$-003035
P."'!'"fM'Y ff
i:i,!":; x
The Social impacts of
Having Clean water
JUNE 1975
-------
PROPERTY BF
ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION AGEHCT
LIBRARY REGION X
ABT ASSOCIATES INC 1200 SIXTH AVEHSE
S5 WHEELER STREET. CAMBRIDGE. MASSACHUSETTS O2138 SEATTLE, WASH. 98101
TELEPHONE • AREA 0I7-4B2-7IOO
TELEX 710-320-0307
Report No. AAI-75
SUBJECT TO REVISION
WITHOUT NOTICE
NOT FOR QUOTATION, CITATION
OR ATTRIBUTION TO THE '
NATIONAL COMMISSION ON
WATER QUALITY
Contract No. WQ5-ACO-14
THE SOCIAL IMPACTS OF
HAVING CLEAN WATER
June 9, 1975
Donald N. Muse, Ph.D.
Project Director
Prepared for:
NATIONAL COMMISSION ON WATER QUALITY
llll-18th Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20036
Contract Manager
Quality Control Reviewer Ma
r
Reviewer
U S EPA IBRAfiY REGION 10 MATERIALS
RXDDODE3flOb
-------
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY:
THE SOCIAL IMPACTS OF HAVING
CLEAN WATER
Contract No. WQ5-ACD-14
Prepared for:
NATIONAL COMMISSION ON WATER QUALITY
Water cleanup in eight geographically dispersed American communities
was found by Abt Associates Inc. researchers to at first curtail and then
encourage development, improve water quality, intensify land use and waste-
water management planning and promote citizen participation. Water clean-
up and the social impacts resulting from such efforts were not always caused
by PL 92-500, since the forces which pushed for passage of federal legislation
also operated at state and local levels to achieve water quality. The Clean
Water Act served to buttress attempts to improve water quality which began
before national standards were set and, in many cases, prompted water cleanup
where it otherwise would not have occurred. Furthermore, it was found that;
Social impacts of PL 92-500 will most often be felt
through people's occupations. Furthermore, the occupa-
tions affected involve a significant portion of the
American work force.
Growth can occur only when sewage treatment capacity
and/or hookups are available. Sewer moratoria are there-
fore the ideal tool for those who wish to contain or
inhibit growth. The planning and construction of sewage
treatment plants is a lengthy process which transcends
temporary tap availability.
Construction appears to be.the sector of local economies
and occupational groups that is most sensitive to the
benefits and costs associated with the Act. This is
principally due to the enormous influence exerted by
sewer facilities on the location, timing and amount
of development that can occur in a given community.
The most severe dislocations to this sector occur when a
sewer moratorium effectively brings development to a
stop. Conversely, expansion of treatment capacity and
service area significantly enhances the potential for
new construction. The construction sector is also very
sensitive to other impacts of the Act on the local
economy, such as any decrease in employment or spendable
income.
-------
Commercial fisheries stand to benefit from achievement of
the goals of the Act, although fish processors will incur
higher waste treatment costs. As with tourism, commercial
fishing potential is a benefit both to communities where the
industry is already established, and those where it would
add to the diversity of the local economy.
Demographic groups that stand to be most measurably affected
by the Act are (1) males (perhaps by virtue of their
dominance in occupational and property ownership groups),
(2) people aged 31 to 60, followed by those 30 and under;
and (3) moderate income people. The Act is likely to have
significant negative effects on certain minority groups
through negative impacts on low income housing starts
and on the construction industry.
Improvement and protection of water supply sources, both
ground and surface, will be a significant impact of the
Act of benefit to all social and demographic groups.
Costs to municipalities of required investments in sewer
facilities, even with Federal and State help, are
expected to necessitate tax increases. The impact will
fall particularly hard on property owners with fixed
incomes.
Water quality improvements heighten local prospects for
economic diversification not only through recreation and
tourism benefits, but also by satisfying requirements
for industries that need clean processing water.
Costs to industries associated with the National Pollution
Discharge and Elimination System and cost recovery programs
range widely in their impact. For the most part, the costs
will be born by consumers, in the form of higher prices
for finished goods, and by stockholders, in the form of
reduced dividends. In severe cases (e.g., marginally
profitable firms) jobs will be lost through production
cutbacks or even firm closure. The most extreme and
far-reaching social dislocations would occur where the
dominant industry in a community decides to close rather
than comply with effluent limitation requirements.
PL 92-500 is perceived by localities to be significantly
improving the professional quality and comprehensiveness
of wastewater management planning. Other social goals
are being taken into account, and coordination with other
types of planning has been strengthened. While public
participation has noticeably increased, low and moderate
income groups tend not to be represented.
-------
In practice, property owners (residential, commercial and
industrial) are singled out by the Act to assume responsibility,
through taxes, for the capital costs of new sewer facilities.
However, owners benefit from the Act when property increases
in value because of location on the water or provision of
sewer service.
Sewer user charges are everywhere expected to rise as a
result of increased public investments in water pollution
control.
Recreation opportunities afforded by water quality improve-
ment will benefit most directly the owners of waterfront
property who are mainly moderate and high income people.
Benefits to others will depend greatly on the degree of
public access to water bodies and provision of recreational
facilities. Increased waterfront property values and growth
of recreation-oriented commerce will be associated with the
creation of new recreation opportunities. Recreation
benefits to lower income and minority people will be
greatest in urban areas where these groups are present
in large numbers and where resources for water-based
recreation are generally quite limited. However, public
access to urban waterfront areas is crucial if low income
people are to benefit from water pollution abatement.
Tourism potential in a community is significantly enhanced
by improvements in water quality. The impact is important
not only to communities dependent on the tourist industry
but also to those who are seeking to diversify their
economy.
