliberate use of mercury, and
improves the chances for cooperation with regard to indoor air sampling.
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2. Solicit clinical data from hospital studies that document mercury exposures through elevated
mercury levels in urine or blood.
As a public health agency, NAHH feels that the most effective data will be clinical data to show
evidence of incidents of mercury poisoning. Gathering data that document adverse health effects
will be easier than going into people's homes and taking environmental samples. Realizing the
costs and time associated with national trials, NAHH suggested sponsoring smaller regional
studies and extrapolating the data to get an idea of the larger picture.
3. If quantitative data indicate that mercury poisonings are occurring in certain communities,
investigate the source.
Once a reasonable estimate of confirmed and possible mercury poisonings has been reached
etiology of the exposures may be investigated. Cultural and religious use may only contribute
to a small portion of poisoning cases, in which case it is best addressed in the context of all
domestic exposures. Only if the cultural and religious use of mercury proves to be a significant
public health problem in its own right should the issue be addressed individually. Because of
the cultural sensitivity associated with this issue, NAHH stated that public health education and
outreach would have to come from a trusted source for it to be heeded by the Latino community.
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Interview Summary 2 - The Latin American Youth Center
Date: March 22, 2001
Interviewee (s): Miguel Flores
Christina Encinas
Background and Purpose
On March 22, 2001, representatives of the Ritualistic Uses of Mercury Task Force met with
members of Health Education Division of the Latin American Youth Center (LAYC) in Washington,
DC. The purpose of this meeting was to:
• Establish new relationships with members of LAYC,
• Determine what, if any, knowledge and experience LAYC has had with mercury poisonings,
and
• Seek feedback on an outreach strategy aimed at reducing mercury exposure in Latino and
Caribbean communities.
Results
The LAYC is a nonprofit youth and community development organization dedicated to serving at-
risk Latino youth. In addition, the group works closely with Vietnamese, Caribbean, African-
American and African communities in Washington, DC. The LAYC offers programs in academics,
health education, job training, social services, leadership development, substance abuse prevention,
housing, arts, humanities, and recreation. The Health Education Division of LAYC is actively
involved in grassroots community outreach. Through its health education programs, LAYC focuses
on issues such as HIV/AIDS education, family planning and teen pregnancy, and sexual
development. Of particular note is the LAYC Teen Health Promoters, a program designed to train
local teenagers in peer-provided education and support to teen clients of Mary' s Center for Maternal
and Child Care and Unity Health Care Upper Cardozo Clinic. LAYC additionally provides a peer
support program that encourages youth to resist risky sexual behaviors.
As a community health advocacy organization, LAYC expressed a sincere interest in the efforts of
the Task Force. Although active in community health education, particularly youth oriented, neither
representative was familiar with or aware of cultural and religious uses of mercury. Before the
interview, Miquel Flores informally solicited information from his colleagues regarding the nature
and extent of cultural and religious uses of mercury in the Latino community. From this inquiry,
Mr. Flores discovered that although Santeria is practiced in the D.C. Latino community, it is not
known whether mercury is incorporated in the faith practices. Mr. Flores did learn that mercury
can be used in home remedies for various illnesses, and that mercury for this purpose can be
purchased in nearby botanicas. It was his belief that despite labeling regulations, many consumers
are either unaware that the product being purchased contains mercury, or are unaware of mercury' s
toxic effects.
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Recommended Actions
LAYC felt that the Task Force has two hurdles to overcome in its effort to educate Latino and
Caribbean communities about the hazards associated with cultural and religious uses of mercury.
The largest impediment is the lack of information concerning the magnitude of this issue. It is not
well known who is using mercury in a religious manner, how often, or how much. Despite their
willingness to assist the Task Force, LAYC stated that paucity of information prohibits the launching
of an educational campaign. The second challenge facing the Task Force is the extremely small and
esoteric population being targeted. Attempting to educate what essentially may be an underground
community will be difficult, even for groups with intimated ties to the community such as the
LAYC.
