EPA-600/5-73-012A
DECEMBER 1973
Socioeconomic Environmental Studies Series
Studies In Environment -
Vol. I - Summary Report
.
S3EZ
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Office of Research and Development
U.S. Environmental Protection Agenc
Washington, D.C. 20460
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RESEARCH REPORTING SERIES
Research reports of the Office of Research and Development, Environmental
Protection Agency, have been grouped into five series. These five broad
categories were established to facilitate further development and appli-
cation of environmental technology. Elimination of traditional grouping
was consciously planned to foster technology transfer and a maximum inter-
face in related fields. The five series are:
1. Environmental Health Effects Research
2. Environmental Protection Technology
3. Ecological Research
4. Environmental Monitoring
5. Socioeconomic Environmental Studies
This report has been assigned to the SOCIOECONOMIC ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES
series. This series includes research on environmental management, compre-
hensive planning and forecasting and analysis methodologies. Included are
tools for determining varying impacts of alternative policies, analyses of
environmental planning techniques at the regional, state and local levels,
and approaches to measuring environmental quality perceptions. Such topics
as urban form, industrial mix, growth policies, control and organizational
structure are discussed in terms of optimal environmental performance.
These interdisciplinary studies and systems analyses are presented in forms
varying from quantitative relational analyses to management and policy-
oriented reports.
EPA REVIEW NOTICE
This report has been reviewed by the Office of Research and Development,
EPA, and approved for publication. Approval does not signify that the
contents necessarily reflect the views and policies of the Environmental
Protection Agency, nor does mention of trade names or commercial products
constitute endorsement or recommendation for use.
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C. 20402 - Price $1.45
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EPA-600/5-73-012a
December 1973
STUDIES IN ENVIRONMENT
VOLUME 1
SUMMARY REPORT
by
Maury Selden
Lynn G. Llewellyn
Grant No. 801473
Program Element No. 1HA098
Project Officers
Samuel Ratick
John Gerba
Environmental Studies Division
Washington Environmental Research Center
Washington, D.C. 20460
Prepared For
OFFICE OF RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENT
ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION AGENCY
WASHINGTON, D. C. 20460
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ABSTRACT
Twenty-five students who participated as EPA summer fellows were
selected from among eight hundred applicants responding to a national
recruitment program.
The students chosen majored in a wide range of environmentally
related studies on university and college campuses across the United
States. Select research topics were undertaken to bring fresh, hope-
fully unbiased, viewpoints on existing environmental problems in the
anticipation that their contributions would suggest new avenues for
the development of current long-range environmental strategy.
The students, composing five investigative teams, concentrated
their efforts on: a possible approach toward quantifying the concept
'quality-of-life1; development of an accounting system for allocating
pollution produced by industry as a result of consumer demands for
goods and the environment; investigating the realm of environmental
management; and lastly, how the generation of pollution differs as a
characteristic of a community's location within large metropolitan areas.
This volume, the first in a series, presents a synopsis of the full
length reports published as separate reports in this series. The other
reports are: (Vol. 2) Quality of Life; (Vol. 3) Pollution and the
Municipality; (Vol. 4) Consumption Differentials and the Environment;
(Vol. 5) Outdoor Recreation and the Environment; (Vol. 6) Environmental
Management.
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CONTENTS
Abstract ii
AcJoiowledgements v
Sections
I Conclusions 1
II Quality of Life 4
State of the Art 4
Attempt to Develop Theoretical Perspectives 5
Proposed Quantification Scheme 6
Quality of Life Factors 7
Analytical Dimensions 13
Policy Implications 14
III Pollution and the Municipality 17
Levels of Differentials 17
Health Effects 24
Sources 27
Legislation 30
Ramifications of Uniform Enforcement 33
IV Consumption Differentials: and the Environment 36
Major Phases of Study 37
The ProdxK^ion-Oonsumption Flow 37
The Model 38
Methodology Design 42
Basic Data 43
Pollutant Categories 44
Top Ten Consumer Pollutants and Their Consumption Patterns 44
Other Considerations for Research 48
V Outdoor Recreation and the Environment 50
Outdoor Recreation on Private Land 51
Outdoor Recreation on Coastal Areas 52
Outdoor Recreation in Urban Areas 53
Future Recreation Trends 55
VI Environmental Management 58
Disciplinary Viewpoints 58
Definition 59
Classification Schema 59
Levels of Evaluation 60
Findings of the Study 61
The Manager and the System 65
Environmental Management Suranary 66
iii
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SECTION I
CONCLUSION
The least that the EPA Fellows will achieve in
their Sunmer 1972 research efforts is a state-
of-the-art report; the most that they will
achieve is the plowing of new ground.
So stated the Director of the Environmental Studies Division,
Office of Research and Development, Environmental Protection Agency
which funded the EPA Fellows Project administered by the Homer Hoyt
Institute during the spring and summer of 1972.
The results were in accord with the charge given by Dr. House.
A state-of-the-art report covering the five selected research areas
has been completed and is being prepared for publication. Some new
ground has also been plowed, especially in one of the areas which
emerged from a study of pollution generated by consumptive sectors
titled, "Consumption Differentials and the Environment."
The most significant points of each of the five studies are
summarized in the five ensuing sections of this executive summary.
This section is designed to give an overview of the project.
The provision of an overview provides a dilemma. On the one hand,
each of the five general topics can be taken as targets of research
opportunity of interest to EPA and others concerned with environmental
research, without attempting to link the studies. On the other hand,
one can take a holistic view and select some specialized and particular
critical areas for analyses. The study did not attempt the latter.
But with five general research topics, an overview should impute some
connection as a context for each of the five component studies.
The five studies emerged as (1) Quality of Life, (2) Center-City-
Suburban Pollution Differentials, (3) Consumption Differentials and
the Environment, (4) Leisure and the Environment, and (5) Environmental
Management. Subsequently, the center-city study focused on pollution
rather than the broader quality of life within the center city, the
differentials study started off as a study of the future of the environ-
ment and the leisure group focused on Outdoor Recreation. These
adjustments were made in light of the productive capability of the 25
EPA Summer Research Fellows over an 11-week period.
The sequencing indicates a linkage. The first question, or study
topic, relates to measurement of the quality of life as a tool for
public policy purposes.
In the contemporary administration jargon, goals are translated
into measurable objectives for which programs are developed and in
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which progress is monitored. The application of the techniques
requires some measurement.
Measurement in the economic sector of society is less difficult
than in the social or political sectors. Thus, when the Employment
Act of 1946 was passed, the national policy of pursuing high levels
of income, output, and employment with relative price stability was
formalized. The Council of Economic Advisors was established to
assist in the process. Part of that assistance was and is in the use
of economic indicators dealing with income, output, employment, and
inflation.
In more recent history national goals have focused on environmental
concerns which have dimensions aside from the social and political sector
as well as the economic sector. Included are natural environment and
the "built" environment in the physical sense. The physical qualities
are amenable to measure, though not without difficulty. Nonphysical
and noneconomic conditions pose new and different problems. Even more
perplexing is the handling of a multiplicity of conditions with the
intent of some composital indicator. The United States has a gross
national product but not a gross social product.
The quality of life team (QOL) looked for QQL indicators which
could shed some light on conception, definition, and measurement of
these factors which would be of assistance in public policy areas.
The emphasis was thus on societal priorities for policy purpose rather
than on individual priority for spending matters, be it money, time, or
whatever.
As the next section identifies in more detail, the QOL team reviewed
the literature dealing with social indicators and especially on QOL
itself. As a result, they have defined and classified quality of life
factors. Measurement problems were approached by using objective and
subjective measures with conversions to sealers, thus, combinations of
indicators would be handled as composite indices.
The state-of-the-art review and synthesis makes a contribution
toward definition and classification. The plowing of new ground is
begun with the suggested techniques of measurement, especially composite
measurement. Some field experimentation and demonstration would be a
next logical step.
The quality of life indicators are aggregates of some population—
it can be that of the nation as a whole or of state or local jurisdiction.
The indicators may be used for one or combinations of sectors in large or
small geographies. Comparison may be made among local areas for various
policy purposes.
One particular type of contrast in the quality of life or environ-
mental quality may be drawn on the basis of the differential between
center-city and suburban locations. The state-of-the-art review
covered measurements of environmental differentials between center-city
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and suburban locales for air, noise/ water, solid waste, and radiation.
Then, the team reviewed research which sought to link center-city
pollution to polluters. The analysis then turns to federal pollution
control and some views of the impact of uniform federal enforcement.
Linking pollution to polluters is a massive task which, although
touched on in concept by the center-city team, was more fully explored
by the consumption differentials team. Indeed, that team plowed new
ground.
The consumption differentials team classified potential polluters
by individual family unit divided by socio-economic status. Based
upon the goods and services they consumed, the chain of production
was traced to estimate the pollution generated. Thus, pollution
generated is connected to consumption of product or service.
Leisure activity has been of exceptional concern in relationship
to environment. Outdoor recreation as a leisure-time activity is of
particular concern because it has a more obvious or noticeable environ-
mental impact. The leisure team developed a state of the art report
on five segmentized areas dealing with outdoor recreation on private
land, public land, coastal areas, and urban areas. Additionally, they
dealt with future recreation trends.
All of this suggests that improved management of the environment
is not only a necessity but a fertile prospect. One of the difficulties
in a complex, pluralistic, and free society is that of environmental
management processes. And, in order to tackle that question an under-
standing of the various perceptions and practices of environmental
management is particularly useful.
The environmental management team went after the perceptions with
an attempt at a three-dimensional matrix which basically classified
perceptions as legal, administrative, and theoretical. Subsequently,
three interrelated levels of analysis and evaluation were developed,
including the tools, functions, and structures employed by the existing
variety of governmental agencies charged with the environmental manage-
ment responsibility.
The following chapters present in greater detail the summary
findings of each of the five environmental study areas investigated
by the 1972 EPA Summer Fellows.
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SECTION II
QUALITY OF LIFE*
"Discontentment with objective conditions [of one's total environ-
ment] has appeared to be increasing over exactly the same period that
those conditions have at most points and by almost all criteria been
improving, ..." according to one author. Writers of the popular press
diagnose various aspects of the problem as "future shock" or retarded
"consciousness levels."
After years of vying for achievements, the American public has
begun to question the relative value of what they have achieved.
Dissatisfaction stems from different evaluations and reactions to
conditions.
Assessments of quality of life are an attempt to measure the
conditions of what has been achieved. However, the research team
found no sufficient definition of the quality of life or specifications
of the conditions associated with it. In addition, the team found no
standards for what the QOL should be, and even if standards did exist
the team found no way to determine if they were adequate standards for
all Americans.
The omnibus task of defining and measuring the quality of life is
an attempt to formulate a comprehensive methodology to validly assess
these types of questions and problems. They agreed that the study should
focus on the following aspects of the quality of life.
1. Those in which individuals have an active personal interest.
(This stipulation was intended to exclude the difficulties which might
be associated with identifying a national priority with an individual
priority.
2. Those in which known or conceivable strategies of social
organization (societal management) can influence the factor. (This
stipulation was intended to exclude the problem of identifying
personal priorities of individuals and reifying them to matters
related to the Quality of Life for all persons.)
3. Those which have measurable objective and subjective features.
State of the Art
The state of the art was reviewed by tracing the development of
social indicators and relating them to the current efforts to measure
the quality of life.
*The research team producing the original report was headed by
Kenneth E. Hornback and included Joel M. Guttman, Harold L. Himmelstein,
Ann B. Rappaport and Roy Reyna.
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The Fellows noted several trends:
1. A growing interest in methodological rigor and a
desire to compare and validate various research
strategies;
2. An increasing emphasis on the development of
standardized time series data and the expansion of
federal statistical activities.
3. A growing emphasis on the collection and analysis
of subjective data and the expansion of traditional
areas of data collection.
4. An emergence of a clearer picture of what subjective
data will be important, i.e., information on occupational
status, time budgets, mental health, political participation,
etc. However, these developments did not merge into one
theoretical or methodological strategy.
Attempt to Develop Theoretical Perspectives
The QOL is defined as a function between objective conditions and
subjective attitudes involving a defined area of concern.
Bnplicit in any discussion of the QOL is the notion of some area
to which that QOL refers. An area may be defined according to the
analytical purposes with consideration of data availability.
The Fellows defined objective conditions as numerically measurable
artifacts of a physical event (e.g., air pollution in parts per million
of sulfer dioxide); sociological event (divorce rates, crime rates,
number of ethnic minority persons, etc.); or economic event (local
consumer price index, municipal budget, costs of highway construction,
etc.). Objective conditions may be defined as any number which stands
for a given quantity of a variable of interest so long as it is
independent of subjective opinion and reliable. (Substantially the
same number results every time the event is measured.)
Understanding the specific meaning of subjective attitude requires
a complex and lengthy discussion, so to avoid the confusion which often
accompanies a concept used in many diverse contexts a definition of
subjective attitude was evolved from the elimination of several
definitions which would be inappropriate or unworkable in combination
with the concept of QOL.
In brief, subjective attitude, as defined in the study, is primarily
concerned with affective and cognitive dimensions. It is specifically
concerned with how aspects of cognition vary as objective conditions
vary. The terms, utilized in this discussion and the focus of much recent
research can be characterized as follows:
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Objective ^ _ ^ Subjective ^ _ _ _ ^ Behavior
Conditions Attitude
Type of Population
(Age Groups, Ethnic and
Class Groups)
The QOL definition developed depends on an elaboration of the A
relationship. The A relationship corresponds to the key term function
in the QQL definition.
Proposed Quantification Scheme
The proposed quantification scheme is based on the assignment of
objective and subjective values to a series of variables which are
called QOL factors (e.g. income, social participation, air quality,
etc.).
Various objective indicators for each QOL factor are discussed.
(For example, the air quality indicator is a composite measure of air
pollution characteristics.) In some instances, the objective measure
is appropriate to a particular region (as in the case of air quality) ,
in others it pertains directly to an individual (as in the case of
income) . Once objective measures have been obtained for each factor,
they are transformed in the proposed formulation to a normal scale
varying from 1 to 10 in which the value of 1 corresponds to the lowest,
or least satisfactory measure (i.e. lowest QOL) and 10 corresponds to
the highest. Such a transformation requires that appropriate upper
and lower bounds be established for each variable.
For each objective measure, a corresponding subjective measure
must be developed by rating the satisfaction a group may hold toward
objective measure for each factor. Again, a l-to-10 scale is used
such that 1 corresponds to the lowest level of attitudinal satisfaction
(i.e. dissatisfaction, dislike, unfavorability) and 10 corresponds to
the highest possible level of satisfaction. Obviously the anchoring
of this subjective scale is open to some question. How, for example,
does one define the greatest possible satisfaction with one's working
conditions, or with the availability of wilderness areas? A substantial
amount of social research is required to determine if the subjective
scales can be bounded in a meaningful way.
The next step is to combine these factors into a reasonable
expression for a factor index which describes the state of that
factor and its importance.
Careful identification of the population to be assessed for QOL
is necessary This population could be the whole sample population or
some subset of it. In collecting data from individuals, information
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is also collected on 10 standard population characteristics (age, sex,
race, income bracket, geographic location, etc.). These data permit
an ordering of the objective and subjective measures for all factors
in a matrix against population characteristics, and hence an evaluation
of the QOL for a variety of different populations.