-------
TABLE OF CONTENTS
FINAL REPORT
CONTRACT NO. WQ5-ACO-14
1.0 Introduction 1-1
1.1 Ob]ectives of the Study 1-1
1.2 Some Basic Concepts 1-1
1.3 Some Limitations on This Study 1-2
1.4 Organization of This Report 1-2
2.0 Toward Assessing the Social Impacts of PL 92-500:
Study Design 2-1
2.1 Introduction 2-1
2.2 Toward Defining "Research Design" 2-1
2.2.1 Basic Study Design Assumptions and Definitions . . 2-2
2.2.2 Study Structure 2-4
2.2.3 Data Sources 2-8
2.2.4 Field Methods and Analytic Techniques 2-8
2.3 Design Selected for This Study 2-25
2.3.1 General Overview 2-25
2.3.2 Community Selection Process 2-26
2.3.3 Staff Selection 2-27
2.3.4 Preparation for Field Visits 2-28
>
3.0 Introduction to Case Studies 3-1
3.1 General Overview 3-1
3.2 Organization of This Chapter 3-3
3.3 Fairfax County, Virginia Case Study FC-^L
* 3^3.4 Ketchikan, Alaska Case Study KA- 1
3.5 Escambia Bay, Florida Case Study EB- 1
3.6 Block Island, Rhode Island Case Study BI- 1
3.7 Muskegon, Michigan Case Study MC- 1
3.8 Loveland-Greeley, Colorado Case Study LG- 1
3.9 Maumee River, Ohio Case Study MR- 1
3.10 Merrimack Valley, Massachusetts Case Study MV- 1
4.0 Cross-Case Study Analysis and Synthesis Thesis 4-1
4.1 Objectives and Organization 4-1
-------
4.2 Comparative Demographic Analysis 4-3
4.2.1 Introduction 4-3
4.2.2 Objectives and Scope of the Analysis 4-4
4.2.3 Variable Groups 4-5
4.2.4 Data Analysis 4-5
4.2.5 Statistical Procedures 4-6
4.2.6 Findings 4-7
4.2.7 Conclusions From the Demographic Analysis .... 4-30
4.3 Some Qualitative Cross-Case Study Observations 4-32
4.3.1 Goals: Water Quality Improvements 4-32
4.3.2 Mechanisms of the Act: Planning and
Construction Costs 4-34
4.3.3 Collection and Treatment Facilities 4-35
4.3.4 Compliance Costs 4-35
4.4 Quantitative Cross-Site Analysis 4-37
4.4.1 Analysis Process 4-37
4.4.2 The Aggregate Social Impact and
Social Group Categories 4-39
4.4.3 Findings u 4-39
4.5 A Comment on the Net Impact of the Act 4-54,
5.0 Cross-Site Summary and Conclusions 5-1
11
-------
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
A study of this magnitude requires the efforts of many people. The
case study authors (and field work teams) were:
• Joanna Berkman and Marian Henneman, Fairfax County;
• Margo Giroux and David Marshall, Ketchikan;
• Deborah Blackwell and Roger Neece, Escambia Bay;
• Dr. Malcolm Fitzpatrick and Lorrie Stuart, Block Island;
• Maria Eigerman and Margie O'Farrell, Muskegon;
• Dr. Judith Goldberg and Louise Strayhorn, Loveland-Greeley;
• Judith Ferguson and David Marshall, Maumee River; and
• Maria Eigerman and Margo Giroux, Merrimack Valley.
The core staff that formulated and directed the case study and synthesis
activities included Joanna Berkman, who aided in both conceptualization of the
study and single handedly edited this entire volume; Marian Henneman, who
worked diligently in the preparation of field work materials and cross-case
study synthesis; and myself. The study received invaluable conceptual input
from Dr. Clark Abt, who acted as an exterior monitor of the study. Other val-
uable contributions were also made by Maria Eigerman, David Marshall, and Dr.
Malcolm Fitzpatrick in the difficult area of identifying and researching po-
tential sites. This study has also benefited from the review by Roy Loe and
Adam Sokolosky, National Commission on Water Quality Co-Project Managers.
The individuals mentioned above contributed to the substance of this
study. Zhenya Gallon deserves special credit for managing, coordinating and
executing the enormous mechanical aspects of the study, which included typing
and field operations. Claudette Piper was invaluable as designer and coordin-
ator of the matrices and charts. The cover for the report was designed by
Carlotta Mary Hayes. A report of this size could never have been assembled
without the many hours of hard work put in by the people of the Typing Center,
who consistently manage to produce an incredible volume of work under pressured
conditions without sacrificing quality. Finally, we must thank the hundreds
of interviewees who gave thousands of hours of their time and made this study
possible.
Donald N. Muse, PhD
Project Director
-------
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY
The National Commission on Water Quality selected Abt Associates Inc., of
Cambridge, Mass, to conduct a study of social impacts of the Federal Water Pollution
Control Act Amendments of 1972 (PL 92-500), often referred to as the Clean
Water Act* The—dimensions of the social impacts of environmental legislation
is little known. Even less is currently known about the methods by which to
estimate the social impacts of environmental legislation which is not fully
implemented. Full implementation of PL 92-500 will not occur until 1983.
Hence, this study estimates the social impacts of major events which we believe
are similar to those likely to result from the implementation of the
Act over the next eight years. This approach will allow us, and interested
others, to describe the dimensions of the social impacts of the Act and to
generalize by analogy to other communities.
It should be quickly noted that the social impacts of the Act will be
of two types:
• Those which will be incurred in the process of cleaning
up or keeping water clean, and
• Those which would have been incurred had the Act not
been passed and were the nation's waters to deteriorate
further.
Our report is biased toward the former type of social impacts since
the Act was, in fact, passed prior to the commissioning of this study. The
magnitude of the social impacts of water pollution, which led to the passage
of the Act, is therefore underrepresented in this study.