Representatives from the Health Education Division of the LAYC recommended that the most
effective means for addressing the cultural and religious uses of mercury is to conduct a wide
reaching campaign that encompasses the hazards of mercury in general. This would include possible
cultural and religious routes of exposures through work and/or schools. Christina Encinas, the
Health Education Programs Director, recommended that an extremely effective means for
distributing this information is through Spanish-language television channels, and by developing
education videos in Spanish.
Recommended Contacts
Council of Latino Agencies
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Interview Summary 3 - American Public Health Association
Date: March 22, 2001
Interviewee(s): Dr. Sarah Lister
Donald P. Hoppert
Background and Purpose
On March 22, 2002, representatives of the Ritualistic Uses of Mercury Task Force met with
members of American Public Health Association(APHA) in Washington, D.C. The purpose of this
meetings was to:
The purpose of this meeting was to:
• Establish new relationships with members of APHA,
• Determine what, if any, knowledge and experience APHA has had with mercury poisonings,
and
• Seek feedback on an outreach strategy aimed at reducing mercury exposure in Latino and
Caribbean communities.
Results
Mercury-related education efforts undertaken by APHA have almost exclusively dealt with
methylmercury exposure, encouraging reduction of mercury into the nation's waterways, advising
pregnant women to avoid eating fish that may contain methylmercury, and encouraging the use of
alternative mercury-containing consumer and health care products. As a national advocacy group,
APHA published its position paper on methylmercury exposures in November 1999; however, the
association has not issued any policy statements regarding elemental mercury exposures. APHA
has had limited involvement with this issue, consisting mainly of a joint conference held between
APHA and the American Academy of Pediatrics, at which the interviewees met with Phillip Ozuah,
a researcher in the field of pediatric elemental mercury poisonings and a member of the Task Force.
Members of APHA who were interviewed were unaware of any reported incidents of cultural and
religious mercury exposures, not did they have any reports regarding mercury exposures in school
laboratories.
It was suggested that the Environmental Division of APHA may possess more knowledge of
potential mercury exposures through cultural and religious exposure routes. This division deals with
issues in environmental justice and harm reduction, and would therefore be a better source of
information on this topic. In addition, the environmental division of APHA has previously worked
with EPA in regard to issues related to clean air and water standards. Mr. Don Hoppert agreed to
solicit information on elemental mercury exposures from this division.
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The Task Force expressed interest in seeking the APHA's assistance in developing and possibly
conducting outreach strategies to prevent cultural and religious mercury exposures. APHA
representatives suggested that should EPA develop an outreach and education strategy; APHA can
issue an article summarizing the Agency' s stance in its publications "Our Nation's Health," provided
there is a definitive issue to address and a clear conduit for doing so.
Recommended Actions
Given the underground nature of cultural and religious uses of mercury, APHA recommended
modeling an education and outreach strategy after the HIV/AIDS model. This model proved to be
a successful tool for educating the public on an illness that was highly stigmatized in ways that
blamed the victims, rather than being viewed as an indiscriminate virus rapidly creating a public
health crisis. Due to the sensitivities associated with cultural and religious mercury use, it was also
suggested that the Task Force avoid focusing too intently on religious routes of mercury exposure.
This is in part due to the limited knowledge regarding the extent of such practices, as well as the
level of difficulty involved with tailoring an outreach strategy to such a small community. APHA
felt that by piggybacking onto broader mercury programs, such as methylmercury, the Task Force
would more effectively address elemental mercury poisonings.
It was suggested that the Task Force should seek the input of cultural anthropologist familiar with
cultural practices affecting health care. APHA agreed to contact the National Minority AIDS
Council for possible contacts in the field of medical and cultural anthropology.
Recommended Contacts
National Minority AIDS Council
American Academy of Pediatrics
Hispanic Caucus, U.S. House of Representatives
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Interview Summary 4 - League of United Latin American Citizens
Date: March 26, 2001
Interviewee (s): Brent A. Wilkes
Background and Purpose
On March 26, 2001, representatives of the Ritualistic Uses of Mercury Task Force met with Mr.