Under no circumstances should this approach be regarded as providing
a perfect or immutable index of the QOL. It yields only a reasonable
strategy by which research thinking can move to the next series of
questions about the QQL, once data are available to show how the formula
can be better expressed. The formula has several potential drawbacks
including the likelihood that satisfaction and importance weighting are
measures of the same thing.
Quality of Life Factors
The essence of this section is to discuss the merits of a suggested
list of quality of life (QOL) factors for use as a guide in developing
representative indicators. Generating a workable list of indicators is
a primary step toward the eventual measurement of QOL.
Though the thesis of the QOL argument is that valid QOL measurement
requires the use of both objective and subjective indicators, only the
former are given in the text of this section. A discussion of an approach
toward obtaining a representative list of subjective indicators, including
examples, will be found as Appendix B of the original report.
The literature search revealed a number of studies with various QOL
factor lists. These have been summarized and evaluated in the study.
The team generated its own QOL factor list by both inductive and
deductive methods. Each team member listed the factors he/she believed
should be part of any QOL index. These factors were grouped into larger
sectors, each uniting a number of factors into a logical and nonredundant
rubric. A reading of the QOL literature generated new factors under each
of the sector headings. • Each of the factors were broken down into sub-
factors in an attempt (a) to clarify the meaning of each factor and (b)
to detect redundancies between factors. Such redundancies are undesirable
because in the final QOL index they would cause double-accounting. If
all of the subfactors of one factor were also listed under the heading
of another factor, the former factor was eliminated. In cases of partial
redundancy, factors were redefined to eliminate such overlaps. Finally,
another search was made of the relevant literature to further refine the
list of factors. The final factor sets are shown in Table 1 under six
major headings.
The remaining discussion in this section summarizes the coverage
of QOL indicators.
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TABLE 1
QUALITY OF LIFE FACTORS*
Indicators
Major Factors
Objective Indicators**
1. Economic Environment:
Income
Income Distribution
Economic Security
Work Satisfaction
Per capita disposable income
Median family income
Gini coefficient of income distribution
Income support
Wealth measures
Accident, productivity, and turnover rates
2. Social Sector:
Family
Community
Social Stability
Physical Security
Culture
Recreation
Marriage and divorce rates
Illegitimate births
Social responsibility scale
Upward social mobility
Social disorder incident rates
Violent crime rates
Human effort directed toward the arts
Persons participating in outdoor recreation
and average days per person
3. Political Environment:
Electoral Participation
Percentage of registrants voting
*Examples of the methodology for determining subjective factors is
given in Appendix B of the original report.
**This is not intended to be an exhaustive listing.
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.Major Factors
Objective Indicators
Nonelectoral Participation
Government Responsibility
Civil Liberties
Informed Constituency
Bloomberg & Rosenstock's "Action Score"
Budget allocations
Per capita distribution of funds
Rights conmission
Citizens review board
Content analysis of mass media
4. Health:
Physical
Mental
Nourishment
Infant mortality
Physicians/capita
Health care facility utilization
Persons in mental hospitals/population
Diagnosis of cause/population
Per capita consumption of food types
Nutrients consumed per day per capita
5. Physical Environment:
Housing
Transportation
Public Service
Material Quality
Aesthetics
Percentage deteriorated houses
Percentage lacking plumbing
Percentage overcrowded
Family costs
Percentage budget allocated to construction
and maintenance
Cost of gas and electricity
Frequency and coverage of services
Product life
Automobile recalls
Cost and frequency of repairs
Litter, billboards
Trees preserved and planted
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Major Factors Objective Indicators
6. Natural Environment:
Air Quality People exposed to substandard conditions
Concentration of GO, No-, SO-
Water Quality BOD, coliform count
Turbidity, temperature, pH
Radiation Percentage radioactivity in water, soil,
people
Toxicity Lead concentrations
Cases of lead poisoning
Solid Wastes Pounds/capita
Amount recycled
Frequency of collection
Noise Community noise difference scale
(under development)
Economic Sector. The economic environment may be defined as those
aspects of the QOL which deal with the magnitude, continuity, and
distribution of people's income, and with the welfare or "ill-fare"
generated in the process of attaining their income.
Income is a factor in the economic sector in that it represents an
ability to purchase material goods and services. A portion of income
may be accumulated wealth and wealth may be converted to income. The
income is primary in that it is more closely related to consumption of
goods and services.
Income distribution is a factor because it relates to equity as
being a good in itself. The benefits of rising standards of living
relate, in fact, to how well others are doing, hence income distribution.
Economic security is the protection an individual has against loss
of regular source of income. Such protection may be in possession of
wealth or in the existence of some form of income support, public or
private.
Work satisfaction is the excess of amenities over disamenities
associated with an individual's job. Subjectives, as listed by an
author, indicate the character of this factor. They are occupation,
status, supervision, peer relationships, job content, wages, and other
extrinsic resources, promotion, and physical conditions.
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Objective indicators for the economic sector are available, in
part, from government sources, especially from the U. S. Department
of Commerce. Some additional sources and people are noted.
Social Sector. The broad scope of social environment is indicated
by the factors selected: family, community, social stability, physical
stability, culture, and recreation.
Family, as a social system is considered a factor although it is
undergoing dramatic change. Measurement and value problems are of
particular difficulty, but divorce and illegitimate births vary
conceptually and indicate the character of this factor in the negative
sense while time devoted to family functions may indicate the positive
character.
Community as a factor relates to the need to belong and be accepted.
Thus, the voluntary association constitutes an aspect of community and
the nature and character of participation may indicate community factor
concept.
Social stability is community solidarity. Social distances which
are aspects of difference become significant in QOL when polarization
results from strong disagreement leading to social disorder such as
riots or other confrontations.
Physical security as a factor is the safety of the public from
violent crime. Aspects include the institutional order within which
daily lives are led as well as the protection which is required and
afforded.
Culture is perhaps best indicated by the arts, fine and applied.
Attendance at performance or time spent listening, viewing or otherwise
participating is a factor as well as the quality of the experience.
Recreation encompasses a wide variety of outdoor and indoor physical
activities ranging from bicycling to fishing and from bowling to table
tennis.
Indicators for the social sector are somewhat more difficult than
for the economic sector although a diversity of sources does exist.
Political Sector. Electoral participation is a factor in the
political sectorTft is the right and exercise thereof for representation
in the government process.
Nonelectoral participation is another factor. It includes speaking
or writing to a public official, signing petitions, and communications to
others concerned by a letter to the editor or by talking with others who
may be similarly concerned.
Government responsiveness to the public is a factor. The elements
of this factor are outputs of the system such as regulation and delivery
of services.
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Civil liberties as a factor may include the inalienable rights
guaranteed by the constitution and may be taken as an elector which
stresses the dignity of man as well as the right of freedom and
equality under the constitution.
Informed constituency refers to acquaintance with the issues. Of
particular concern is the availability of information on both sides of
an issue.
Indicators are not suggested for all factors, civil liberties
particularly is omitted. Some problems of measurement of the indicators
occurred, not the least of which may be that more may signify improving
quality of life (as with nonelectoral participation), or it may signify
a decline in the state of affairs and hence a decline in the quality of
life (as in air pollution).
Health Sector. A widely quoted definition of health is "a state
of complete physical, mental, and social well being and not merely the
absence of disease and infirmity." The social aspects are covered
elsewhere in the study.
Physical health as a factor refers to absence of disease and
infirmity. "Mentality is also considered as an element in physical
health. According to the literature, mental health includes both
mental illiness and mental retardation. The retardation is usually
a condition resulting from abnormal development.
The nutrition factor was measured through dietary analysis of food
intake. The indicator problems for nutrition are perhaps not as severe
as those in the political sector partially becuase of the availability
of data.
Physical Environment. The physical environment includes a set of
climatic, earth and life related factors of which man is a part.
Housing as the locale of the primary social relationship of family
life is an influence on the physical, social, and psychological develop-
ment of the household members and is considered as a factor in the
physical environment.
Transportation as a factor encompasses satisfaction and dissatis-
faction based upon accessibility, including the elements of time,
congestion, safety, and stress for those who travel. It also includes
the dissatisfaction of those who are adversely affected by the trans-
portation media because of its noise, pollution, or other effects.
Public service encompasses the utilities such as water and gas, as
well as garbage collection and street cleaning. The degree of satis-
faction is affected by quality of service.
Material quality refers to the satisfaction obtained from the
quality of the objects exchanged for money. It is a value concept.
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Aesthetic quality as a function of perception puts ugliness and
beauty in the eye of the beholder. rtfide agreement may exist, however,
as to the gracefulness of a suspension bridge or the ugliness of power
lines.
Natural Environment. Air quality is an element of the natural
environment. Air pollution, an unwanted byproduct of civilization
contains odors, irritants and toxic substances. The absence of air
pollution is considered to be a quality of life factor.
The absence of water pollution is another QOL factor in the natural
environment. This factor applies to water for recreational use as well
as domestic use.
Radiation is another factor in the natural environment. Exposure
to radiation can cause biological injury including genetic effects and
cancer. Man-made radiation emissions include those from x-ray equipment,
nuclear power plants, reactor fuel-reprocessing plants, and from electronic
products such as microwave ovens and color televisions.
Toxic substances in the environment fall into three categories of
concern: acute toxicity to humans, chronic toxicity to humans, and
adverse effects on the natural environment.
Solid waste protection refers to the handling and disposition of
refuse, trash, and other solid waste.
Noise or unwanted sound pollutes the natural environment and thus
detracts from quality of life.
Analytical Dimensions
The study addresses the questions of the extent to which generali-
zation may be made about people's quality of life, the extent to which
those generalizations are limited (and what are the limiting factors),
and how does the limitation influence the QOL index. Through this
particularized understanding rather than through the generalized
statistic progress is hoped for on the policy problems related to
improving the quality of life.
The analytical dimensions are explained in five areas, the first of
which is population parameters required to explain irritation in the QOL.
The population parameters discussed include geographic location,
education, age, ethnicity, health, sex, political disposition, socio-
economic status, life adjustment.
The second and third areas explored the use of QOL data matrices.
The QOL factors are used on one axis, while the analytical dimensions
are used on the other. Each matrix then shows the relationship between
one of the factors and one of the population parameters. Collectively,
the matrices could be examined for their interaction effects or for the
clusters of highly interrelated factors of parameters.
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The third analytical area explored was the use of time series
analyses. The data are useful in answering questions about the direction
and extent of change in the QOL.
Causality issues are the fourth area. The portion is what causal
relationships are involved in determining high or low QOL. Only one
treatment of causal sequences was uncovered in the literature search.
It dealt with sequence/outcomes: family background/life chances;
schooling/level of living; job/health, welfare; income/status, acceptance;
and expenditures/ satisfaction, morals.
Policy Implications
The study directs itself to several questions related to policy
implications.
1. How does a QOL index relate to other work in the field of
policy analysis?
2. What might be the uses and the misuses of a QQL index?
3. What can be done to insure that the index will not be used
in ways contrary to the intention of its framers?
Policy Analysis. The QOL index may be used in policy analyses in
several ways:
Assessment of the public's values and preferences, and of
objective conditions.
Analysis of the impacts, trade-offs, and net effects of a
given action.
Evaluation of the outcome of a policy or action.
The assessment of the public's values and preferences, and of
objective conditions is amenable to analysis over time. Since measure-
ments tell relatively little about the status quo whereas measurements
over time may indicate emerging problems or other changed conditions.
For example, a change in attitude towards a problem may be a significant
changed condition.
The analyses of impact and trade-off would not improve the means of
assessing the magnitudes of the impacts of a given policy, except insofar
as the index furthered the development of a more comprehensive approach
to social problems. However, they would be of significant value in
judging relative importance of these impacts.
A QOL index could provide a focus for the emerging field of social
experimentation and outcome evaluation. The general absence of laboratory
conditions has provided a severe problem in the development of knowledge
in the social sciences. A QOL index could ameliorate the situation,
somewhat.
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Computer simulations which attempt to summarize many of
the aspects of socio-environmental system into a computer
program with which students or policy-makers interact could be
expanded to utilize QOL indices. Such models are highly useful
educational and research devices which facilitate the grasping of
complex issues. A QOL index could aid in this purpose.
A QOL index might spur the development of a unified social
science. The perspective of the index is an interdisciplinary
one in which multiple systems are related as they interact in a
single focus.
Any QOL index would be composed of two types of numbers:
those reflecting objective conditions and actual states of mind
(e.g., the amount of air pollution and the actual degree of
work satisfaction), and those reflecting the relative importance
of such conditions to the individuals whose QOL is being measured.
The first type of numbers are called indicators; the second,
weights. For governments to try to bring the first kind of
numbers into line with what society considers "good" is clearly
laudable within the limits of society's choices. But it is
equally clear that an attempt by governments to control the
second kind of numbers—the weights which individuals assign
to QOL factors according to their subjective tastes—is outside
of the bound traditionally assigned to government activity.
Secondly, a QOL index could include anything that influences
a community's welfare, but, as previous sections have demon-
strated, the measurability of many factors is extremely limited.
Among the hardest to quantify are those relating to freedom and
justice—the extent of civil liberties and the responsiveness
of governments to their electorates. An operational QOL index
would probably have to leave out such factors, because of their
dichotomous and hard-to-quantify nature. Without trying to
change subjective weights, the QOL index would be treated as
the single measure of a government's performance. With certain
vital intangibles left out of the index, this would amount to
the sacrificing of such intangibles—e.g., freedom and justice—
in order to maximize the easily quantified factors. The
result would be much like that of the first misuse, although
the route to this second misuse would be slightly different.
Thirdly, a QOL index relates not to a government's actions
so much as to a change in the attitudes of individuals. The
QOL index is meant to register the people's preferences and
concerns. The index is not meant to actually influence those
preferences. Yet in a conformistic society, such as eventuality
is quite possible: having a preference structure that does not
conform to the average weights listed in the QOL index could
become unfashionable. Such a development would tend to make
the index rigid and limit people's indivuality, as well as
destroy the whole purpose of the QOL index.
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Guarding Against Misuse. One way of guarding against
misuse would be simply not to measure the QOL. Other ways
include:
1. Centralizing the measurement of QOL, without making
the QOL index a mere tool to justify the status quo or an
administration's past performance. For example, Senator
Walter Mondale's proposal to establish a council of social
advisors modeled on the existing council of economic advisors,
might be implemented. These social advisors would be
distinguished academicians in the fields of sociology,
political science, and the other social sciences (economics
would not necessarily be excluded) and would prepare an
annual social report. To help insure that the QOL index
not be used to the disadvantage of the "outs," the council
of social advisors might be made directly responsible to
Congress.
2. The actual measurement of QOL might be done by a
research team as independent as possible from the main
institutions of government.
3. The QOL measurement process must be made the subject
of wide public discussion and periodic, formal reexamination.
4. The philosophy of the QOL index needs to be further
developed, and both the public and the policy-makers must be
fully aware of the limitations of a QOL index. This is the
only way to minimize the choice that the index would be used
to create conformity, or to justify the actions that ignore
those hard-to-quantify factors—such as liberty and social
justice—that may never find their way into a QOL index.