1.2 Some Basic Concepts
We will define social impacts as those expected or accomplished events
which change the lives, behaviors, and attitudes of people. The mandate for
this study required that we judge whether the social impacts were a benefit
or a cost to a particular social group. We define social groups in broad
terms to include demographic, economic and occupational groupings, among
others. (See Chapter Two). The various social groups are offered as plausible,
not definitive. The major events which we have observed in our case study
sites serve as surrogates for the impacts of the Act. We have assumed that
1-1
-------
those events that occurred prior to and independently of PL 92-500 could have
been caused by the legislation since the forces militating towards water
clean-up before the Act were, by and large, the same ones that pushed for
legal sanctions. At the same time, we have tried to point out all cases of
water cleanup which were due directly to passage of the law and would
probably not have happened otherwise. We recognize that the web of social
causality is far too complex to be reduced to single threads. This is espe-
cially true in the area of determining the social impacts of environmental
legislation which are mediated through economic variables and general social
trends. The time and resource constraints on this study, combined with its
complexity, clearly necessitates that causal inferences from this study be
considered extremely tentative.
1.3 Some Limitations on This Study
Most researchers realize the limitations of any study conducted out-
side laboratory experimental settings in which sources of error and invalid-
ity can be controlled. This study has two major limitations: 1) It esti-
mates social impacts of a program which has not been implemented, so that no
matter how elegant our design and techniques we can only suggest the most
probable future scenarios; and 2) the underlying evidence was collected
during approximately one thousand semi-structured interviews by sixteen pro-
fessional researchers. Interviewees often cannot or will not supply the
requested information in an accurate form. In addition, researchers, being
human, are less than perfectly objective and often impose selective frame-
works on the information they gather.
We draw attention to those limitations as a caveat to the reader.
1.4 Organization of This Report
The remainder of this report will describe the process by which the
study design was selected (Chapter Two). Chapter Three consists of the case
study reports. These eight case studies have been structured so that each
stands by itself. The synthesis of the case study reports (Chapter Four)
compares our case study sites to the nation as a whole. Finally, the conclu-
sions and implications of the study are summarized by Chapter Five.
1-2
-------
CHAPTER TWO
TOWARD ASSESSING THE
SOCIAL IMPACTS OF PL 92-500;
STUDY DESIGN
2.1 Introduction
This chapter reviews research design alternatives in order to select
the design most appropriate for studying the social impacts of PL 92-500 at
the community level. The case studies that resulted from the application
of this design are presented in Chapter 3.0. The reviews of alternative
approaches contained in this chapter should prove a valuable resource to the
design of studies on the social impact of water-related policies at the
community level.
2.2 Toward Defining "Research Design"
The term "research design" has a broad and diverse series of meanings,
In experimental psychology, for example, the term has a precise and well
structured definition. However, in the majority of social sciences the
term has a less precise definition. Perhaps the most referenced and author-
itative treatise on experimental and quasi-experimental research design
does not offer a single definition of the term.
By far the most common method of definition found in social science
cexts is inferential, where the definition is composed of the subjects
treated by the authors. Although an analysis of the commonalities and dif-
ferences between the implied definitions presented within each of these
Woodworth, R.S. & Schlosberg, H. Experimental Psychology. New York:
Holt, Rinehart, 1954.
2
Campbell, D.T. & Stanley, J.C. Experimental and Quasi-experimental
Designs for Research. Chicago: Rand McNally, 1963.
Simon, J.L. Basic Research Methods in Social Science: The Art of
Empirical Investigation. New York: Random House, 1969. See also Miller,
D.C. Handbook of Research Design and Social Measurement. (2nd edition).
New York: David McKay, 1964. See also Selltiz, C., Jahodo, M., Deutsch, M.,
& Cook, S.W. Research Methods in Social Relations. New York: Holt, 1959.
2-1
-------
works is long overdue, such an endeavor is beyond the scope of this study.
For our purposes, the definition of "Research design" consists of five
key elements:
o Hypotheses or questions to be addressed,
o The bacic assumptions of the study concerning the social
phenomena being examined and the context of the study
itself,
o The degree of structure, specified in advance, of study
execution,
o The data sources upon which the study depends, and
• The field and analytic techniques to be applied to the data.
In the following sections, the alternatives within each of these
components will be discussed to determine which design best assesses the
social impacts of the Act. In Section 2.3, the alternatives deemed most
appropriate will be incorporated into the design employed to generate the
case studies presented in the next chapter. However, before presenting the
details, some overview remarks seem in order. The research design selected
involved:
9 Questions of the social impacts of the Act,
• A comparative case study approach, with
e A common core of secondary data across all case
studies, plus
• Primary data gathered through semi-structured in-
terviews from all segments of the communities,
with
e Data being analyzed by incidence oriented
techniques.
At a very aggregate level, these specifics could be described as
giving the study a semi-structured, nonexperimental design.
2.2.1 Basic Study Design Assumptions and Definitions
All research designs make assumptions about the phenomena under
study as well as the conditions under which the study is being conducted.
The process of research design development for this study began with the
identification of contextual constraints and key assumptions. Identified
assumptions are that:
2-2
-------
• The effects of PL 92-500 are qualitatively and quanti-
tatively different across communities.
• The audience interested in the social impacts of the
Act is mixed and includes those unfamiliar with
analytic techniques and their interpretation.
• The impacts of the Act may be felt differentially
by particular social groups within particular
communities.
• There may be considerable variation in the magnitude
of the impacts of the Act across communities and
social phenomena.
• The availability of data varies considerably across
communities.
• The time available for execution of the study is
relatively short, and the dollar resources fixed.
• The unit of inquiry is the community.
Although the term "community" is used throughout the study, we do
not mean to imply that the unit of analysis is a typical political unit
called "town", "city", "borough", etc. Rather, we define community in terms
of its relationship to PL 92-500 as the political or geographic unit affect-
ed by a specific event related to the Act. For example, if a sewer morator-
ium is county-wide, the "community" of interest from the viewpoint of this
study is the county. On the other hand, if a particular neighborhood within
a metropolis adjoining some specific body of water is being affected by the
Act, then that neighborhood would be a "community". This definition of
community, while not traditional, is appropriate from the viewpoint of this
study. The criteria for community selection are described and discussed
later in this chapter. The criteria for selection of a community or communi-
ties and the defintion of communities will be a function of both the intrin-
sic nature of the communities and the types of social impacts expected to
result from PL 92-500.
Zanders, I. The Community; An Introduction to a Social System.
New York: Ronald Press, 1966.