Brent Wilkes of the League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC) in Washington, D.C. The
purpose of this meeting was to:
• Establish new relationships with members of LULAC,
• Determine what, if any, knowledge and experience LULAC has had with mercury
poisonings, and
• Seek feedback on an outreach strategy aimed at reducing mercury exposure in Latino and
Caribbean communities.
Results
Mr. Wilkes was not aware of the cultural and religious practices that use mercury in the Latino
community, nor of the toxic effects of elemental mercury exposure. LULAC is aware of alternative
means for health care through Latino communities practicing indigenous medicine; however,
methodologies that incorporated mercury have not been reported. After briefing Mr. Wilkes on the
background and purpose of the Task Force, Peter Redmond expressed the Task Force's desire to
seek LULAC's input on communication inlets to Latino populations in this country. Mr. Wilkes
inquired as to what sparked interest in this issue. Dr. Donna Riley then explained that attention to
elemental mercury began to rise as botanicas in several major cities were found to be selling
mercury without any knowledge of its toxicity. Dr. Riley also explained the concern over elemental
mercury exposure via inhalation, and its particularly harmful effects in children.
LULAC is largely decentralized, comprised of 800 councils throughout the country. Each council
operates autonomously, furthering agendas deemed important to the Latino constituency in that area.
Programs instituted by LULAC predominantly deal with education, scholarships, and community
networking. Public health issues are not typically addressed by the organization, although councils
do assist in education when possible. Health education is largely done through grassroots
networking, promoting healthy living. LULAC does advocate issues related to environmental
justice in Latino neighborhoods throughout the country as well.
Recommended Actions
Mr. Wilkes offered to run educational pieces regarding elemental mercury exposure through its
media channels, Web site, and national publication, LULAC News. He was of the opinion that
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mercury use was not widespread among LULAC's constituency and that embracing the broader
issue of mercury exposure as a whole was the most effective means for educating the public.
Recommended Contacts
National Council of LaRaza
National Puerto Rican Association
Cuban American National Council
National Alliance for Hispanic Health
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Interview Summary #5 - Pan American Health Organization
Date: March 26, 2001
Interviewee(s): Mauricio Pardon Ojeda
Background and Purpose
On March 26, 2001, representatives of the Ritualistic Uses of Mercury Task Force met with Mr.
Mauricio Pardon Ojeda, Director of the Division of Health and Environment of the Pan American
Health Organizations (PAHO) in Washington, D.C. The purpose of this meeting was to:
• Establish new relationships with members of PAHO
• Determine what, if any, knowledge and experience PAHO has had with mercury poisonings,
and
• Seek feedback on an outreach strategy aimed at reducing mercury exposure in Latino and
Caribbean communities.
Results
The PAHO is an international public health agency working to improve health and living standards
of the countries of the Americas. It serves as the specialized organization for health of the Inter-
American System and also serves as the Regional Office for the Americas of the World Health
Organization. The Division of Health and Environment has two programs and one Pan American
Center: Basic Sanitation; Environmental Quality; and Pan American Center for Sanitary Engineering
and Environmental Sciences. The functions of the Division are to promote, coordinate, and
implement technical cooperation activities directed toward diminishing the inequities related to the
exposure to environmental risks. Its main focus is on the development of an intersectoral, holistic,
and global approach to identify, evaluate, prevent, and control environmental risks for public health,
with particular emphasis on the most vulnerable groups.
Before meeting with the Task Force, Mr. Ojeda requested information regarding the incidence of
mercury exposure through cultural and religious routes. Among the countries from which this
information was solicited were Cuba, Panama, Brazil, Mexico, Peru, and the Dominican Republic.
All of the member countries indicated that data on this topic, if they do indeed exist, are limited and
difficult to obtain. There was nothing to report at the time of the interview. EPA had contacted
PAHO four years earlier in an attempt to locate anyone with knowledge on mercury sales,
exposures, and/or poisonings within PAHO member countries. Mr. Ojeda indicated that in
America, it may be much easier to obtain mercury in a botanica than for an individual in his or her
home country. The reasoning behind this is that mercury is fairly expensive and there would not be
a lot of incentive to burn it, as typical in some rituals. The only tangible incidents PAHO has been
involved with concerning mercury exposure relate to industrial mercury spills.