No claim is made that these suggestions would totally
eliminate the dangers cited earlier in this discussion. They
may, however, reduce those dangers to a level such that the
potential benefits of a QOL index would outweigh the likely
costs. Of the many issues raised in the report on QOL
measurement, the problem of guarding against these dangers
perhaps deserves the greatest amount of further discussion
and research.
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SECTION III
POLLUTION AND THE MUNICIPALITY*
This study focused on differentials in environmental
pollution between center city and suburban locales. The
objective was a state-of-the-art-report to provide some
insights into the ramifications of uniformly enforced
federal environmental standards.
Levels of Differentials
The research encompassed study of air, noise, water,
solid waste, pesticides, radiation, and climatic changes.
This chapter summarizes the results uncovered in the search
for differentials in pollution associated with center city
areas as compared with suburban areas.
Air. Air pollution is measured by monitoring both
ambient air quality and point-source emissions. Ambient
air is chemically measured at stations at scattered
locations. Point-source pollution is measured at fixed
points such as factories and at mobile points such as with
motor vehicles. Measurement may be direct by using moni-
toring devices at the location or estimated by analyses of
the amount and type of materials consumed.
The six elements of the atmosphere designated as air
pollutants by the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) are
sulfur oxides (chiefly sulfur dioxide, SO2, and sulfur oxide,
SO): nitrogen dioxide (NO2); carbon monoxide (CO); photo-
chemical oxidents (usually measured as ozone, 03); reactial
hydrocarbons (HC); and particulates or airborne nongaseous
materials.
Comprehensive measurement of pollution is expensive
because such measurement should be periodic at diverse
locations. Diffusion models (which are mathematical
analyses of pollutant emissions, metrological conditions,
and topographical conditions) provided estimates of spacial
distribution of pollution as an alternative to measurement
at diverse locations.
The research team reviewed studies of the Buffalo-
Niagara Falls area and of the San Francisco Bay Area as
well as diffusion model studies for five additional areas,
Birmingham, Alabama; Boston, Massachusetts; Boise, Idaho;
Indianapolis, Indiana; and Washington, D. C. The only
other study reported was one of ambient lead in Cincinnati
and Philadelphia.
*The research team producing the original report was headed
by Pamela C. Cooper and included Samuel J. Kursh, Jeanie
Rae Wakeland, Margo Van Winkle and Mary A. Zoller.
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Existing studies are not sufficient for generalized
statements on each of the pollutants as to center city-
suburban differentials together with the seasonal and other
temporal variations. The Buffalo-Niagara Falls study
indicates that the center city has greater pollution levels
for sulfur oxides and suspended particulates. The study
of the San Francisco Bay area indicated higher levels of
carbon monoxide and oxident concentrations in the close-in
areas than in the suburban areas. The ambient lead study
used classifications of commercial, industrial, residential,
and rural. These classifications are not synonymous with
center city-suburban classifications; however, the commercial
and industrial sections had the higher ambient lead measure-
ments with the residential and rural having the lowest,
especially the rural. The diffusion models of the five
cities indicate that pollutants, sulfur oxides, particulates,
and carbon monoxide were higher in the center city than in
the suburbs.
Noise. Noise, technically described as vibration in
an elastic medium, can be pragmatically defined as unwanted
sound. The magnitude of such sound or the level of noise
is measured in decibels.
The decibel (dB) is a magnitude measure which uses a
logarithmic scale for quantity of noise. Since the human
ear does not respond equally to all frequencies, scales
have been devised tb relate different sensitivity levels.
The human ear responds best to middle frequencies rather
than low or high frequencies. Weighted scales favoring
the middle frequencies by reducing the effects of low and
high frequencies are said to be A-weighted. Thus, A-
weighted decibels (dBA) are used for noise measures when
the primary concern is for people.
The studies of outdoor noise indicated higher levels
of noise in areas of city housing as compared with suburban
detached housing. The median noise level for daytime were
73.0 dBA compared to 50.9 dBA, and for nighttime 65.5 dBA
compared to 44.2 dBA according to the Irving Hock study
"Urban Scale and Environmental Quality."
Noise emanates from activities associated with various
types of land uses, and noise levels are associated with
kind and intensity of land use. Intensity and type of
construction is as important as intensity and type of
traffic.
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Water. Additions to water which tend to degrade its
quality so as to contribute a hazard or impair the usefulness
of the water are considered pollutants. Water pollutants
may be classified into eight categories (1) domestic sewage
and other oxygen demanding wastes; (2) infectious agents;
(3) plant nutrients; (4) organic chemical exotics, particularly
insecticides, pesticides, and detergents; (5) other mineral
and chemical substances from industry, mining, and agricul-
tural operations; (6) sediments from land erosion; (7) radio-
active substances; (8) heat.
Two reported case studies indicated concentrations of
pollution at center city locations. One, a study of the
lower Passaic River, covered data from fifteen stations
including those in the Newark, New Jersey area. Total
coliform counts were from 9,700 to 500,000 organisms per
100 milliliters (ml), a permissible standard is 10,000
organisms per 100 ml. The stations located in the Newark
area showed counts in the 100,000's.
The fecal coliform standard is 2,000 organisms per
100 ml. The measurements indicated sharp increases to
50,000 to 60,000 organisms per 100 milliliters close to
Newark. Dissolved oxygen (DO) concentrations should be up
to 5 to 7 milligrams per liter in order to support fish life,
but measurements near Newark are consistent at 1 to 2
milligrams per liter.
The biochemical oxygen demand (BOD) loading of the
Passaic River was estimated at 17,000 pounds per day. This
rate is the equivalent to the raw discharge of a population
of 100,000 persons. Suspended solids were also estimated
at a high level (47,000 pounds per day). The high coliform
counts, low amounts of dissolved oxygen (DO), high bio-
chemical oxygen demand (BOD), and heavy amounts of floating
debris were all below the federal-state standards with the
most severely polluted section in the river near the city
of Newark.
The second case study was of the Hudson River, revealing
a high degree of water pollution affecting New York City.
Total coliform counts reached values in the hundreds of
thousands per milliliter. Fecal coliform counts were found
as high as 25,000 per 100 milliliters. Dissolved oxygen
values were 2 to 3 milligrams per liter.
-i:»
In addition to the two ambient water studies of the
Passaic River ("one of the most contaminated waterways in
the world") and the lower Hudson River (with "the character-
istics of an eutrophic brackish lake"), the group also
reviewed studies of drinking water.
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The Public Health Service drinking water standard for
lead is "not greater than 0.05 mg per liter" (or 50 ug/1
micrograms per liter). The drinking water may leave the
treatment plant in an acceptable quality but reach people
through old distribution systems made with lead. The
water found in inner city areas has had lead content as
high as 920 micrograms (920 ng/1) compared to lead content
of 20 ug/1 elsewhere.
In an older community in Boston a 1972 study on drinking
water content of trace metals revealed that in 29 out of 54
homes, the concentration of lead exceeded the standard. A
1968 Chicago study found only four samples where the lead
content was above the standard but 20 percent of the water
samples were found to have higher concentrations of lead
than water at the treatment plant.
The National Community Water Supply Study also was
reviewed. It surveyed 969 public water supply systems and
considered the three factors of top water quality, adequacy
of facilities and operations, and status of surveillance
and maintenance of the system. Findings revealed that the
quality of drinking water is decreasing as the water systems
are growing older and are not upgraded. Excerpts from the
original study state,
... 41 percent of the 969 systems were delivering
waters of inferior quality to 2.5 million people.
In fact, 360,000 persons in the study population
were being served waters of a potentially dangerous
quality .... 56 percent of the systems evidenced
physical deficiencies including poorly protected
groundwater sources, inadequate disinfection capacity,
inadequate clarification capacity, and/or inadequate
system pressure. In the eight SMSA's studied, the
arrangements for providing water service were archaic
and inefficient. While a majority of the population
was served by one or a few large systems, each
metropolitan area also contained small inefficient
systems.1
Considering the source of lead pollutants, the indication
is that the center-city areas, having the older system, are
getting lower quality water. This lead pollution is in
addition to the general drinking water pollution problem
and the pollution of ambient water.
Solid Waste. Solid waste, one of the most visible
urban environment problem, is of particular concern to
central-city residential locations. Inadequate sanitation
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and garbage removal were named as significant grievances by
the residents of almost half of the cities surveyed by the
National Advisory Commission of Civil Disorders.
A case study of Wilmington, Delaware, was reviewed to
indicate the character of the solid-waste problem. That
study covered four subject areas: solid-waste generation
and collection, abandoned automobiles, street cleaning,
and special pickups (used appliances, furniture, etc. too
large to be handled during regular service).
The analyses of solid waste compared a poverty and
nonpoverty areas. Indications were that the poverty areas
generated more refuse per dwelling unit. This generation
level combined with higher density indicated a more severe
accumulation problem. Therefore, contamination became
especially important because of side effects which could
be generated.
The analysers of abandoned automobiles indicate that
abandonment was greatest in poverty areas. Special pickup
requests were also greater in poverty areas. Although the
time between the pickup request and service were generally
estimated to be a week or less, the special pick-up items
as well as the abondoned autos generated side effects.
They may serve as breeding places for rats and vermin.
They may become dangerous play toys for neighborhood
children. Salvageable components may be removed by scav-
engers leaving debris. And, the aesthetics of the neigh-
borhood may be severely impaired.
No significant difference was found in the street
cleaning aspect of the study. The research team took
issue with the findings which were based upon a study
which covered a period of only two months and measured
tons of refuse collected.-
Pesticides. In 1970, 4,045 injuries and 19 deaths
were attributed to pesticide usage. While the statistics
represent a decline in injury and death, the center-city
resident seems to have a greater exposure to the pesticide
hazard.
Pesticide differentials are indicated in the studies
reviewed. Three of the four studies cited (Kentucky, South
Carolina, Florida, and Hawaii) varyingly used income and
socioeconomic group differences in classification. The
Hawaiian study compared urban Honolulu with the small
village environment of Lanai.
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The Kentucky study was a survey of urban households to
determine pesticide usage and user habits. Among the findings
were the following: 43 percent of the group stored pesticides
in the kitchen, less than one-third of the survey group
washed hands before eating or drinking, 81 percent (196 of
293) used pesticide regularly. Only 15 percent purchased
pesticide from technical stores (nurseries, chemical dealers,
feed and seed dealers) where instruction on usage is generally
readily available. The remainder of the group purchased
pesticides from general merchandise stores, food stores,
or drug stores.
The volume of pesticide used was greatest in the lower-
and upper-income groups. The lower-income group usage
patterns were believed to stem mainly from pest problems
relating to housing conditions and solid-waste accumulation.
Upper-income usage pattern was believed to be influenced by
a concern for protection of ornamental plants and shrubbery.
The South Carolina study was conducted in Charleston
using a sample of 196 urban families. The 121 white families.
were in predominantly middle-class areas. The 75 nonwhite
families were mainly from lower socio-economic areas of the
city.
The survey indicated that 89 percent of the group made
some use of pesticides, 33 percent used them at least weekly.
Usage was greater. As in the Kentucky study, the majority
of the pesticide purchases were made in nontechnical stores.
The major problem of storage near food of medicine and no
protection by gloves or washing hands after usage were
indicated.
The Florida study was in Dade County. It measured
residue concentrations of DDT, DDE, and dieldrin and
compared their incidence in population classification
derived by use of three social-class indicators: Hollengshead
Two Factor Index, population density, and census tract median
income.
Results of the study indicated that residue concentrations
were associated with social class with greater concentration
found among the poor.
The Hawaii study similarly sought out differences among
populations as to pesticide residue (DDT, DDE, dieldrin, and
BHC) . The different populations in this case were people
from an urban area of. Honolulu and people from a small village
called Lanai.
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The study indicated significant differences for DDT and
BHC concentrations with the Honolulu residents having the
higher residues. The differences were not significant for
DDE and dieldrin.
Radiation. Radiation is measured in millirems. A
millirera equals l/1000ths of a rem which is a unit of measure,
"roentgen equivalent man," which reflects an absorbed dose
in human tissue.
The most significant amount of radiation exposure to
general population is from natural background sources and
medical sources. Background sources include cosmic radiation
and radioactivity naturally existing in the soil, water, air,
and human body. These generally amount to 100 to 125
millirems per year. The medical use of x-ray fluoroscopes
and radioisotopes generally provide an annual dosage of 60.95
millirems.
Current federal regulations call for a maximum of 50
millirems per year from all man-made sources excluding
medical sources on an individual basis. The per capita
standard (limit) for population groups is 170 millirems
per year.
Nuclear power plants, although increasing in number in
recent years, do not seem to be generating an excess of
radiation resulting in pollution. A 1969 study of thirteen
nuclear power plants concluded that the annual dose to
population with a 50-mile radius of the power plants
averaged about 0.01 millirems.
However, electromagnetic radiation is increasing
substantially. Sources include micro-wave ovens and radar
devices as well as AM, FM, and TV broadcasting.
One of the measurement methods is by exposure on power
density and duration, e.g., milliwatt per square centimeter
per hour. The American National Standards Institute has
recommended that occupational exposure for frequencies
between 10 MHZ and 10 GH? (i.e., 10^ to 109 Hertz) not
exceed 10 mw/cm2 for periods of 0.1 hour or longer. "Hertz"
is one of several frequency measures. Power is measured
in watts, and densities in watts per square meter (a
milliwatt per square centimeter).
Various studies were cited with concern on two counts.
First the levels of radiation which have already been
reached, and secondly the biological effects of exposure
to this radiation. Assessments indicate that the dosage
is below the limits set but the extent of pollution is
increasing and the long-term effects are unknown.
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Climatic Changes. The city environment generates a
"heat island" effect," which is a significant temperature
difference between the city and its rural environments.
Annual averages have been reported to be between 0.5° C
and 1.2° C.
Two studies were reviewed, one was of Cincinnati,
Ohio during August 1969 and the other of a heat wave in
St. Louis, Missouri. The major concern is with man's
physiological reactions which may be overburdened by the
added heat.
The four major categories of heat-endured illiness
are heat exhaustion, dehydration, heat cramps, and heat
stroke. While the normal relationship between temperature
and mortality shows a decrease in summer months, an urban
heat wave markedly increases the number of deaths.
The high-risk groups are persons over the age of 65,
low-income people in crowded or poor housing, and patients
with certain diseases.
Health Effects
While the foregoing summary indicates some health
effects, the state-of-the-art also revealed studies of
health effects. A summary of the key findings follows.
Air. Studies indicate that air pollution exerts a
significant effect on health by increasing respiratory
illinesses. One study dealing with an acute exposure to
high levels of sulphur dioxide (1,140 mg/m3) indicated
that 43 percent of the population reported symptoms of
respiratory distress. Another study dealing with high
levels of sulfur oxides, particulates, and oxides of
nitrogen showed an increase among adults in bronchitis,
coughs, and shortness of breath. Studies of children
indicate those from areas of greater pollution perform
less well on ventilatory function tests.