2-3
-------
A second important comment that must be made centers on the concept
of "social groups". Social groups have been and can be defined in a number
of ways. Some writers consider social groups to be only those clusters of
individuals that interact on a face-to-face basis. However, from the per-
spective of social and environmental policy, social groups can be defined in
more generic sociological terms.
For purposes of this study, three general types of social groups
were of interest:
• Demographic Groups based on age, sex, and race/ethnicity,
• Occupational Groups based on the primary occupation of
employed individuals, and
• Income Groups based on the relative dollar income and
type or property owned.
In addition, wherever other organized or implied clustering is affected by
a particular impact, such groupings will be noted.
2.2.2 Study Structure
The concept of study structure refers to the degree to which the
conduct and conceptualization of the study is specified at the outset of
the study. The degree to which one specifies in advance depends principally
on the nature of the study and the nature of particular social phenomena un-
der investigation. In the case of the study of the social impacts of PL
92-500, three factors are crucial in the determination of the degree of
prior specification:
• The state-of-the-art of social impact assessment, with
regard to water, is still in the process of being de-
veloped.^
LCartwright, D. & Zander, A. Group Dynamics; Research and Theory.
New York: Harper and Row, 1968.
2Goffman, E. The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life. New York:
Doubleday, 1959.
3Borgatta, E.F. & Meyer, H.J. Sociological Theory. New York:
Alfred A. Knopf, 1961.
4Wolf, C.P. Social Impact Assessment: The State of the Art. Mil-
waukee, Wis. •. Environmental Design Association, 1974.
2-4
-------
• There will be a number of qualitiatively and quantita-
tively different events resulting from the different
thrusts of PL 92-500.
• The communities affected by the Act will span a wide
spectrum of cultural and ecological conditions.
Given these factors, it would be difficult to construct a study that
called for a priori specification of all variables and hypotheses. Clearly,
a design that did not allow for the identification of idiosyncratic circum-
stances and factors could fail to detect many important social impacts of
the Act. Table 2-1 contains a rank-ordered list of some of the more common
research designs. The ethnographic approach is almost completely unstruc-
tured, but requires long periods of time to execute. As the table indica-
tes, the designs that fall into the middle range are variables of the case
study approach. These designs were particularly attractive because of their
ability to combine some a priori specification with serendipitous insights
gained in the field.
Descriptive Case Studies
Case studies have been defined as consisting of a mode of analysis
2
rather than a set of research procedures. Distinguishing between various
types of case studies can therefore best be accomplished by focusing on the
analytic intent of the study. The analytic intent of a descriptive case
study is, as the title suggests, the description of some social phenomena.
This type of study is particularly useful when little is known about the
phenomena of interest. Some specification is done in advance, so that des-
criptive case studies should not be confused with raw empiricism.
The rank-ordering represents the "modal" study of each type. There
are clearly examples of each type of study that are more or less structured
than the modal type. However, for purposes of this study, the imprecision
found in the characterizations is acceptable.
'Kolb, W.J. & Gould, J. UNESCO Dictionary of the Social Sciences.
Glencoe, Illinois: Free Press, 1964.
2-5
-------
Table 2-1
Rank Ordering of Selected Research Designs by
Degree of A Priori Structure
Degree of Structure
Low Structure
Medium Structure
Highly Structured
Design Type
Ethnography
Anthropological Case Study
Descriptive Case Study
Comparative Case Study
Sample Survey Design
Experimental Design (Field)
Experimental Design (Lab)
2-6
-------
Matilda Riley has discussed the advantages and limitations of
these studies at length. The advantages of descriptive case studies are
their:
• Ability to provide a wide range of detail,
• Propensity for uncovering latent patterns of behavior
and effect, and
• Ability to assess total patterns of behavior and effect.
On the other hand, Riley is quick to note several major limitations. In
particular:
• The errors that frequently result from inference where
only one case is being studied, and
• The limitation introduced into such studies by the
systematic biases of the particular researcher.
Because the time that was available for this study prohibited a single
field worker from doing more than two case studies, these disadvantages be-
came rather serious. However, a considerable collection of previous studies
in this general area provides some good "cognitive maps" of the likely
general dimensions of the social impacts of the Act. Hence, the second type
of case study, a comparative case study, was more attractive.
Comparative Case Studies
A comparative case study is one where the analytic intent is the
comparison of some social phenomena across X number of cases. The cases
selected can be as similar as possible (matching), representative of a
range of circumstances (contrasting), or in some more elaborate studies,
both. The advantages of both of these comparative approaches lies in
their ability to make cross study inferences as well as to assimilate
diverse settings into a common framework. The limitations of the comparative
Riley, M.W. Sociological Research; A Case Approach. Vol. I. New
York: Ronald Press, 1966.
Wolf, C.P. Social Impact Assessment; The State of the Art. Mil-
waukee, Wis.: Environmental Design Association, 1974. And also Shields,
M.A. Social Impact Assessment; An Analytic Bibliography. IWR paper 74-P6,
Fort Belvior, Va.: Institute for Water Resources, U.S. Corp. of Engineers,
October 1974
2-7
-------
approach are not those of the descriptive case study, but approximate more
structured sample survey and experimental approaches. For example, if overly
structured, the comparative approach can fail to detect idiosyncratic factors
and effects. This defect can, however, be overcome if the types of impacts
established a_ priori in questioning the interviewee are broad enough to be
exhaustive (which they can be made to be), and if the interviewer permits
the interviewee fair latitude to pursue his/her (the interviewee's) parti-
cular concerns within the types of impacts or even, as and when necessary,
outside them. With this, the advantages of the comparative approach would
outweigh the disadvantages for purposes of this study. The continuing in-
terest in achieving aggregate estimates of the Act's social effects man-
dates the selection of an approach which can both establish uniqueness and
provide commonalities of effect across communities.