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Donna Riley and Peter Redmond explained to Mr. Oj eda that the paucity of clinical data regarding
mercury exposure, has limited the scope of the Task Force. Given this situation, the Task Force is
focusing on the hazards of mercury in general, a strategy that will include information on cultural
and religious routes of exposure, but not focus exclusively on that topic.
Recommended Actions
Mr. Ojeda posed the question to EPA on what PAHO could do to assist the Task Force in its
mission. Donna Riley stated that PAHO could provide valuable cultural insights into the uses of
mercury, including who uses it, in what manner, how much is being used, when its being used, and
where it is used. With regard to research, Mr. Ojeda suggested contact the Peru member office in
which the Director General of Health and Environment had conducted extensive research on the
health effects of mercury spills. Mr. Ojeda also indicated that he would be willing to solicit data
form other countries on mercury use, provided the Task Force devise a list of questions on the issue
for distribution to the health promotion and cultural representatives within the respective countries.
Mr. Ojeda stated that PAHO has access to a vast amount of data and information in the field of
medical anthropology, including topics such as folk medicine and spiritual healing. The Division
also access to data regarding the incidence of exposure and poisoning to other toxic substances, such
as lead tetroxide.
Recommended Contacts
Mr. Ojeda agreed to serve as the liaison between the Task Force and all PAHO countries to solicit
data.
Jorge Villena, Director General of Health and Environment, Lima, Peru - jvillena@digesa.sld.pe
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Interview Summary # 6 - Temple of Yehwe
Date: April 27, 2001
Interviewee(s): Max Beauvoir, Voodoo Houngan
Background and Purpose
On April 27,2001, representatives of the Ritualistic Uses of Mercury Task Force met with Mr. Max
Beauvoir, a Voodoo Houngan of the Temple of Yehwe in Washington, D.C. The purpose of this
meeting was to:
• D Establish new relationships with members of Temple,
• D Determine what, if any, knowledge and experience Mr. Beauvoir has had with mercury
poisonings, and
• D Seek feedback on an outreach strategy aimed at reducing mercury exposure in the Caribbean,
particularly Haitian, community.
Results
Max Beauvoir has been a practitioner of Voodoo in the Washington, DC, area for many years. He
is well-connected and well-known in the Caribbean community, particular among Haitian
immigrants. Like many Voodoo priests, Mr. Beauvoir provides his services through his temple,
which is located in his home. Mr. Beauvoir explained that the site for many Voodoo rituals is in
the practitioner's home, in keeping with religious tradition. The Voodoo community in the
Washington Metropolitan area is close-knit, albeit somewhat underground. There appears to be
several prominent religious leaders that are unknown to outsiders, yet are venerable figures within
the African and Caribbean communities.
With regard to mercury, Mr. Beauvoir explained that it is used during certain practices that he
described as "magic." The theory behind mercury's use is that the very physical nature of the metal
enhances the spell's effectiveness. In Voodoo, mercury is viewed as a "magical" ingredientbecause
its unusual properties (high surface tension, metal liquid at room temperature, and high density)
seemingly defy the laws of nature.
Mr. Beauvoir described the manner in which mercury is often incorporated into Voodoo magic.
Mercury is placed in a dish and then covered with oil, after which a candle wick is inserted and lit.
Such rituals are performed on an as-needed basis, determined by the client seeking services in
consultation with the priest. Mr. Beauvoir noted that typically, the practitioner would do this alone
in his temple, and not in the presence of a client. Mr. Beauvoir stated that in 35 years as a
practitioner he has never heard of anyone suffering physically from the effects of mercury used
during such rituals.