Other studies have measured increases in mortality
as related to levels of pollution. A study in Chicago
indicated that daily respiratory mortality increased
as levels of SO2 increase and socio-economic levels
decreased. Researchers in a Buffalo study found an
association between levels of suspended particulates
and deaths from cirrhosis of the liver (with adjustment
for alcohol dependency considered).
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Another study considered air-borne leads together with
other sources (e.g., food and water contribute to high lead
concentration in the blood). High lead concentration contri-
buted to serve anemia and damage to the brain and nervous
system damage. A different study of lead levels in children
in low-income neighborhoods indicated that black children
had higher concentrations of lead in their blood than white
children. Some but not all could be traced to consumption
of nonfood items such as lead-based paints.
Blood-lead levels for adults differ between center-city
adults and suburban adults, according to a Philadelphia
study which compared adults living and working in the center
city with those who live and work in suburbia. Policemen, a
group which gets more exposure to lead-filled automobile
exhaust than any other group in the sample, had the highest
level of lead in their bloodstreams.
Noise. For most people the effects of noise relate to
communication, distraction, and disturbance of rest and
sleep. For some people the effects of noise are a loss of
hearing. Discomfort is a first sign of noise deafness.
Noise also alters the rhythm of the heartbeat, increases
the level of cholesterol in the blood, and raises blood
pressure. Workers exposed to high noise levels have a
higher incidence of cardiovascular disease and ear, nose,
and throat disorders, than workers in less noisy surroundings.
Other stressful effects of noise are changes in secretion
of endocrine harmones and in kidney functions. Continued
stress may increase susceptibility to infection, gastro-
intestinal ulcers, or high blood pressure.
Noise may also affect individual personalities.
People working in noisy surroundings tend to be more
aggressive, distrustful, and paranoiac. Effects of noise
in the home environment were also cited.
No studies were noted that specifically dealt with
health differentials resulting from different noise levels.
However, the higher noise level present in the city-center
imply higher probability of adverse health effect emanating
from noise.
Water. The health hazard from polluted water has been
considered so great that many public beaches have been
closed. The avoidance of this hazard results in the loss
of available recreation.
The health hazards from drinking water are not so
easily avoided, or have not been. One study of 969
systems indicated physical deficiency in 56 percent of
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the systems. Of the 2,600 samples, 36 percent contained one
or more bacteriological or chemical constituents exceeding
the limits, 9 percent contained bacteriological contamination
evidencing potentially dangerous quality of water, 36 percent
exceeded at least one of the chemical limits, and 11 percent
exceeded the recommended organic chemical limit.
In 1965 at Riverside, California, a location different
from those referred to in the previously noted study, 16,000
people were affected by an epidemic of acute gastroenteritis
in which 70 people were hospitalized, and 3 died. In 1968
another attack of gastroenteritis occurred, this time in
Angola, New York. The town uses the same lake for sewage
and drinking water, and the disinfection system failed.
Other cities frequently instruct their residents to boil
the water before drinking, cooking, and washing because of
bacterial pollution.
A total of 53 waterborne outbreaks of infectious
hepatitis were reported this century. A recent example
occurred in 1969 when 60 percent of the Holy Cross football
team was struck with infectious hepatitis as a result of
ineffective cross-connection control procedure.
Heavy metals, such as lead and mercury, are health
hazards in that toxic effects occur from accumulation in
the body. While most lead poisoning occurs from lead-based
paints, the effect of lead from drinking water sources
should not be ignored. More cases of lead poisoning are
discovered in older sections of cities because houses in
these sections are more likely to have lead-based paint and
pipes containing lead.
Solid Waste. In the absence of quantitative based
studies, qualitative analyses of health effects of solid-
waste pollution were utilized. Direct effects include
those associated with the presence of rats and vermin.
Indirect effects are psychological, and these may be of
greatest impact when combined with other inner-city conditions,
One source estimates that between 60 and 90 percent
of all rat bites occur in the inner city. The injuries
result from the association of the presence of rats and the
accumulation of solid waste which provides a breeding place
for rats and other disease carriers. These conditions, in
turn, precipitate the use of pesticides. Note was also
made of the fire hazards from accumulation of solid waste.
Pesticides. Little data are available on the health
effects of pesticides. However, one study indicates an
impact in respiratory impairment and a positive associ-
ation with certain chronic diseases.
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Sources
The structure and character of the city has an effect
on the generation of pollution. The state-of-the-art review
sought out studies which would deal with the hypothesis that
the internal structure of the center city is associated with
the pollution of its environment. Underlying this review
was the consideration that inner-city regulations to control
the pollution sources on the same basis as suburban regulations
might result in significantly differing impact in which the
side effects might provide a cure worse than the disease.
Air. The primary source of air pollution is incomplete
combustion of fossil fuels such as petroleum and coal pro-
ducts. The fuels are heavily used as energy sources for
automobiles and industrial activities as well as for heating.
The intensity of the generation of the pollution is
associated with the density of the pollution activities.
Over 60 percent of the total air pollution is generated on
only 2 percent of the land area. The center-city locale is
the site of the emission of 67 percent of the carbon monoxide,
56 percent of the sulfur oxides, 54 percent of the nitrogen
oxides, 63 percent of the hydrocarbons, and 53 percent of
the particulates.
Heavy manufacturing (which includes steel, cement, and
paper pulp) contribute emissions which amount to 22 percent
of the sulfur oxides, 26.5 percent of the particulates, 23.8
percent of the nitrogen oxide, 9.6 percent of the carbon
monoxide, and 1.2 percent of the airborne lead.
Industrial boilers emit two pollutants in significant
quantities, sulfur oxides (17 percent) and particulate (11
percent).
Commercial and institutional sources (including retail
establishments, office buildings, public buildings, and some
light industries) emit pollutants mostly from their heating
plants. They account for 3.6 percent of the sulfur oxides.
Municipal sources include utilities and solid-waste
combustion. Power plants account for 49 percent of the
sulfur oxides, 20 percent of the particulates, and 23 percent
of the nitrogen oxides. Incineration and open buring of
trash are responsible for 2.5 percent of the nitrogen oxides,
7.8 percent of the carbon monoxide, 5 percent of the hyro-
carbons, and 3 percent of the particulates.
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Mobile sources (autos, buses, aircraft, trucks, trains,
ships, and off-road vehicles) contribute 64 percent of the
carbon monoxide, 51 percent of the hydrocarbons, 39 percent
of the nitrogen oxides, 4 percent of the particulates, and
2.5 percent of the sulfur oxides.
Residential heating units emit approximately 5 percent
of the sulfur oxides and 1 percent of the particulates.
The percentages cited are national and therefore are
subject to wide differences for local areas. Some pollutants
are emitted in significant concentrations by geographical
area. For example, 55 percent of the sulfur oxides are
emitted from seven northeastern states.
Mobile emissions are closely associated with urbani-
zation. The major cities of the West are newer than those
of the East and because they have grown most with the auto-
mobile they have the greatest emissions on a per capita
basis.
Air pollution is primarily an urban problem because
the sources, stationary and mobile, are concentrated in the
city. Differences reflect not only differences in fuels
used but also differing densities which reflect differing
development patterns.
Noise. Various types of activities were classified
and reviewed with the conclusion that more noise is
generated in the city by virtue of the nature of its
activities, the density, and the process of building and
rebuilding the city. The location of activities is, of
course, of substantial importance.
Industrial and commercial activities vary widely in
the amount of noise they generate. Urban areas, however,
tend to have concentrations of such activities and there-
fore generate noise which is not contained within the site
boundaries. The review discusses types of industry of
some noises.
While industrial activities may generate a great
amount of noise from a single source, commercial activ-
ities may have low amounts of noise on a per unit basis
but the level increases with multiple sources. For
example, a few people talking will generate noise at a
given level. Additional people speaking at the same noise
level when combined raises the total noise level. Hence,
the degree of crowding or density affects noise level.
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Among the noisest equipment is construction equipment.
Construction activity by its nature is concentrated in
urban and urbanizing areas.
The noise from vehicles is, of course/ greater in the
city with larger number of vehicles. Noise varies by type
of vehicle and thus the center city-suburban differentials
are affected by the type of vehicular travel. For example,
subway trains are quite noisy compared to buses.
Aircraft flights generate great amounts of noise, the
effect of which depends on the proximity of those who hear
the noise. Thus, the flight pattern and location of the
airport greatly influences the incidence of noise. The
analyses indicated substantial impact of noise on residential
areas especially those from heavily urbanized close-in areas.
The review indicated that the notable exception to higher
noise levels in the center city versus suburbia is noise from
domestic sources. Air conditioning and other appliances may
be more prevalent in suburban homes than in center-city homes.
However, some offset may occur from greater affluence in
suburbia permitting the purchase of quieter models.
The natural environment of trees and grass will soften
the noise level as compared to the man-made environment of
hard-surface structure. As a result noise generated in the
center city is dampered less than noise in suburbia.
Water. Municipal sewage and industrial wastes are
principal cause of water pollution in highly urbanized
areas. The combination of waste water sewers and storm
sewers_(found in some older systems) provides an overflow
during storms and in some cases during other peak-flow
periods.
Other major sources of pollution are urban runoff,
sediment from construction, oil spills, and ocean dumping.
The quality of drinking water may be impaired not only by
the quality of the water going into the system, but also
by the maintenance of the system and the material of the
pipes through which the water flows.
Industrial process waste annually generate 22 billion
pounds of BOD load of which one-fifth is discharged into
municipal sewers. Between 1957 and 1968 generation of
industrial BOD load increased 200 percent while the growth
in industrial production was only 60 percent. This vast
change indicates that technological processes are important
factors in the amount of pollution generation, not simply
increases in production. The review cites numerous cases
of industrial waste pollution ambient water.
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Municipal wastes are the second largest source of
water pollution after industries. The problems include
municipal waste-water-plant effluents, "combined sewer"2
discharges, and urban runoff. The general situation
concerning municipal plants is that 13,000 communities
have sewer systems and of those 10 percent dump the
wastes back in the rivers untreated and 15 percent provide
only primary treatment.3 in 1960 only 62.3 percent of the
U.S. population was served by public sewers (27.5 percent
had a septic tank or cesspool and 10.2 percent had nonwater
carriage or a privy.) In the 1970 census, about 70 percent
of the total all-year housing had public sewer connections.
Many communities are still in need of sewage systems,
while 25 percent of those that have them discharge partially
treated or untreated wastes into receiving waters. The
large cities tend to be the oldest ones with the historically
unplanned and presently overloaded sewer systems. They
exhibit the largest numbers of combined sewers and the
pollution problems that go with them.
Urban run-off is a dispersed, or nonpoint surface of
pollution. The range of pollutants is wide with total
coliform counts per 100 ml having been measured from 40 to
240,000 and suspended solids from 26 to 36,250 mg/1.
The primary mobile sources of water pollution are oil
spills and ocean dumping. Oil spillage has been ranked as
the second most important source of pollution in the
Chesapeake Bay, according to one authority.
Solid Waste. Studies on the sources of solid waste
were not cited, but some reasoned conclusions were indicated.
The complexity of the issues, particularly since generation
and collection are interrelated, leave this area as a high
priority for further investigation.
Pesticides. Pesticide pollution is clearly identified
as to source in the sense that the demand for pesticide use
is identified with the causes of usage. This, of course,
is related to solid-waste collection.
Legislation
The federal authority designated to enforce the national
policy on environmental control is the Environmental Protection
Agency. This agency has responsibility for the six natural
environmental categories defined previously; i.e., water, air,
solid waste, pesticides, noise, and fcadiation (including
solar energy). The technique through which this agency
enforces the directive of environmental control is that of
application of standards. These standards are then applied
uniformly to the various geographic areas of the United States.
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Before exploring the inherent difficulties of a
procedure of uniform controls over environmentally distinct
sections of the metropolitan community, a brief summary
of the summarized legislation is in order.
Air. Air pollution legislation, in existence since
1963, has been modified in 1965, 1967. and 1970 to form
the present Clean Air Act. Each piece of legislation
represents a somewhat different approach to the control
of air pollution.
The current approach emphasizes ambient air standards
with state implementation. The standards are of two
classes; primary standards which are maximum levels of
pollution without health effects, secondary standards
are levels at which no adverse affects are anticipated
or known to exist. The six pollutants covered are sulfur
oxides, particulates, hydrocarbons, carbon monoxide,
photochemical oxidents, and oxides of nitrogen.
The states are responsible for implementation of the
standards and have been requested to spell out plans for
achieving the standards by 1975. The methods used include
emission standards, transportation controls, and land-use
controls. Unsatisfactory plans are returned to the state
for revision. If EPA can not get satisfactory revision,
it may draw up the plan for the state.
EPA has standards for mobile sources but does not,
with the exception of hazardous emissions, have regulatory
standards for stationary sources. Emission from stationary
sources are regulated when the materials have no ambient
level and when they create the hazard of increasing
mortality or serious incapacitating disease. Regulation
may require filtering or monitoring techniques.
Noise. The Office of Noise Abatement in the Environ-
mental Protection Agency was established by the Clean Air
Amendment of 1970. Additionally, the National Environmental
Policy Act of 1969 will exert an effect on noise regulation
in that noise is now a consideration of environmental impact.
Proposed legislation includes a Noise Control Act.
Various provisions range from EPA to require labeling of
household products and appliances to EPA set standards for
aircraft noise.
Other federal agencies have policies which deal with
noise. Included are the Department of Transportation
(Federal Highway Act and Airport and Airway Development
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Act), Federal Aviation Agency, the Department of Housing
and Urban Development, General Services Administration, the
Department of Health, Education, and Welfare.
Water. The Water Quality Act of 1965 requires
individual states to draw up their own standards which
when approved by EPA become federal-state standards.
This act was preceded by a 1956 Federal Water Pollution
Control Act which utilizes an enforcement conference
process. Enforcement effectiveness with the early act
was lacking. The Water Quality Act of 1965 attempted to
expedite enforcement procedures.
In addition to the enforcement conference process,
federal law aided the abatement of pollution by providing
construction grants for waste treatment plants. These
programs are operated in conjunction with the states. The
direct federal responsibility exists for interstate and
navigable water and where interstate sale of shellfish
suffers from pollution.
The most recent legislation, the Water Quality Act
of 1970, expands enforcement procedures available to the
state and includes a section on the control of oil pollution,
thus placing this problem under federal authority.
The proposed 1972 amendments to the Water Pollution
Control Act utilize the idea of effluent limitations. The
proposed Marine Protection and Research Act of 1971
provided for a permit system to control ocean dumping
with EPA as the permit-issuing authority. Proposed amend-
ments to the Public Health Service Act provide for the
establishment of federal standards pertaining to drinking
water and its source.
Solid-Waste. Solid-waste legislation has been primarily
directed toward the development of solid-waste management
techniques and providing technical and financial assistance
to solid-waste management agencies.
Environmental Protection Agency programs relate to
new collection vehicles, collection systems, containerization,
and training programs. Other federal action in solid waste
stimulates recycling through the use of tax-exempt bonds.
Under this program, private industry may finance recycling
facilities with tax-exempt industrial development bonds.
Pesticide. The Environmental Protection Agency exercises
pesticide regulation through a series of acts including: The
Federal Insecticide, Fungicide, and Rodenticide Act, as
amended; the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act, as amended;
and the Clean Air Act.