2.2.3 Data Sources
The sources of data upon which a study is based have a pervasive
effect on the overall study. The range of data sources available to those
interested in the social impacts of water is truly diverse. A partial list
of such sources is contained in Table 2-2. The entries and examples in
the Table are at a general level of specificity. Each of the various sources
has particular strengths and weaknesses from the standpoint of assessing
the social impacts of PL 92-500. For example, the secondary sources lack
sensitivity to non-quantitative social impacts, but these sources do facil-
itate cross-community comparisons. On the other hand, primary and histori-
cal sources maximize the possibility that particularistic factors and events
will be detected but suffer from the individual informant's bias.
Considering this, it is clear that the assessment of the social im-
pacts of the Act should employ a number of data sources and avoid reliance
on any single source. The particular data gathered from all communities
for inclusion in this study are discussed and detailed in Section 4.1.
2.2.4 Field Methods and Analytic Techniques
The preceding sections have narrowed the design to one that could
be characterized as a nonexperimental comparative case study design based
on multiple data sources. However, the exact field methods and analytic
techniques to be employed remain to be specified. In the remainder of this
section, we discuss first the process by which we have reviewed the various
2-8
-------
Table 2-2
Types and Selected Sources of Data
At the Community Level with Illustrative Examples of Dnt.i Obli.'i i
Type
Historical
Documents
Secondary
Sources
Primary
Sources
Source
Local Newspaper Files
Local Governmental
Records
City or County
Public Works Dept.
Records
U.S. Bureau of the
Census (*)
a. City and County
Data Book
b. 1st & 4th Count
Census
Publications
c. Housing Census
d . Agricultural and
Industrial Census
U.S. Department of
Agriculture
Local Residents
Local Business and
Labor Leaders
Local Government
Officials
Local Water Related
Agency Officials
Illustrative Example
Past controversies over water
pollution abatement
Past local ordinances on
water pollution abatement
Local, often
detailed, data on water use
and planning
Compilation of many demographic
and social indicators
Wide range of detailed population
breakdowns
Detailed estimates of housing
characteristics
Detailed estimates of
elements of community's economic
sector
Some data on crops and water
consumption patterns available
through county extension agents
Subjective estimates of social
impacts
Estimates of past and future
economic effects
Impacts of changes on social
programs (i.e. unemployment,
campaigns to attract industry)
Particulars of water related
activities
(*)
At the time of this submission, sufficient time had not elapsed
for the development of a detailed list of data elements to be gathered.
However, several of the key personnel involved in the study have developed
such lists for other water-related studies. For example, see Eigerman,
1972.
2-9
-------
alternatives, then the specific field methods and analytic techniques. By
preceding in this manner, we will demonstrate the process used to derive
our specific design (presented in Section 2.3) while providing what we hope
is a methodological roadmap to others for assessing the social impacts of
PL 92-500.
The Process of Selection and Evaluation
There are probably more than a thousand field method and analytic
technique options in the social science literature. Since it is clearly
beyond the scope of this study to review all these options, it was necessary
to establish general criteria for selecting particular techniques for review.
Similarly, once individual techniques were selected, the process of evalua-
ting each one necessitated the development of specific criteria. Both these
sets of criteria are presented and discussed in the next two sections.
These criteria have been developed for the sole purpose of selecting
those techniques best suited to the problem of identifying and estimating
the social impacts of PL 92-500. They do not imply any absolute judgment
on the value of any particular technique or approach.
Criteria for Selection
Given the assumptions outlined in the previous section, the objec-
tives of this chapter, and the objectives of the overall study, four selec-
tion criteria have emerged. First, designs and techniques that require
experimental control over the situation under study have been eliminated
from the review. Secondly, designs and techniques that require a large
number of cases or observations to obtain reliable results have been dis-
carded. For example, multivariate and simultaneous least-squares regression
techniques have not been reviewed because they require at least fifty ob-
servations before reasonably reliable results are obtained, whereas we are
dealinq with fewer than ten case studies.
The third criterion applied is again negative in nature. If a
particular technique can not deal with imprecise data it has been eliminated
""•Kendall, M.G. & Stuart, A. Inference and Relationship. Vol. II
(3rd edition). New York: Hafner Publishing, 1973.
2-10
-------
from consideration. Since much of the obtainable data are at the nominal
or ordinal level, techniques inapplicable to such data have been eliminated.
The fourth and final criterion applied in the selection of techniques
for review is nontechnical in nature. To be selected, a particular tech-
nique must have been discussed or employed by more than one author. The
social science literature abounds with ideas expounded by one author but
not deemed worthwhile by other researchers and scholars. One or more of
the techniques eliminated by this criterion might have been worth consider-
ation, but the resources necessary to locate and examine such untested
techniques would be better invested in other components of this study effort.
Criteria for Evaluation
The evaluative criteria applied to the selected techniques are
derived from the assumptions and objectives of the overall study. The
evaluative criteria selected fall into two general categories: technical
and practical.
The technical criteria applied are:
• Sensitivity to variation - the degree to which the
techniques can detect small changes in a given variable
or measure. This criterion is particularly important
in view of the expectation that some of the social im-
pacts of the Act will be subtle.
• Level of measurement requirements - the ability of the
technique to handle data at less than the interval level.
Ideally, from the viewpoint of this study, a technique
should be able to utilize and integrate a wide range of
qualitative and quantitative data.
Nominal, ordinal and interval are social science terms that refer
to the properties of the observations measured. Nominal refers to observa-
tions that place objects in categories that can not be rank ordered, such
as religion. Ordinal observations are measurements that can be rank order-
ed but where the distance between the response categories is not fixed,
such as socio-economic status. Interval observations are ones where the
distance between measurements can be ascertained, such as observations
concerning dollars. For a full discussion of the meaning of these categor-
ies, see Tatsuoka & Tiedeman, 1963.
See Tatsouka, M.M. & Tiedeman, D.V. Statistics as an Aspect of
Scientific Method in Research on Teaching. In N.L. Gage (Ed.), Handbook
of Research on Teaching. Chicago: Rand McNally, 1963, for a discussion
of the importance of this criterion in analytic situations.
2-11
-------
• Accuracy and confidence in estimates - the degree to
which the estimates produced by a given technique can
be viewed as valid and reliable. Given the importance
of the estimates obtained from this study, it is im-
perative that techniques be selected which maximize
accuracy.