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Mr. Beauvoir said that Voodoo is closely linked to other Caribbean religions, such as Espiritismo,
the predominant religion in the Dominican Republic. He said that Voodoo is considered to be the
supreme religion that encompasses other faiths of African origin or influence such as Espiritismo.
Haiti is the central location for the education of Voodoo practitioners, and draws people from around
the world to study the religion, including practitioners of other African Diaspora religions such as
Santeria. Mr. Beauvoir stated that to practice Voodoo rituals, one must complete the necessary
training. When asked about "home rituals" that might be found in a popular book on Voodoo, he
stated that they are not permitted unless exercised by an authentic Voodoo practitioner. There is no
"do-it- yourself practice in Voodoo, despite the large number of books marketing the religion in
that way. Mr. Beauvoir's practice emphasizes a holistic approach to Voodoo, one that incorporates
self-reliance and self-improvement with rituals. A unilateral reliance on magic is not endorsed not
is it recommended by the Voodoo faith.
Recommended Actions
Mr. Beauvoir stated that despite people's religious affiliation, they are reasonable and rational
beings. As with the threats of lead, once educated on the possible damaging effects of mercury, the
individual will stop using it or a least use it in a safer manner. The trick is finding the most effective
means for conducting such educational campaigns. Mr. Beauvoir stated that media outlets for
Latino and Caribbean communities (TV, radio, and newspaper) would be a good place to deliver
mercury safety announcements. As for addressing cultural and religious uses of mercury, he
suggested contacting religious leaders in outreach and education, lay persons may be more inclined
to heed warnings of the hazards associated with religious mercury use if it comes from a trusted
community figure.
When asked about banning the sale of mercury to curb the unsafe use of in religious practices, Mr.
Beauvoir felt that this was not only unrealistic, but would be ineffective for tow central reasons.
First and foremost, Voodoo has been practiced for many years and is firmly embedded in Haitian
and other Caribbean cultures. If a practitioner believes in its effectiveness, then a government
mandate will do little to convince him or her otherwise. Second, a ban would be ineffective because
of the inherent distrust that many believers of Voodoo have for Western society. Voodoo has been
made a freakish spectacle by the entertainment industry, often portraying practitioners and believers
as bloodthirsty savages eager to wreak havoc on the lives of those who have committed even mild
transgression against them. Public scrutiny based on such outlandish accounts have in essence
forced the practice of Voodoo underground, and away from regulation imposed government. There
is little reason to believe that Voodoo practitioners and followers will be inclined to rust a society
that does not completely understand or accept them.
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Recommended Contacts
1. African Religious Coalition - Washington, DC
2. Yoruba House - Washington, DC
3. Mother Taylor - Religious leader in Washington, DC
4. Assar Auset Society - Ethiopian organization based in Washington, DC
5. The Akans Group
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APPENDIX E: EVALUATING COMMUNITY OUTREACH EFFORTS
Below are a few resources that can assist groups in planning and conducting evaluations.
1. Georgia Tech Evaluation Tools. Available from URL:
http://minel.marc.gatech.edu/MM Tools/evaluation.html.
2. Taking stock: A Practical Guide to Evaluating Your Own Programs - Horizon Research
Group. Available from URL: Http://www.horizon-research.com/publications/stock.pdf.
3. University of Kansas Community Toolbox. Part J. Evaluating Community Programs and
Initiatives. Available at URL: http://ctb.lsi.ukans.edu/tools/EN/part_1010.htm.
4. Mark Kline, Caron Chess, and Peter M. Sandman. Evaluating risk communication
programs: A catalogue of "quick and easy "feedback methods. A book length summary and
assessment of 22 tools for helping practitioners evaluate risk communication. 1989.
Available from Rutgers University Center for Environmental Communication URL:
http://aesop.rutgers.edu/* eec
5. Neil D. Weinstein and Peter M. Sandman. Some criteria for evaluating risk messages.
Risk Analysis. 1993; 13:103-114.
6. Neil D. Weinstein. What does it mean to understand a risk? Evaluating risk
comprehension. Journal of the National Cancer Institute. 1999;25:15-20.
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