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These acts provide that pesticides shipped through
interstate commerce must be registered with EPA; approval
for sale requires manufacturer evidence concerning the
purpose, toxicity, and effectiveness of the substance;
pesticides approved for sale must be labeled clearly
indicating ingredients, methods of application, and safety
precautions to be observed; interstate shipment may be
halted if the pesticide product is found to be hazardous
to the public; production and use of pesticide may be halted
by EPA; and EPA establishes pesticide-residue tolerance
levels for raw food stuff shipped through interstate
commerce.
Often federal authority includes Federal Trade Commission
regulation of advertising of pesticides, the Department of
Transportation regulation of the shipment of pesticides
through interstate commerce, Food and Drug Administration
monitoring of food for existence of poisons, and the Depart-
ment of Agriculture prevention of introduction of pests
into the United States and other activities relating to the
control and spread of pests.
Pending legislation would provide EPA with authority
to restrict pesticide usage by classifying and categorizing
pesticides to regulate the disposal of pesticides and
pesticide containers. The bill would also simplify pro-
cedures for suspension and cancellation of pesticides.
Ramifications of Uniform Enforcement
The ramifications of uniform enforcement of federal
pollution control was explored with the result that some
hypotheses were formulated. The paucity of previous studies
simply produced too little evidence to reach conclusions.
The hypotheses—which were formulated by reasoning
through the operation of the system—utilize such analyses
as were available and may be summarized as follows: the
application of uniform federal pollution controls would
decrease the mortality rates in center-city locales;
increase the population under age 10 and over age 50 in the
center city; increase the birth rate in the center city;
increase center-city transportation problems for the poor
and aged; increase center city housing problems especially
increase housing abandonment; decrease the labor force
participation through increased unemployment, especially
for the black population; increase regional and local out-
migration over the long term; decrease center-city population
density; increase particular regional center-city and
suburban densities; decrease the absolute number of marginal
industries; shift the economic base of the center city,
thus creating several unemployment problems in certain
sectors.
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Implicitly an opportunity exists for obtaining the
benefits of enforcement of pollution standards commensurate
with the tolerable side effects. Since in the analyses the
side effects of enforcement were substantially different
from center city, seemingly each set of standards needs to
be explored individually as well as a part of the whole.
Studies almost always end with the suggestion for
further research. Of the five areas studied, the center-
city-suburban differential may well be the area most in
need of further research because of substantial uncertainty
as to whether the cure in some cases may not be worse than
the disease.
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REFERENCES
1James H. McDermott, P.E.; Director of the Bureau of Water
Hygiene, Safe Drinking Water, pp. 176-77.
A
^Combined sewers exist when waste-water pipes are connected
to storm-water pipes, and they form one sewage system.
When the system is overloaded by storm water, it overflows
or bypasses the treatment plant and dumps raw or partially
treated wastes into the receiving waters.
^"Primary treatment" removes only gross solids and up to
35 percent of the BOD. "Secondary" is considered minimal
treatment and that removes 80 to 90 percent of the BOD.
Needed; Clean Water, Environmental Protection Agency,
1972.
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SECTION IV
CONSUMPTION DIFFERENTIALS AND THE ENVIRONMENT*
The commonly acknowledged problem of pollution was the
focus of the EPA Summer Fellows study title, "Consumption
Differentials and the Environment." The Fellows sought
other than the popularized air and water aspects of pollution.
They sought a unique and significant approach that would call
attention to the real dimensions of the environmental problem,
one that would "strike home" to all Americans. The Fellows
subsequently determined that the focus of this particular
study would be the consumptive nature of American society.
Previously, the problem of pollution in the United
States had been approached from three basic perspectives:
(a) overpopulation; (b) emerging and partialistic technology;
and (c) the profit-motivated practices of the industrial
sector of the economy. Each of these perspectives inherently
suggested its own particular solution to the problem. For
example, birth control measures suggested a solution to the
problem of overpopulation; an holistic systems approach was
and is advanced as a solution to the partialistic technology
problem; and common-property, natural resources are seen as
having a greater, higher-level call on them than just the
profit-seeking motivations of the private business sector.
Each of these concerns focuses on a particular aspect of
the pollution problem. Each of them also calls attention
to the multivaried dimensions of the total pollution problem,
in addition to providing specialized insight. One can
easily imagine, then, that pollution of the environment can
be solved in "many splendored" ways.
Each of these three basic perspectives, however, fails
to sufficiently address a more fundamental characteristic
of the American people: the American being, searching for
ever-higher standards of living, has shown himself to be an
acquisitive, consumptive animal. For example, while the
United States contains only about 6 percent of the world's
population, it consumes between 40 percent and 60 percent
of the world's resources. A variety of crises pyramid; fuel
and energy problems are compounded by dependency on Middle-
Eastern oils. Demands for energy rise disproportionately
faster-much faster—than the ability to supply these demands.
These observations lead to the realization that the problem
of pollution can neither be properly nor completely analyzed
and understood without taking into consideration the alarming
phenomenon of consumption—defined here as the usage and
disposal of energy and resources—that characterizes American
society.
*The research team producing the original report was headed
by Mary Beth Olsen and included Ethan Bickelhaupt, Donnie H.
Grimsley, Pamela Scott and Cherie Sue Lewis.
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Major Phases of Study
Accordingly, the research effort of the EPA Summer
Fellows materialized as a report encompassing seven major
phases of the study: (a) a consumption model was concep-
tualized and developed in the introduction; (b) a method-
ology was proposed and subsequently utilized to handle the
analysis; (c) data presentations were defined and categorized
for modular incorporation; (d) a top-ten listing of consumer
pollutants was presented and justified; (e) their consumption
patterns were analyzed; (f) other areas of consumer pollution
were noted; and (g) future considerations for research were
presented in an advancement of a theoretical input-output
model for household consumption. A discussion of each of
these sections follows, including the presentation of the
findings of the research.
The Production-Consumption Flow
In the early stages of the project, the Fellows felt a
need for a vehicle that would conceptualize and coalesce
the major aspects or parameters of research. Such a vehicle
would be easily grasped, as a fundamental truth or given,
and would act as a reference point or base for the research
to follow. The production-consumption flow became that
vehicle. A basic flow of goods, materials, and services
exists in any society to serve the needs and the desires of
the populace in terms of food, clothing, and shelter. As
the society becomes more advanced and its basic needs are
satisfied, the wish for certain desires replaces needs and
expands to include, for example, recreation, education,
cosmetic medical attention, and other personal services
and goods. In American society, as in most other advanced,
industrialized nations, this flow of goods and services to
the consuming public constitutes the primary basis for the
entire economy: The strength of the nation depends on and
is judged by this higher complex and interdependent, inter-
related system of products and services.
The flow of products divides into two basic segments,
production and consumption. Production, the first segment
of the flow cycle, begins with decisions regarding raw
materials, the collection and processing of these materials,
the industrial decisions to produce certain products in
certain ways, the production of interindustry products and
services, decisions regarding final production of consumer
(rather than industrial) goods and services, and lastly, the
final production itself of those goods and services. Thus
the vast interindustry flows of materials and services such
as buildings, equipment, machinery, and business services
are all aimed at filling certain intermediate steps in the
eventual flow of products and services to the consumer.
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The connecting steps between production and consumption
include the network of delivery (distribution) and retailing
(marketing) of goods and services to the consumer, including
final purchase of those goods and services by the consumer.
Consumption, the second segment of the flow cycle,
involves decisions regarding product usage, the actual usage
of the goods and services, decisions regarding disposal, and
the ultimate disposal. In the aggregate, the various
consumption decisions and processes constitute consumer demand,
which provides effective feedback for the various production
decisions. Figure 1 presents the total production-consumption
flow. Insofar as this flow is the basis of the economy, it
provides the most comprehensive approach to analyzing the
problems of pollution. Figure 1 also presents, then, the
production-consumption model.
The Model
The production-consumption model is composed of process,
decision, and feedback components. Significantly, pollution
results from every process along the flow. The first process,
the collection of raw materials needed to make the product,
encompasses the excavation of mineral and chemical substances,
the cutting and removal of lumber, the commercial catching of
fish, and other actions. Pollution from excavation includes
such things as acid mine drainage, slag piles as a resultant
solid waste, and pollution resulting from the operation of
machinery and equipment, including pollution from the generation
of electricity as well as from the operation of internal
combustion engines. Pollution from harvesting fish includes
oil-spill discharges from engine operations and solid waste
discharges from boat operations.
The next process in the flow of goods to the consumer
involves interindustry flows of materials which include the
manufacturing of equipment, the construction of buildings
and other structures, the delivery of agricultural products,
the provision of business services, and the manufacture of
intermediary products prior to the inception of production
for final consumer demand. Pollution from the interindustry
segment is characterized by typical air, water, and land
pollutants from manufacturing, commerce, and construction,
as well as agricultural pollution such as suspended and
dissolved solids and pesticides and herbicides.
The next process is final production for the consumer.
This process is defined as including only those activities
and processes which result directly in goods and services
flowing to a final consumer; interindustry flows are
excluded. It includes pollution from the final production
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of goods as well as from final delivery services, such as
transportation and construction of buildings for retail
activities. The resulting pollutants include dissolved and
suspended solids, organic compounds, carbon monoxide, and
solid wastes.
The final segment of the flow includes the usage and
disposal of goods and services by the consumer, and it is
the first process in which pollution is directly attributable
to the consumer. Usage pollution includes pollution from
the use of residential water and land, domestic electricity,
pesticides and fertilizer, automobiles and air conditioning.
Usage pollution depends essentially on these factors: the
frequency, mode, and completeness of use; extent or utility
of product usage; and the product's quality or efficiency.
Disposal pollution is the more obvious solid-waste generation.
Product discarding includes, for example, auto, stove, and
refrigerator hulks and other used consumer durables.
The second portion of the model is the decision component.
The decision components of the flow divide into the two cate-
gories of production and consumption. Production decisions
encompass (a) raw material decisions, (b) interindustry
production decisions, and (c) final product decisions.
Consumption decisions are (a) purchase-and-usage decision,
and (b) disposal decision. Obviously little or no direct
pollution is generated by these various decision components.
However, these decisions are obviously just as vital in that
they determine the type and amount of pollution that will be
produced by and result from each of the processes. So, any
attempt to solve the problems of pollution must be aimed at
these decision points because these decisions may be regarded
as the causes of pollution.
Significantly, the production-consumption model shows a
shared responsibility for the resultant pollution. The raw
material decision to strip mine coal shares the burden for
pollution with the interindustry production decision to
process and use electricity, among other things, with the
decision of final product (i.e., delivery to the consumer
and carbon monoxide pollution); as well as with the consumption
decisions of the consumer, who burns the coal and creates
particulate pollution and otherwise adds to the smog condition.
The consumer decision to purchase ever-newer automobiles,
works backward to the interindustry decision to produce steel,
and earlier, to strip mine coal.
The third portion of the model is the feedback component.
The feedback components consist of the (a) demand and (b)
recycling feedback loops. Of these, demand is the more
important feedback component. Consumer demand traditionally
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has been viewed in terms of the effects of purchase decisions
only on the final product decisions. The model indicates
quite clearly that demand feedback plays a greatly expanded
role. Not only does consumer demand influence all the
production decisions, but the production chain of raw material-
interindustry-final product shows an interrelated dependency
which explains that any given production decision also
influences those production decisions that preceded it. The
recital, and subsequent assessment, of responsibility in the
coal-steel-auto example is based on the interactions of this
demand-feedback loop. From consumer on back, all can be seen
to share responsibility for the total problem of pollution.
Recycling, as the second feedback component, is the
reclamation of raw material or intermediary product for
productive usage once more. The solid waste which results
after usage of the consumer item is a function of the type,
frequency, and completeness of the usage method, as well as
the quality of the product. Various wastes can be differenti-
ally reintegrated into the industrial system depending on the
original quality and upkeep of the product, the various types
of components (i.e., metals, woods, plastics, and other
synthetics) used in combination to make the product, and
differential technologies that are applied to the recycling
process. An assessment of recycling potentialities would
only partially include the ease (and cost) of recycling
products. In addition, an emphasis on product quality would
extend product life and thus economize on the energy power
and other resources otherwise necessary to reclaim the
recycled product to usable form.
In terms of application of the model, demand for goods
and services begins with the consumer. His demand feeds
back into the chain process and creates the other demands
for intermediate goods and services and raw materials. And,
to the extent that the purpose of production is to satisfy
demand, demand stands unmasked as the effective cause of
pollution. However, even through the model places the
greatest emphasis on consumer demand as the effective causal
agent of pollution, it reaffirms industry's and its accompanying
technology's responsibility in the creation of new consumer
items or new forms of consumer services. Admittedly, the
model does not attempt to quantify in a specific manner the
relative importance of each of these factors. However, it
does more than nominal importance on the role of the consumer
and his independent decision-making process.
Consumer demand is exercised in two dimensions: (a)
the consumer originates demands to fulfill basic needs (food,
shelter, clothing) in conventional forms, and original
consumer needs stimulate production of new items to fill
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current needs in a better way; (b) as a result, convenience/
price, and novelty, as engineered by new technologies and
industries, tend to enlarge consumer markets and modify
consumer demand through advertising. This new production
and technology expands present consumer markets with lower
prices and greater convenience, while advertising brings
new products to the attention of the consuming public and
helps to initiate other needs which it can supply. In a
way, it creates and modifies consumer demand, and thus it
ever sustains the repetitive flow of goods and services in
the economy.
The question of who indeed is to blame for pollution
and who is responsible for the environment is hotly debated.
Arguments are based on the nature of biological systems,
on the role of industry and economics in the society, on
the morality of interference with individual freedom, and
so on. Depending on the perspective, responsibility seems
to shift from overpopulation, to industrial organization,
to partialistic technology, to inefficient or nonexistent
common property resource management.
This model, however, contributes a wider perspective
and recognizes that responsibility for pollution and
environmental malfunctions rests with decision-makers at
all levels. This model, by centering on the entire
production-consumption cycle, is able to focus attention
on all the relevant factors contributing to the pollution.
The industrial decisions to use particular production
methods and materials, the effective control mechanisms
for common property resource use, the increasing number
of consumers, their mounting affluence levels (a function
of rising incomes and assets), and their resultant mounting
product demands can each be evaluated as to- their influence
on total pollution.
An example of a consumer product illustrates the model
in use. Paper lunch bags versus steel lunchboxes serves
as an illustration of this cycle of demand, production,
and use. Assume, for the sake of simplicity, that consumers
demand lunch containers, and that two kinds of lunch
containers exist, paper bags and steel lunchboxes. This
consumer product demand for lunch containers places decision
demands on the final producers who must decide which type
of container, paper or metal, will be produced. On the
basis of marketing information the final producers decide
to produce some appropriate mix of the two products. The
final producers then place demands on the interindustry
producers for equipment and machinery needed to manufacture
the paper and steel which will go into them. These demands,
in turn, place demands on the raw material producers and
extractors for the wood and iron ore needed. Differential
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pollution is thus produced at each of the production
processes, depending on the material.