Equally important are the following practical criteria:
• Comprehensibility to relevant audiences - the degree
to which the end results of the technique can be in-
terpreted and comprehended by nontechnical audiences.
For example, many readers of this study would find
canonical variates mystifying and useless.
• Time requirements - the length of time needed for com-
pletion of the application of the technique to a given
problem. Given the fixed deadlines of this project,
the techniques selected must be short-term.
• Cost - the cost of a technique relative to available
resources.
Following the identification of the six criteria, rating categories
were developed for each. These are presented in Table 2-3.
It makes little sense to apply all the established criteria univer-
sally to both field methods and analytic techniques, and this is not our
intent. It is not possible, for example, to quantify the comprehensibility
to relevent audiences or the level of measurement requirements for the
various field methods. Nor can analytic techniques be rated with respect
to time. Hence, only four of the six criteria are applied to field methods
while five of the criteria are applied to both field methods and analytic
techniques. The applications of criteria are summarized in Table 2-4.
After the criteria and categories had been developed, particular
techniques were selected for evaluation through the application of the
screening criteria. Subsequently, the senior technical AAI staff rated each
technique using the evaluative criteria and overall ranking developed.
These ratings were then reconciled through extended discussions among the
staff. In the following sections, the results of this process are present-
ed. For those not interested in detailed discussions, the results are
summarized in Tables 2-5 and 2-7.
2-12
-------
TABLE 2-3
EVALUATIVE CRITERIA, RATING CATEGORIES, AND INTERPRETATIONS
Evaluative
Criteria
Sensitivity
to Variation
Level of
Measurement
Requirements
Accuracy and
Confidence
in Estimates
Comprehen-
sibility to
Relevant
Audiences
Time
Require-
ments
Cost
Rating
Category
High
Medium
Low
Nominal
Ordinal
Interval
High
Medium
Low
Uncertain
Low
Medium
High
High
Medium
Low
High
Medium
Low
Interpretation
Able to detect slight variation in quantitative
and qualitative variables
Able to detect slight variation under most
circumstances
Technique has difficulty detecting slight
variation
Able to handle variables of all types
Able to handle variables that can be rank-ordered
Able to analyze only variables where the distance
between measurements is fixed, such as dollars
Valid and reliable under most conditions
Certain conditions produce unreliability
Severe problems under a number of different
circumstances
Reliability and validity cannot be determined
Interpretation requires advanced statistical or
disciplinary training
Requires extensive discussion in text for
interpretation by non-technical reader
Straightforward interpretation possible by most
readers with little discussion in text
Requires several months for execution and writeup
Requires 1-2 months for execution and writeup
Requires less than one month for execution and
writeup
Cost factor beyond the resources of current study
Cost factor high, but reduction in number of
cases places technique within reach
Cost factor within reach of current study
2-13
-------
Table 2-4
Application of Criteria
To Field Method and Analytic Approaches
Criteria
Sensitivity to Variation
Level of Measurement
Requirements
Accuracy and Confidence
in Estimates
Comprehensibility to
Relevant Audiences
Time Requirements
Cost
Will be Applied to
Field Methods
yes
no
yes
no
yes
yes
Analytic Techniques
yes
yes
yes
yes
no
yes
2-14
-------
Field Methods
The term "field methods" has a number of meanings in various social
sciences. In this study, we are referring to the methods used to obtain
data from primary sources. For this definition, and the discussions con-
tained in this section, we have drawn heavily from two texts, one anthro-
pological and one sociological.. For the sake of clarity, the four gen-
eral field methods will be discussed. Several of the variations on these
techniques are rated in Table 2-5.
Observation
Observation is a basic field method in the social sciences. It is
an invaluable method for discovering actual behavior. Participants' descrip-
tions of their behavior may differ widely from what actually occurs because
much happens that the participants are not aware of or do not want to dis-
cuss. On the other hand, observation has its shortcomings. It does not
reveal why the behavior occurs or what people's attitudes are about it.
The researcher, applying his/her own perceptions, must identify key elements
and meanings. In turn, the researcher's account of what happens in a
situation may differ as much from that of the participants as the partici-
pants' versions vary from each other.
Observation can be structured to overcome some of these limitations.
The observer can become a participant in the situation. However, in all of
their variations, observation techniques require not only considerable time,
but also the existence of critical events which can be identified in advance
and actually attended by an observer. Clearly, since the effects of environ-
mental changes and federal legislation seldom give rise to such occasions
(outside of the infrequent crucial political or community meeting), it is
difficult to argue the utility of this field method for the assessment of
the social effects of PL 92-500.
^"Bollens, J.C. & Marshall, D.R. A Guide to Participation: Field
Work, Role Playing Cases and Other Forms. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Pren-
tice-Hall, 1973.
2Selltiz, C., Jahodo, M., Deutsch, M., & Cook, S.W. Research
Methods in Social Relations. New York: Holt, 1959.
2-15
-------
Table 2-5
Summary of Evaluation of Alternative Field Methods
Field Method
Unstructured
Observation
Structured
Observation
Participant
Observation
Unstructured
Interviews
Semi-structured
Interviews
Structured
Interviews
Mailed
Surveys
Distributed
Surveys
Criteria
Sensitivity
to Variation
High
Medium
High
High
Medium
Low
Low
Low
Accuracy &
Confidence
in Estimates
Medium
Medium
Medium
Medium
High
Medium
Low
Medium
Time
Requirements
High
Medium
High
High
Medium
Medium
Medium
Low
Cost
High
Medium
High
High
Medium
Medium
Low
Low
Overall
Ranking*
8
7
6
5
1
3
4
2
*The overall ranking was developed through discussions, and concensus within
the senior technical AAI staff associated with the study., Although no specific
formula was developed for computing these rankings by the staff, it was
clear that there was a tendency to favor the practical criteria in determining
the rank orderings.