After the consumer exercises his perogative of product
choice, he then uses his lunch container differentially,
perhaps only once or a limited number of times in the
case of the paper bag but repeatedly in the case of the
metal lunchbox. Finally, the differential matter of
disposal, either through recycling or just plain throwing
the container away, determines whether the demand for
another lunch container does or does not reoccur. Adver-
tising may affect or change consumer choice. The model
shows that the flow of goods and services from raw materials
to final disposal is not linear and static, but instead it
is circular and dynamic and constantly adjusts itself
through the mechanism of the various feedback loops.
Methodology Design
The methodology for the study of consumption differen-
tials approximated an input-output format. The data dealing
with the production sequence of the flow chart were obtained
from previous studies by Ronald G. Ridker1 at Resources For
the Future, Washington, D. C. These studies began with
an input-output model of the American economy developed
earlier in the Bureau of Business and Economic Research at
the University of Maryland under the direction of Clopper
Almon. This model contains some 185 production sectors,
126 of which are attributable to personal consumption.
The model defines these sectors as special aggregates of
the two- and three-digit standard industrial classification
(SIC) codes of the U.S. Department of Commerce. For each
of these sectors, the material provided by Resources for
the Future gives "pollution emissions per dollar of output
of each sector in the base year, 1967.
The model divides pollutants into the categories of
air, water, and solids, and further separates air pollution
emissions from heat and power generation and emissions
from industrial processes. Air pollutant emissions factors
for coal, gas, and fuel oil derived from several sources
were used to calculate total emissions from heat and power
generation for manufacturing sectors; fuel consumption
information was obtained from the Census of Manufacturers
(1963). For nonmanufacturing sectors emissions were applied
to the output base of a particular sector to calculate
emissions from heat and power generation. In a similar
manner air pollution emissions coefficients from industrial
processes were developed per unit of output. Finally, the
combined coefficients for air pollution emissions of both
types were provided.
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To a significant degree the International Research
and Technology Corporation provided the water pollution
data for the RFF work in A Model for Strategic Allocation
of Water Pollution Abatement Funds.2The data included
emission factors, urban waste water, and runoff, and waste
water from livestock.
Solid waste loads generated by particular sectors in
1967 came from information included in previous studies,
such as one in which Combustion Engineering, Inc.,
developed solid waste coefficients by dividing waste
loads by output base.
The core model was presented through a series of
input-output equations. The equations represented total
outputs (the 185 production sectors), intermediate and
final demands. The direct and indirect requirements per
dollar of final demand, in short a presentation of inter-
industry transactions, were developed.
Basic Data
The basic data for consumption expenditures was taken
from Expenditure Patterns of the American Family developed
by the National Conference Board in New York in 1965. The
National Conference Board (NCB) data was collected through
a survey conducted by the Bureau of Labor Statistics of
the U.S. Department of Labor to determine average annual
family expenditures for the years 1960 and 1961. The
survey is based on a representative cross-section of the
nation's nonfarm population.
In working with the production-consumption model the
Fellows reconciled the consumption categories in the NCB
data with the product categories in Almon's "pollution
from production" data in .The American Economy to 1975.^
On the basis of all information the Fellows painstakingly
developed an original classification of sectors by product
usage in conjunction with the NCB consumption categories,
and they noted sectors which were not classifiable for
further consideration.
After organizing the final consumption-production
categories the Fellows calculated consumption patterns by
groups. They decided to use proportions of the family
budget spent on each of the ascertained categories to
update these proportions to the year 1970, rather than
use the actual dollar figures. Therefore the proportion
of the budget spent for the consumer categories differen-
tial inflation in product categories would reflect the
increased family income and the actual rate of inflation
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in the economy as a whole. The Fellows organized NCB data
on consumption by different groups into its appropriate
consumption-production category, and developed charts to
show proportions of the family budget spent for the
reorganized 48 product categories by different consumption
groups in terms of region, age of head of household, and
income for the United States as a whole for 1960.
The 1960 data on consumer spending compiled by the
Bureau of Labor Statistics was the last complete survey
which explored differential consumption patterns by the
analytical groups chosen for the study, by region, age
of head of household, and income. To develop 1970 proportions,
a wide range of information sources between 1960 and 1970
were integrated into the updating effort.
Pollutant Categories
In the data presentations included were the data on
pollution by each of the product categories for 12 categories
of pollutants, under the three major headings of water, air,
and solid waste. Water pollutants included biological
oxygen demand, suspended solids, dissolved solids, phosphate
compounds, waste water, and nitrogen. Air pollutants
included particulate, nitrous oxides, carbon monoxide,
hydrocarbons, and sulfur oxides. The solid waste category
included no itemized pollutants. The findings showed that
the top 10 (of 12) categories studied represented only 30
percent to 55 percent of all consumption expenditures, yet
65 percent to 90 percent of all pollution in each category.
These percentages imply that efforts to combat pollution can
and probably should be concentrated on those few consumer
commodities that result in the greatest pollution. In
general, agricultural products are the preponderant source
of water pollution. Utilities, housing, and automobile
products are the major contributors to air pollution, and
they produce the bulk (80 percent) of the solid waste
pollution. (Utilities, housing, and automobiles contribute
primarily inorganic solid waste; agricultural products
contribute primarily organic solid waste.)
Top Ten Consumer Pollutants and Their Consumption Patterns
Certain categories of consumer items reappear at the
top of each pollutant list with significant frequency. Ten
high consumer polluting industries are shown in Table 1
The categories depicted in Table 1 could be considered
responsible for a major portion of pollution in the U.S.
economy, and consumption patterns for these items must
become the focal point in any discussion of reducing
pollution by reducing consumption of highly polluting itemf
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The Fellows examined consumption patterns for the three
main classifications of region, age of head of household,
and income in relationship to the top 10 list of consumer
pollutants. In terms of income, the two highest income
groups (over $10,000 per year) overcontributed to the
pollution problem by their consumption of these 10 items.
These two income groups, comprising 44 percent of the
population, contributed an average of 65 percent of the
total pollution for these 10 items. The two lowest income
group, earning under $5,000 per year, containing 29 percent
of the population, contributed an average of only 10 per-
cent of the pollution. The consumer items that the lowest
income group contributed the most pollution were food and
shelter items (or necessities) while the highest income
groups contributed the most pollution in insurance, apparel,
autos, and toiletries (or, as can be surmised, the luxuries).
In terms of age of head of household, the group with
heads of households 25 to 54 years of age overconsume
compared to their proportion of the population. Especially
high is the group with heads of households aged 35 to 54
which comprises 38 percent of the population but average
49 percent of the aggregate consumption expenditures and
therefore contribute 49 percent of the pollution. Interest-
ingly, the group with heads of household 55 to 64 years old
balances neatly at 17 percent of the consumption expenditures
and 17 percent of the population. The two extreme groups,
with age of head of household either under 25 or over 65,
both underconsume relative to their percentage of the
population. The over-65 age-group is especially notable
because it comprises 19 percent of the population and
averages only 7 pexcent of the aggregate consumption
expenditures. Food and shelter commodities are their major
or highest proportional expenditures; for the 35 to 54 age-
group, apparel, insurance, and toiletries are highest.
Thus, if pollution is to be reduced through a reduction in
consumption expenditures, attention should be focused on
those groups who consume most heavily, or those in which
the age of head of households are 25 to 54 years old.
The northeast and northcentral regions overconsume
relative to their proportions of the population. Comprising
24 percent and 27 percent of the population respectively,
they contribute 27 percent and 29 percent of the consumption
expenditures and therefore those percentages of the pollution.
The South, however, contributes less than its share of
consumption expenditures. This fact may result partly from
its lower median income ($6,445 per year versus $8,511 in
the northeast and $8,242 in the northcentral region, and
$7,976 in the West). Between regions the differences in
proportional consumption expenditures are small, and
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differences in specific consumption categories are random.
A more detailed analysis of consumption patterns yielded
no additional information. The Fellows roncluded that for
a reduction in pollution by an alteration in consumption
patterns, concentrating on income and age of head of house-
hold consumer differentials becomes more relevant than con-
centrating on regional differences.
The Fellows analyzed the consumption patterns of the
top 10 consumer pollutants to assign responsibility for
pollution both to decision-makers in production and to
consumers who demand the final products. Viewed in this
perspective one can reduce pollution (a) by changing
production methods and materials and (b) by altering
consumption patterns.
Analysis revealed that many polluting products are
those which are essential to health. Thus any change in
consumption patterns will have to take place among specific
food substitutes rather than between food categories.
Other high polluting products reflect the desire for comfort
and economic security. To alter consumption patterns in
these categories should be somewhat easier than in essential
food categories, nevertheless such changes will be difficult
even if they are deemed desirable because adequate substitutes
would have to be provided.
Despite overconsumption by the higher income levels,
in terms of policy-making the Fellows recommended that little
consideration should be given to the consumption levels of
either the very high and very low income levels because of
the small size of these groups in relationship to the massive
middle class America that significantly impacts the pollution
problem. National policy must look to the causative forces
if the nation is to reduce pollution levels by altering
consumption patterns.
Analysis Limitations
The type of consumption-pollution analysis employed
carried three important limitations. The first was the
masking of highly polluting industries. The input-output
analysis used is concerned with and emphasizes final
consumer goods, the pollution by interindustry producers
was distributed over those consumer items to which their
production process contributed. In the paper, auto, and
electrical energy generating industries, a major portion
of their output is delivered to other industrial users
and producers, and the analysis also attributes that
portion of their pollution. The policy-maker is confronted
with difficult assessments in the possible trade-offs in
consumer items. Choices would be most difficult without
elaborate evaluative mechanisms.
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The second limitation deals with imports. Some U.S.-
produced goods were exported, yet the pollution was not,
in the sense that it was distributed over the total amount
of goods purchased in the United States. Thus on some
items, especially those heavily exported, pollution caused
per dollar of item bought was higher than it should have
been. Counterbalancing this ratio are the goods imported
to the United States with a pollution counts recorded
against them. If they balance each other, the net pollution
effect is zero. However, this subject appears to warrant
further study.
The final area of concern deals with the spatial
distribution of pollution. One of the most important
variables in pollution severity is the concentration or
dispersion of pollution sources. If the pollution is
dispersed over wide areas, the natural ecological system
can more easily deal with the pollutants. Pollution
problems are amplified by the concentration of pollution
in small areas because concentrations and interactions of
pollutant reinforce strains on the environment. Again,
available data were inadequate to the task of this analysis
because it dealt only with the total amounts of pollutants
put into the environment by various industrial processes.
The study of the use of the product by the consumer
was to be the second major component of the consumption
model. However, a brief investigation of the categories
of consumer product usage, water, electrical energy, and
transportation revealed that the magnitude of the effort
required to adequately^ evaluate pollution impact of consumer
product usage was not Within the capability of the research
team because of time and resource limitations, not to
mention the difficulty of obtaining readily available
pertinent data. Notwithstanding, the Fellows developed
a limited number of generalizations from these brief
investigations but they could not adequately support them
by thorough research. The Fellows reported these topics
as requiring further substantiation by empirical research:
They included residential and and household water consumption,
household electrical energy consumption, and use of trans-
portation systems by socio-economic classes.
The solid waste component of the consumption model was
the final stage of the product flow. Solid waste generated
in the industrial and agricultural production of consumer
items had been taken into consideration in the production
component of the model. The remaining part of the solid
waste component left to be analyzed was that portion of
solid waste generated by the residential sector. A survey
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of available research in the area of differential residential
generation of solid waste revealed only a very limited amount
of pertinent work. The Fellows could make no national
generalizations. The nature of the research was such that
it was not representative of the nation. Residential solid
waste generation would be another propitious area for future
research.
Other Considerations for Research
Other future considerations for research include a
theoretical input-output model for household consumption.
Such a model would suggest a means of assessing differential
pollutants and their sources. The effects of household
could be traced from consumer buying patterns through
product utilization habits, with accompanying energy
usages, to the eventual waste or disposal of the products
consumed. In attempting to set up a consumptive model of
pollution, the Fellows found one essential piece of
information lacking, that of differential usage of products.
Consumer usage, wastage, and disposal warrants much more
study.
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REFERENCES
^Commission on Population Growth and the American Future,
Research Reports of the Commission on Population Growth and
the American Future, Vol. Ill, Population, Resources, and
the Environment, Ronald G. Ridker, Ed. (Washington, D.C.:
Government Printing Office, 1972.
2
Ivars Gutmanis, Leslie Ayers, and Charles Schultze;
November 1970
3Clopper Almon, Jr. (New York: Harper-Row, 1969).
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SECTION V
OUTDOOR RECREATION AND THE ENVIRONMENT*
The work ethic is under challenge. Americans increasingly
look to their nonwork lives to fulfill needs not met by the
job. While to many the merits of continuous labor and
accomplishment are devices and the capacity to obtain and
and hold a good job is the test of participation in society,
the shifts in emphasis and changing values underlies a leisure
boom.
Some of the shift results from disenchantment with the
repetitive piece-of-the-job work of an industralized society.
The nature of the work is a strong influence on whether the
incentive is for pay only or for such things as accomplish-
ment, service, and status. And, many of those individuals
who achieved a sense of identity in their work as well as
pay are reacting against what in a contemporary society is
considered as an excess of work.
The rise in leisure spending is an indication of the
extent of the boom in the activities. For example, one
report indicates a move from 1967 expenditures on recreation-
sports equipment of $9.6 billion to a 1972 projected expendi-
ture of $18 billion. Another indication of the boom is the
increased participation in outdoor recreation. For example,
the National Park Service visitor count moved from 140
million in 1967 to 172 million in 1970.
The increase in activity is associated with increasing
population and increasing participation rates. There are
also differentials in participation according to age groups.
The younger groups are high participants, and in recent
years the median age of the population has shifted downward.
Increases in leisure time also buoy up leisure activity.
Reductions in the length of the work week, increases in
paid holidays, larger vacations, and early retirement all
foster increases in leisure activities.
The rise in personal disposable income has been another
factor as Has higher levels of educational attainment. Add
to this the increase in mobility, and the resulting boom is
obvious. ^ °~
The impact of the .boom includes a heavier demand on
existing facilities and a demand for additional facilities.
The potential strain on the ecological carrying capacity
is an environmental concern. This study focuses on the
relationship between outdoor recreation and the environment.
*The research team producing the original report was headed
by Benno Kimmelman and included Keith Bildstein, Paul Bujak,
William Horton, and Mary Savina.
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Outdoor Recreation on Private Land
The private sector is playing a major role in providing
outdoor recreational opportunities for the American public.
A wide diversity of recreational enterprise and environmental
effects already exist.
Private forest lands provide substantial opportunities
of which much of the public is unaware. Ample resources
are available, but bringing such resources into use presents
some problems. Some forestry firms have no objection to
picnicing or hiking but are not prepared to provide support
facilities for organized recreation, such as sanitary
facilities and electric power. They are reluctant to charge
the public for usage which is free or at under cost on
public land.
Potential liability to visitors is another discouraging
aspect to public use of private land. Additionally, some
companies report substantial damage through vandalism.
Apparently, the use of such lands needs to be managed.
Private camp grounds provide excellent examples of
management, both good and bad. It is a blooming business.