2-16
-------
Unstructured Interviews
The purest form of the unstructured interview is found in psycho-
analytic counseling, where the subject is free to discuss whatever he/she
likes. However, in the other social sciences, unstructured interviews
generally mean interviews where exact questions and wordings have not been
worked out in advance. Flexibility is the obvious advantage of this method.
In addition to being able to adjust extemporaneously to the particular re-
spondent, the interviewer is free to pursue interesting lines of discussion.
However, flexibility is a two-edged sword. Often the interviewer may spend
several hours obtaining a few minutes worth of data. In addition, the
analysis of data obtained by this method is particularly troublesome when
comparability across interviewers and communities is called for.
Structured Interviews
In structured interviews, questions are given in the same wording
and order to all respondents. Fixed response categories are generally pro--
vided, such as strongly agree, agree, etc. Such interviews have the obvious
weakness of being insensitive to factors not identified in advance of the
interview. However, they maximize comparability and minimize unproductive
time expenditure.
Thus far we have described two pure types of interview: structured
and unstructured. In actuality, these are two end points of a continuum.
It is possible to combine the two types to gain the advantages of both: one
may specify questions in advance and allow for unstructured discussions
focused on particular topics. In the execution of the case study this
"semi-structured" method is the strategy employed.
Surveys
Surveys have become one of the major tools of social science.
They are inexpensive and allow the researcher to probe sensitive areas
that would present problems in face-to-face interview situations. The
shortcomings of this method are equally apparent. Sample and respondent
bias, and low response rates are some of the more frequently mentioned
problems. It is also important to note the time requirements for survey.
After one allows for list preparation, mailout, fillout, and mailback
2-17
-------
time, an average survey requires at least five weeks before responses
can be analyzed. This time estimate does not include a follow-up
mailing to non-respondents.
Analytic Techniques
When most social scientists think of analytic techniques they
focus on techniques that employ mathematical calculations. However,
Paul Lazarsfeld (1972), one of the deans of American social science
methodology, has recently pointed out that analytic techniques really
consist of a much broader range of techniques. Within this section, we
shall discuss three categories of techniques based on mathematical calcu-
lations and logic systems. These categories overlap and can be combined in
theory and in practice. For purposes of this discussion they will be con-
sidered independently. The techniques will be briefly described for purpose
of evaluation.
Logic Based Analytic Techniques
Typology Analysis
Qualitative research of the type undertaken by this study is well
suited to the development of typologies and other classification schemes
to sort out and describe the primary elements of a given social situation.
The classified data can then be submitted to systematic analyses of various
sorts. Primary elements in the classification schemes include possible
situational variables, policy variables, ecological variables, and impacts.
Once each variable is classified, typologies may be formed by
analyzing the interrelationship between small sets of independent variables.
In its most basic form, this technique examines the interrelationships of
two dichotomous variables in a four-dimensional table. This technique can
readily be used to develop expanded multidimensional typologies or models.
After the development of typologies or models for situational and
independent variables, various outcomes or impacts (dependent variables)
can be related to particular models or to particular cells within the
typologies.
2-18
-------
Louis Guttman has recently expanded the typological technique for
classification and analysis to a multifactor level. His suggestion, known
as facet analysis, is discussed in the next section.
Facet Analysis
The development of typologies is one means of organizing and
presenting large quantities of qualitative information concerning social
impacts in a manner that is easily comprehensible. The technique of
facet analysis, refined to its present state by Louis Guttman, provides
another means of reducing qualitative data, using the raw materials of
interviews and secondary information obtained from documents.
In its "pure" form, facet analysis is a methodology for developing
research hypotheses. However, the primary utility of facet analysis in
the study of social impacts is its definitional properties, e.g., helping
to indicate the scope of the effects of the Act. A concise description
can be constructed by first compiling a list of the characteristics
(facets) which distinguish individual efforts. These facets are then
enclosed in brackets and strung together in a "mapping sentence" which
defines the phenomenon under study.
The mapping sentence for describing the social impacts of the Act
would be composed of three large sections in the following form:
Efforts of (type), given contexts of (type)
are associated with impacts of (type) on people of (type).
Figure 2-1 presents a sample of what a mapping sentence for this
study might look like.
It should be emphasized that facet analysis uses qualitative data
as its source of raw data. The facets derived are more powerful and infor-
mationally useful than pure qualitative data itself. It should also be
emphasized that facet analysis is a non-quantitative procedure; there are
no mathematics involved, only the judgment and perceptivity of those
constructing the mapping sentence.
Guttman, L. A Faceted Definition of Intelligence. Studies in
Psychology, Scripta Hierosolymitana. Jerusalem: The Hebrew University,
1955. Also Guttman, L. The Structure of the Interrelationships Among
Intelligence Tests, Procedings of the 1965 Invitational Conference on Test-
ing Problems. Princeton: Educational Testing Service, 1965.
2-19
-------
Figure 2-1
AN ILLUSTRATIVE MAPPING SENTENCE
PL 92-500 will produce
N:
I
(much )
jlittlej
water
of
j plentiful |
1 scarce (
C recreational development
\ changes in property values
J drastic improvements in water quality
^ citizen participation
I increases/decreases in industrial activity
etc.
( i
environments which will be associated with
^"~
I white
J non-white
V_
males
females
increases
decreases
in
in
T urban ~)
< suburban >
*j
areas, in
(rural
remployment")
J migration (
-------
Occurrence Techniques
The typological techniques presented thus far have focused on
the classification of events into "pre" or "post" determined categories.
The inverse of these techniques involves a focus on the events themselves.
This general technique has a variety of forms. For example, one of the
more widely known variations is called the "critical incident" technique.
This method focuses on the identification of particular incidents
associated with the act, such as beach openings, sewer moratorLunr. and
the like. The method assumes that the critical incidents represent
points at which the most salient factors and impacts are magnified and
hence more easily identifiable. Subsequent to identification of critical
incidents the research team attempts to ascertain the factors that affected
these particular events and the major social impacts.
The application of this technique to the effects of PL 92-500 is
somewhat limited due to the gradual nature of many of the events associated
with the Act. In addition, the technique is of limited comparative use
when a relatively small number of observations is available.