Franchised campgrounds with cross country reservation
systems facilitate the rising use of such facilities.
However, sometimes the industry of use and mode of use not
only adversely affect the environment but also destroy the
very benefits being sought.
Ski resorts, another booming business, have similar
problems. The character of development required for ski
resorts may be more damaging to the environment than, say,
camping. Thus, the sophistication of design requirements
is greater. The study examines several examples of problem
situations and approaches.
The issues raised include ecological balance, and
fiscal cost-revenue operations. Sometimes the issues are
based on different value judgments and aesthetics; the
question becomes one of whose costs and whose benefits.
But action results from opinion stemming from activism of
environmental groups and in some case state regulation.
Second homes provide a different dimension to recreation.
The majority (63%) are used on a seasonal basis, while many
(28%) are used intermittently throughout the year. A small
percentage (6%) are used for retirement. The dimension
differs because the home may be used in conjunction with
other recreational facilities.
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Second homes are generally within reasonable travel to
metropolitan areas. The major difficulty seems to be that
second home developments generally have the same problems
that are found in urban settings. Some examples are
discussed in the study. Public and private centers procedures
are discussed.
Theme parks, amusement parks built around a unifying
idea, are a recent development. Currently 12 such parks
exist and at least 8 more are in the planning stage.
Disneyland, the first such park in the United States,
opened in 1955. Its attendance the first year was 3.8
million persons; In 1971 it was 9.4 million persons.
While not all theme parks operate on such a scale,
the size is such that each of them exerts a substantial
impact. The nature and extent of such impact is discussed
with particular reference to Disney World, an enterprise
in Florida which again is not typical. The discussion
covers not only the internal provision of public facilities
and disposal of waste but also the external impact on
economic and community development.
In discussing the roles of private enterprise the study
provides some recommendations for providing recreational
opportunity without harm to the environment.
Outdoor Recreation in Coastal Areas
The problems of outdoor recreation in the coastal areas
are inextricably intertwined with problems of intense
population concentrations in the coastal areas. In 1970,
85 percent of the U.S. population resided in the 30 coastal
states, and 49 percent of the population lives in the
coastal counties.
Increasing demand is being made on what are already, in
many cases, inadequate facilities. The study cites figures
indicating substantial increases in use of recreational
facilities.
Most of the demand is in the form of 1-day outings.
Shorelines within a few hours drive of heavy population
concentrations get some very high peak attendances. As
might be surmised, the demand is highest on weekends and
holidays.
The shortage of supply is related to the limited amount
of suitable shoreline in proximity to the population and the
fact that only a portion of suitable shoreline is unused by
federal and state authority for public use. In some cases
the public has no access to public beaches because of
intervening private property.
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The intense use of shoreline land leads to man-made
changes along the beach that may result in erosion. In some
cases substantial amounts of beaches are lost.
The environmental impact also results from the dumping
of industrial and domestic waste into the water. Problems
include those emanating from concentrated waste from chemical
and thermal pollution as well as untreated domestic waste.
Improper use of motor vehicles on the beach may cause
significant environmental damage. Dune buggies have torn
away grass vital to dune ecology, and the noise has a
disturbing effect on shore birds. Nesting sites and feeding
ground are destroyed.
Intensive use of shore areas bring the urban problems
such as those of trash and inadequate sanitary facilities.
Because of trash may include unused food, it may create
serious difficulties in the natural food chain for birds
and other wild life. These problems are in addition to
the usual water pollution.
Development of more shoreline already publicly owned
would ameliorate some of the problems. Acquisition of more
shoreline for public use, an approach which is becoming
increasingly more expensive would also be of aid. But
increasing the supply is not sufficient. More sound environ-
mental management policies are necessary to protect the
environment.
The study provides an example of a shoreline plan which
includes industry and population distribution as well as
agriculture and energy supply. All of the sectors are
combined with a recreation cycle in a design to produce
little pollution and a minimal effect on the environment.
Outdoor Recreation in Urban Areas
The review of the research on outdoor recreation in
urban areas emphasized the inadequacy of outdoor recreation
in urban areas rather than the environmental impact of the
boom in the demand for facilities. The environmental
effects discussed were mainly those of the beneficial effects
of the parks and recreation with some related pollution
problems.
Differential Participation Rates. Various studies cited
indicate that the availability and usage of outdoor recreati-
onal facilities differs significantly among various locations
in the urban area and among the population groups with such
factors as income, age, and sex. The analyses problem are
confounded by a variety of measurement problems.
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The standards generally used are inadequate. The most
common measurement of acres of land in recreation, acres per
capita, and number of acres deal with a physical supply
without a quality measure so that the availability of the
service is not quantified. For example, the services of a
crowded playground differ substantially on a per acre basis.
The addition of money invested per capita is of some aid,
but the measurement of availability of services is still
deficient.
Attempts have been made at development of city recreation
and accessibility indices, but these have been frustrated by
methodological problems especially data collection and
classification. Notwithstanding these problems some measure
of availability was possible.
The result is that the center-city resident has
relatively little outdoor recreational opportunity as
compared with the suburbanite. Part of this difference
results from the competition among alternative land uses.
Recreation land-use stands its best chance where the land
in question has been rejected for other uses (usually
because of its physical characteristics affecting develop-
ability). Thus, the most valuable close-in land is least
likely to be used for outdoor recreation.
The demand for urban recreation is commonly measured
in terms of population size, need (as reflected in desire),
and participation. Measurement problems have led most
studies to use population and participation rates. The
state of the art review, however, emphasizes the need and
desire.
Among the findings are the following: Population shifts
while providing a relative decline in population totals for
central cities has increased the concentration of poor, old,
black, and one- and two-person households in the area of
low availability of public outdoor recreation. Low-income
families generally have low participation rates for most of
the outdoor recreational activities. The more densely popula-
ted areas generally use the recreation areas more intensely
and the nature of use varies with the character of urban
location.
Using present participation to assess potential usage
becomes quite difficult. If supply is dealt with in
physical terms of facilities and demand in use of facilities
then demand exists only when supply exists. The difficulty
is that latent potential use, particularly in differing
recreation forms remains latent. The study indicates that
neither design of parks nor personnel are really attuned to
the market.
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The studies discussed concern the nonresponsiveness of
parks to contemporary needs and the presence of problems
such as crime. The underutilization is thus not simply a
disinterest in parks and recreation but possibly a case of
inadequacy in services available.
Environmental Impact. The study discussed the environ-
mental impact of the urban environment on the people who live
in the city. It emphasizes the relief provided by recreactional
land. The study also discusses the impact of the urban
environment on recreational land.
Impacts noted include: Snow-removal based on salt and
other chemicals which adversely affects soil and trees;
additional damage to trees from vandals, motorists, and
maintenance crews; additionally the "heat island" effect of
heat-absorbing building materials. Beneficial impacts
included the contributions of urban vegetation to air
quality and the reduction of noise levels through use of
green spaces. Urban vegetation may also assist in controlling
water pollution.
The section concludes with some recommendations for
alleviating the current situation of generally inadequate
urban recreation facilities. The recommendations deal
with more equitable distribution of available recreation
services and other aspects implicit in urban management as
well as the need for further research.
Future Recreation Trends
Future recreation trends indicate a difficult process
of balancing an increasing number of participants with the
environmental considerations. All of the factors contributing
to recreational demand—leisure time, education, disposable
income, population growth and mobility—are forecasted to
increase and will result in increased participation.
Demographic Factor. Population projections of the
Bureau of the Census indicate population increases from
1970 to 1980 by 16.9 percent under Series B assumptions
and 11.3 percent under Series E assumptions. The increase
to the year 2000 is projected at 58.4 percent for Series B
and 31.5 percent for Series E.
In either case, unless the supply of facilities is
greatly expanded or the access to facilities is severely
restricted the number of participants and intensity of use
may threaten the reusability of the recreation resource.
The increasing populations intensifies the problems of
congestion and ecological damage.
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The extent of the impact of the numerical increases is
influenced by the age distribution. The effect is difficult
to assess. However, one analysis points to the negative
effect of increased age upon the participation so that the
Series E projections infer substantially less of a public
than the Series B projection.
Irrespective of the series used, the assumptions
generally used are an increasing population concentration
in metropolitan areas. The concentration is forecasted to
increase from 71 percent in 1970 to 85 percent by the year
2000. The metropolitan areas of high concentration are
particularly susceptible to increasing numbers. For
example, in 1970 44 percent of the population lived in
metropolitan areas of 1 million or more. The Series B
projection indicates an increase to 65 percent by the
year 2000 or 63 percent under Series E.
The consequences of such increases are related to the
already heavy demands in the areas of heavy population
concentration. Because many of these areas are along
the coast and hence the increasing coastal problems are
intensified.
The studies indicate that professional and white-collar
workers with advanced education and with associated incomes
are the most active outdoor participants. Since professional
and technical jobs are expanding twice as fast as the total
labor force and education and disposable income are on the
rise, the expectation is for substantially increasing
participation rates.
Increased Leisure Time. Increased leisure time obviously
affects the demand for outdoor recreational facilities.
However, the form of the available time is of substantial
consequence.
Increased time at the end of the day provides some
opportunity for additional outdoor recreation. However,
increased blocks to time such as a 3-day weekend create a
substantial change in recreational facilities requirements.
The federal legislation on Monday holidays has provided
most industries with a 3-day weekend 5 times during the
year. This 4-day week for 10 percent of the year has
produced a substantial effect on leisure travel.
Moves to the 4-day week as a standard practice are
already evident. Typically it is a rearrangement of the
40-hour week into 4 10-hour days rather than 5 8-hour days.
Organized labor, however, is looking for the 5-day, 32 hour
week.
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One study on effect of the 4-day week was based upon
interviews with employers at 13 firms during July and August
1970. In the sample, all free-time activities increased
during the longer weekend. The most significant gains were
in the participant activities (travel, fishing, and hunting,
athletics, swimming, and boating). The striking increases
were in travel (152%) and boating (319%).
Obviously, the study provides only one clue to the
potential use and it is not sufficient for generalization.
The other considerations are for time of the year, locality,
and the like as well as the nature of the 4-day week.
Alternative patterns of what 4-days may exert substantial
effect on the intensity with which facilities are used.
Other aspects of increasing leisure time are increased
vacation time and increased number of holidays. Some
collective bargaining contracts are providing 5 and 6 weeks
of vacation for long-service employees. Plant shutdown
between Christmas and New Year's are also increasing as are
the number of paid holidays. Some unions have gotten up
to 13 and 17 paid holidays.
Early retirement is another boon to increased partici-
pation. Some contracts have early retirement with full
pension benefits at age 56 with 30 years of service.
Not all recipients of lessened work time requirements
opt for recreation as compared to work. Some get second
jobs or increased time on second jobs they already have.
But, the stage is set for an increase in participation
of substantial magnitude, and much of it may occur in the
most extensive-use time which is hardest on the ecological
balance.
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SECTION VI
ENVIRONMENTAL MANAGEMENT*
Environmental management is one of those deceptively
simple terms that unfortunately, conjurs up innumerably
different connotations in different people. As a result,
contemplations and discussions of the concept lead researchers
down a rose-colored path to a bewildering array of environ-
mental as well as managerial concerns. For example, does
environmental management mean unidimensional administrative
management by one public agency over one component of natural
resources, such as water quality control? Or, is environ-
mental management multidimensional responsibility for all
natural resources that cuts across all public regulatory
and other governmental bodies at all levels of local,
regional, state, and federal participation? Just exactly
whose responsibility is it, and what exactly does it cover?
Disciplinary Viewpoints
Conceptual considerations such as these were among the
most difficult early aspects of the environmental management
study. The EPA Summer Fellows basically determined at the
outset to define environmental management. This definition
was accomplished partially by identifying and examining who
was performing environmental management, and what their
roles were. Accordingly, the viewpoints of ecologists,
economists, systems analysts, political scientists, and legal
theorists were reviewed. Reference sources and materials
were identified and collected in order that, at a minimum,
the background state-of-the-art on the subject might be
documented. The state-of-the-art was the first purpose,
and accomplishment, of the summer study.
Data collection and synthesis as well as continual
study and analysis of the diverse materials produced many
mentally frustrating periods. Intensive grappling with
interpretations of the term environment management—including
concepts of the Fellows as well as those of the "experts"—
along with its appropriate range and depth of content,
hightened these frustrations. They sought an analytical
breakthrough but it was always intermingled with other highly
personal frustrations inherent in the 24-hour resident,
small, research-intensive, group process that was situated
in a rather idyllic, pastoral campus setting within the
city confines of Washington, D. C.
*The research team producing the original report was headed
by Larry A. Nelsen and included Robert Blacksberg, Michael
Freemark, Karn Otteson and Katherine Platt.
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Definition
An early and most challenging purpose of the .youthful,
five-person research team was to structure an analytical
framework as a classificatory beginning for later evaluative
efforts of environmental management. Within the obvious
constraints of an 11-week summer program and the limitations
of available manpower, the Fellows logically determined
that the research design should be limited and defined.
Accordingly, they defined environmental management as the
guidance, direction, and control by the government of the
use of natural resources through the employment of certain
tools, and environmental concerns were viewed as the basic
categories of natural resources: air water, land, biological
systems, minerals, and energy). Management was clarified
as the role public responsibility, including local, city,
county, substate, state, interstate, and federal adminis-
trative structures.
The approach taken by the authors was a theoretical and
yet present-day definition of environment management, one
that would be logical, consistent, defensible, and operational.
They defined an environmental manager as any public figure
who had power or authority over certain elements of the
natural resource environment. This definition could readily
guide their classification of present-day environmental
management efforts because it specified a set of activities
which came under the authority of the environmental manager.
Classification Schema
To carry the methodology from classification to analysis
and evaluation, the Fellows sought a means of linking environ-
ment and management together in a conceptual system of
environmental management. . They determined that the tools
employed to carry out the public responsibilities of environ-
mental management provided this link. These tools include
the courts, economic measures, regulatory requirements, public
investment and grants, and interagency requirements. Thus
environmental concerns were joined with public management
structures through the "tools" of environmental management,
thus creating a three-part classification scheme for study
organization and subsequent component analysis.
In further clarification and development of the classi-
fication scheme, the Fellows determined that the environmental
concerns of air, water, land, biological systems, minerals,
and energy controlling three types of impacts were: (a)
residual and adverse impacts; (b) supplies, consumption, and
beneficial impacts; and (c) resource recovery, recycling, and
restoration (uniquely labeled the four R's). The public
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management structures included and embraced city councils,
managers and mayors; county boards of supervisors and county
executives; local departments and agencies; state governors,
commissions, agencies, superagencies, boards; federal,
presidential, and congressional offices and agencies; and
local, state, and federal courts. The environmental manage-
ment classification of tools stipulated the dimensions of
the variety of actions of the courts, economic and regulatory
measures, public investment and grants, and interagency
measures. Together, these three descriptive dimensions—that
is, environmental functions or concerns, public management
structures, and the array of adhesive, managerial tools—
combined to form the classification table. All of these
component parts constituted the first level of evaluation.
Levels of Evaluation
Each report was to make three levels of evaluation and
each level was to raise the analysis of environmental manage-
ment to an even higher degree of sophistication. At the
first level of evaluation a three-dimensional table was
formed which listed on one axis the governmental structures
(or agencies) responsible for the job of environmental
management; on the second axis the tools which the environ-
mental manager could use in managing the environment; and
on the third axis the functions (or responsible concerns) of
the environmental manager, including, for example, air
pollution control or land-use management, without the broader
and basic environmental (natural resource) caregories of air,
water, land, biological systems, minerals, and energy. The
classification table represented a new approach in ordering
a logical framework to assist in the subsequent evaluation
of environmental management programs.
Specifically, however, the evaluation needed a standard
against which present-day environmental management efforts
would be measured. After great difficulty, the Fellows
determined that the definition of environmental management
needed amplification to describe a desired state or goal of
"what should be," rather than merely "what is" or what
present exists. Consequently the term envirological
management came to describe the state of what environmental
management should achieve. They established five criteria
as objectives which the environmental manager must balance
in order to achieve envirological management. These five
criteria are human health, economic growth, social growth,
ecosystem balance, and aesthetics or amenities.
Unfortunately, time did not permit the examination of
particular combinations of all entries of the three dimensional
table. Thus the reader would not know exactly how well local
health department control of air pollution through damage
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taxes would work, but he would learn something about local
health departments, air pollution control, and damage taxes.
He would also have a frame of reference with the triad base
of structures, functions, and tools to later begin his own
analysis and evaluation.
Findings of the Study
Overall, the classification table worked reasonably well
It provided a coherent ordering to the dimensions of environ-
mental management. However, entries comprising the tools
dimension required greater refinement than was accorded to
them in the study. A more discrete delineation would
immeasurably aid the more sophisticated tiers or levels of
evaluation to follow. For example, many different types of
incentives, with many degrees of application, are available
to a superagency (i.e., a state environmental protection
agency) to control energy consumption. Yet the study did
not provide a greater refinement of given incentives as they
were identified in various environmental programs. For
many of the broader-category tools, subdivision of an entry
would be recommended for sharper focus and clearer analysis.
As an indication of the complexity of the succeeding levels
of analysis and evaluation, however, the addition of one
new entry adds 500 cells to the table.
With respect to the evaluation of structures, greater
variability exists among governmental agency formations,
whether state-to-state, locality-to-locality, or agency-to-
agency. Thus, authority and responsibility vary, as does
capability and subsequent performance. Measurement and
judgment is necessarily general rather than detailed, for
examination of these structures in all of their ramifications
had to be limited. Therefore general characteristics are
noted rather than specific ones.
The classification table acted merely as a guide to
actual evaluation or the testing phase rather than as a
detailed set of procedural specifications. Consequently
evaluations were unstructured and subject to little control.
A failure resulted in adequately assessing the validity of
the testing process, and hence called into question the
validity of the evaluations themselves. Subjectivity of
judgment softens the contribution of the report.
In particular, the study failed to focus on specific
environmental program elements in the testing phase inter-
views. In fairness, the research design stipulated the
unstructured, random, open-ended interview. Thus, the
testing process was not subject to validation. While the
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Fellows were reasonably sure that the classification table
itself works well on the basis of general design, they
could not confirm the statements made in the evaluation
of the tabular entries, the "cuts," or the cells.
In terms of study methodology, obviously much is to
be desired. Grasping concrete results is difficulty. Yet,
the subject of environmental management itself is incredibly
broad, wide-ranging, and complex, and deserves a fresh,
thoughtful approach. Admittedly structuring a comprehensive
evaluation—not an evaluation of one agency or one program
or one function or task—but of the entire subject is
certainly not easy. In this regard, certain other findings
of the study may also be useful.
The study revealed that generally environmental
managers performed their tasks with some success. However,
given America's pluralistic society in which each person
performs certain specialties with specific responsibilities
aggregating into an uncoordinated whole or total picture,
the results of environmental management are also foreordained
to fragmented effectiveness. In this manner the environment
is no different from any other management subject. Its
piecemeal management efforts dealing with piecemeal problems
achieve, at best, piecemeal solutions.
Depending on the grasp and scope of the particular
environmental manager, managerial performance ranges from
the standard carrying out of the specific environmental
mandates and tasks assigned to the creative interpretation
of the agency and environmental responsibility. To the
extent that the particular environmental manager has his
own shop under control, he can engage in a broader style
of management encompassing longer-range strategic and
anticipatory planning. He can adequately prepare his
agency for the necessary coordination with others' roles
in related environmental matters and can marshall the full
scenario of plans and resources which gives coherence and
direction or a fuller meaning of mission to his agency.
However, the Fellows found that the subject of environ-
ment is rather a new phenomena. Similarly, the bureaucratic
structures that have arisen to carry out the mandates of the
new legislation dealing with environmental problems have
ill-defined lines of authority and unclear responsibilities.
Managerial creativity takes on a new meaning, and a difficult
one, when interpreting an agency's specific environmental
responsibilities. The age-old bureaucratic phenomena of a
youthful agency struggle for power and influence contributes
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to this unsettled condition. Control of environmental
programs means receipt of funding and staff build-up. It
also means assumption of leadership in the respective
expertise fields.
Similarly, federal responsibilities for the total
environment are relatively new, or at least they appear
so to many persons involved. Therefore, the Environmental
Protection Agency has been known to reverse positions on
particular matters in its evolving search for rulings of
lasting wisdom. After all precedents to use as guidelines
for current decisions are somewhat lacking. Unfortunate
impacts on the state ard local level include time and money
loss and energy drain as local environmental work are
aborted. The search for answers, however, is a mutual
search; no one is especially sagacious.
Moreover, a crisis-type response to environmental
problems exists at all levels of government. Newly drafted
regulations are the palliative employed to "solve" crises-
type problems. And, overreliance on regulatory-type tools
sometimes hampers the search for solutions. For example,
in the case of housing as a land-use concern, locally-
drafted rent-control measures are increasingly viewed as
a "solution" to a quality-of-life environmental problem.
The newly adopted ordinance acts as a palliative rather
than a remedy for an imbalance in the basic economic equation
of demand and supply in housing.
At a minimum, hopefully the rent control ordinance
will serve as a short-term public control on an environ-
mental resource, and buy time for a deeper study of the
issue and a subsequent planned proposal that more adequately
corrects the structural imbalance of the complex urban
system. For the moment, however, environmental managers are
human beings and subject to the community and political
pressures that crescendo as environmental crises.
The fellows observed particularly strong animosity
between the states and the Federal Government on the matter
of regulatory-type tools. Deadline-dates for meeting
national standards are proposed, without adequate consider-
ation of the specifics of implementation. Issuing a decree
is one thing, carrying it out with a reasonable correlation
with reality is another. Action programs of whatever nature
are subject to practical limitations and constraints,
especially at the Icoal level, and these need to be identified
and quantified to match the datelines for "success" with
its probabilities. In this regard, economic tools such as
cost-benefit studies and modeling methodologies would yield
better quantification and predictive results for the environ-
mental managers.
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In another case of environmental concern related to
land use, local sewer moratoria are adopted to arrest urban
development growth. Such moratoria illustrate another
failure of environmental management, a failure to balance
the land resource with peoples' demands for it. Land use
and environmental issues are also tied up with the avail-
ability of other resources, such as capital improvements,
the priority of placement of limited public services (nee,
funds), and the desirability of citizens and residents
subsidizing continued growth. These questions have no
answers today; the issues and their ramifications are
evolving ones.
Historically, environmental crises have focused on
endangered species, endangered rivers, and endangered
wildreness areas. Other crises have dealt with forest
fires and the shortages of timber (both as a lumber commodity
and as recreational preservers). Today, energy crises and
fuel shortages portend further scarcities. Indeed, one can
justifiably cry "wolf in the consideration of any natural
resource, whether it be air, water, land, biological systems,
minerals, or energy.
Moreover, an interdependence among natural resources
transcends present-day capabilities for environmental
management. Too often governmental structures speak to the
responsibility for purification of air or water rather than
air and water, or the impact of land development on both,
as an example. An integration of environmental programs
would be a more rational approach. Acknowledgement by
governmental officials of these self-evident truths has
yet to be reflected in coordinated actions. Unfortunately,
again no easy solutions are available.
In addition, such an integrative approach would begin
to solve the more arduous decisions of environmental trade-
offs. For example, energy and fuel sufficiency is usually
at the cost of other environmental concerns, such as land
must be developed to provide production and transmission
facilities. Environmental management would expand its scope
and mission to assess the full-cost ramifications of one
natural resource versus another, of local and regional-area
groupings and appropriate balance of resources as a composite
picture, of human needs versus purely human desires, and of
the realities of the full implications of costs. The really
hard work of environmental management is yet to come.
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The Manager and the System
Environmental managers, in fairness, cannot anticipate
the shifting public mood of these numerous crises—today's
hot topic, its degree of urgency, and its longevity. Indeed,
the urgencies seem to merge together as one big sustained
environmental mass alarm. Nonetheless, each older as well as
newer crises and recurrent malfunctioning within our growing
metropolitan system seems to occur with greater frequency
and shriller intensity, especially because of the quickening
urban pace and style of living today and its greater toll on
all human and natural resources. More fundamentally, each
and every time a crisis occurs it calls attention to the
conditions of mismanagement and nonmanagement of urban
resources.
However, environmental managers are not totally to blame.
Rather, an urban system especially is a shared style of
living with interdependences abounding. Each person depends
for his/her needs on the specialties of others. No one
stands alone; no one is able to stand alone. Likewise any
blame for the malfunctioning of the environment must more
realistically be shared by all. Environmental managers are
only a part of this broader, total system.
On balance, environmental managers have done something.
Judgment cannot be totally one-sided against them. For
example, the air and water are being cleaned up. Environ-
mental managers have learned to make better measurements of
pollution counts, and they have attacked and usually bettered
many of the observed deficiencies. They have come to under-
stand and to appreciate the resource recovery, recycling,
and restoration process. They have advanced the use of
the environmental impact statement and have engendered a
national environmental awareness with its evolution.
Environmental managers have had to function without a
clear-cut strategy for governing the environment. Yet,
they have not taken a leadership role in the development and
promulgation of that strategy. Fractionalized accountability
has raised the question of who is responsible for environ-
mental policy. At the other end of the responsibility
spectrum, the question is also asked: Who is responsible for
environmental damage? In the final analysis environmental
managers question their proper role, and their goals, in
their concern for the environment—as advocate, protector,
regulator, standard-bearer or -setter, enforcer, monitor,
benefactor, or janitor.
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Environmental Management Summary
In summary, the accomplishments of the EPA Summer Fellows
may be presented as follows. The five-person student team
formulated a definition of environmental management that
delineated a set of activities that they believed to be the
proper purview of environmental managers. Literature
disclosed that no one had yet attempted this. They offered
criteria by which to judge environmental success, and made
a conceptual distinction between governmental environmental
management and the ordinary activities of citizens. Finally,
a prescriptive note was added to the definition by suggesting
that the goal of environmental management become envirological
management.
Environmental concerns are viewed traditionally as the
basic categories of natural resources (or air, water, land,
biological systems, minerals, and energy). However,
environmental managers need a broader concept of responsibility.
Envirological management is this broader concept, or the
concept of extensively planning the balancing of the five
major competing objectives of human health, economic growth,
social growth, ecosystem balance, and lastly, aesthetics or
amenities. By managing the environment in such a way that
a balance is achieved among the five criteria offered,
envirological management is achieved.
Being an environmental manager today simply means
that a person has authority over certain, unidimensional
programs—perhaps even just one program or function, such
as air or water quality. Even so, however, using this
authority in such a way as to attain balance among the five
criteria noted ultimately accomplishes envirological
management.
66
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SECTION VII
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*The following references have been extracted from the oibliographies
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67
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Ayres, Robert U., and Allen V. Kneese. "Economic and Ecological Effects
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Becker, G.S. "A Tneory of the Allocation of Tims." Economic Journal,
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"Boston Trace Mstal Analysis." Unpublished data. The Boston Globe.
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70
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March 196FI
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1971.
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and Social Sciences, vol. 389. Mav 1970.
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National Resources Journal 10;203-221, April 1970.
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Garden City, iST.YT:Anchor Books, Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1971.
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Series Data in Quasi-Experimental Analysis." The Quantitative Analysis
of Social Problems, E. R. Tufte, ed. Reading, Pa.: Addison-Wssley, 1970.
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71
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Oialupnik, J. D., ed. Transportation Noises. Seattle, Washington:
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Chapin, F.S. Urban Land Use Planning. Chapel Hill; University of North
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and the American Future, 1972.
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72
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SELECTED WATER
RESOURCES ABSTRACTS
INPUT TRANSACTION FORM
1. Report No.
2.
w
STUDIES IN ENVIRONMENT - VOLUME 1-SUMMARY REPORT
Maury Selden
Lynn G. Llewellyn
Homer Hoyt Institute
Washington, D.C.
National Bureau of Standards
Technical Analysis Division
Washington, D. C.
5. Report Da>e
6.
8. J- -tfotmitig Organization
Report No.
12. Sr»nsoriar Org»ar*ition Environmental Protection Agency
Environmental Protection Agency report
number EPA-600/5-73-012a, December 1973.
801473
^. Type / .Repc... and
Period Co'.-f red
Twenty-five students who participated as EPA summer fellows were selected
from among 800 applicants responding to a national recruitment program. The students
chosen majored in a wide range of environmentally related studies on university & col-
lege campuses across the U.S. Select research topics were undertaken to bring fresh,
hopefully unbiased, viewpoints on existing environmental problems in the anticipation
that their contributions would suggest new avenues for the development of current long-
range environmental strategy.
The students, composing 5 investigative teams, concentrated their efforts on: a possible
approach toward quantifying the concept 'quality-of-life*; development of an accounting
system for allocating pollution produced by industry as a result of consumer demands for
goods and the environment; investigating the realm of environmental management; and
lastly, how the generation of pollution differs as a characteristic of a community's
location within large metropolitan areas.
This volume, the first in a series, presents a synopsis of the full length reports pub-
lished as separate reports in this series. The other reports are: (Vol. 2) Quality of
Life; (Vol. 3) Pollution and the Municipality; (Vol. 4) Consumption Differentials and
the Environment: (Vol. 5) Outdoor Recreation and the Environment; (Vol. 6) Environmental
Management.
17a. Descriptors
Quality-of-Life, Measures of Satisfaction, Social Indicators, Municipal Pollution,
City-Sururban Pollution Differentials, Health Effects, Industrial Process Wastes,
Environmental Legislation, Consumption Patterns, Consumer Pollutants, Input-Output
Modeling, Production Processes, Outdoor Recreation, Leisure, Environmental Impacts of
Affluence. Environmental Management, Intergovernmental Cooperation.
17b. Identifiers
l~i. COW RR Field & Group
19. Security Class.
(Repor )
'9. Security Ci -s.
(Page)
21. No. of
Pages
22. Price
Send To:
WATER RESOURCES SCIENTIFIC INFORMATION CENTER
U.S. DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR
WASHINGTON. D. C. 2O24O
•if US. GOVERNMENT PRIHTING OfFICfc W74-546-3W205
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