Logical Configurations
Beyond the specific techniques mentioned above, there exist a number
of treatises that propose a system for logical analysis of data. These
techniques propose that the researcher follow a specific sequence designed
to gain insight on the basis of the congruence of occurrences. Stouffer,
as early as 1941, proposed a logic for coding and analyzing case study data.
This approach, like the more recent proposals of Rosenberg, has at
its core a logic system that argues something like: "if A occurs only if
B first occurs must not B cause A?" This elementary example does not do
justice to the considerable thought and demonstrated merit of these ap-
proaches. However, the application of these systems is difficult where
there are a limited number of observations. In addition, all of these
systems lead to indeterminate conditions where a number of alternative
hypotheses become equally credible.
Rosenberg, M. The Logic of Survey Analysis. New York: Basic
Books, 1968.
2-21
-------
Mathematically Based Analytic Techniques
Descriptive Statistics
The vast majority of statistics reported in case studies fall into
the realm of what most text books call descriptive statistics (Ferguson,
1971). Percentages, means, median, and frequency counts are some of the
more frequently used techniques. For the most part, these straightforward
statistics are widely known and readily interpretable. Their major short-
coming is their simplicity. Complex and interactive relationships are
difficult to detect and display. However, some more sophisticated descrip-
tive statistics are becoming available through the work of John Tukey.
Tukey's suggestion centers on what he calls the "stem-and-leaf"
method. This creates a kind of numeric histogram that portrays basic fre-
quencies of several variables in a sequenced manner. In a real sense, the
technique is the mathematical counterpart of facet analysis. However, un-
like facet analysis, the utility of the technique in the presence of a
limited number of observations is yet to be explored.
Non-Parametric Techniques
There is a tendency in social science research to begin considering
non-parametric techniques whenever one has a limited number of cases and/or
qualitative variables. This tendency is based on some misconceptions about
non-parametric statistics. Non-parametric statistics should more properly
2
be called "distribution free statistics" although they do occasionally make
distributional assumptions. While the lack of distributional assumptions
gives them an advantage in dealing with nominal and ordinal data, all but a
few of these techniques require at least twenty observations before accept-
able confidence can be placed in the estimates obtained. These techniques
are almost exclusively bivariate. Multivariate techniques are available,
Tukey, J.W. Exploratory Data Analysis (Limited Preliminary Ed.)
Vol. I Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1970.
2
Edington, E.S. Statistical Inference; The Distribution-Free
Approach. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1969.
Page, E.B. & Marcotte, D.R. Nonparametric Statistics. Review of
Educational Research. Vol. 36, No. 5, 1966, 517-528.
2-22
-------
but application of these to settings where there are fewer than twenty ob-
servations and/or where the distribution of the observations along indepen-
dent or confounded variables cannot be controlled, is not recommended. Since
the context of this study prohibits the manipulation of key variables and
only eight observations are available, non-parametric statistics do not rep-
resent a panacea for this study.
Bayesian Techniques
Bayesian techniques represent a major alternative in the assessment
of social impacts. The Bayesian process begins by assigning a probability
to an event of interest based on whatever evidence is currently available.
These are known as prior probabilities. Then, as new evidence is secured,
these probabilities are revised based on "Bayes Theorem". The probabilities
that result from this process are known as posterior probabilities. When
coupled with a sequential decision procedure, this technique can present
considerable inference based on a small number of cases. An example of this
2
procedure in social impact assessment can be found in Finsterbusch.
Bayesian approaches present a twofold problem. First, and most im-
portant, if the "wrong" variables are selected (i.e. the model is misspeci-
fied) one can "confirm" an erroneous model if the variables selected are
spuriously related. Secondly, Bayesian approaches are currently well devel-
oped for only the two and three variable case. Problems of greater complex-
ity are difficult to handle with currently available Bayesian models.
Some Techniques Not Selected
Before moving on, a few comments on mathematical techniques seem in
order. First, parametric techniques, particularly those based in the gen-
eral linear model, were eliminated because their utility is limited when few
cases are available and the majority of the PL 92-500 data is either qualita-
tive or fraught with measurement error. Contingency table analysis
''"Morgan, B.W. An Introduction to Bayesian Statistical Decision Pro-
cesses. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1968.
Finsterbusch, K. S Weitzel-O'Neill, P. A Methodology for the
Analysis of Social Impacts. Vienna, Virginia: BDM Corporation, 1974.
2-23
-------
Table 2-6
Summary of Evaluation of Alternative Analytic Techniques
to
I
NJ
Analytic
Technique
Typology Analysis
Facet Analysis
Occurrance
Technique
Logical
Configurations
Descriptive
Statistics
Non-Parametric
Statistics
Bayesian
Techniques
Two-Dimensional
Display
Three-Dimensional
Display
Criteria
Technical
Sensitivity
to
Variation
medium
medium
low
low
high
medium
low
high
high
Level of
Measurement
Requirements
nominal
nominal
nominal
nominal
nominal
nominal ,
ordinal
nominal ,
ordinal
nominal
nominal
Accuracy &
Confidence
in Estimate
medium
uncertain
medium
low
high
medium
medium
high
high
Practical
Time
Requirements
medium
low
high
medium
low
low
low
low
low
Comprehensibility
to Relevent
Audience
high
medium
medium
medium
high
low
medium
high
high
Cost
medium
low
high
low
low
low
low
low
low
Overall
Ranking t*)
3
6
8
7
' 1
5
4
2
2
(*)See Footnote on Table 2-5 for explanation of the derivation of these rankings.
-------
techniques1 were eliminated for similar reasons. Although these techniques
are capable of handling qualitative variables, they experience considerable
problems when cell frequencies are small. We believe our evaluations rep-
resent the position of the majority of the statistical community regarding
the capacities of these appraoches.
2.3 Design Selected for This Study
2.3.1 General Overview
After considering the alternatives, the most attractive general de-
sign was a comparative case study approach, based primarily on data gathered
through semi-structured interviews and from secondary data sources. In
order to operationalize and implement this design a number of steps had to
be completed;
• Potential case study sites had to be identified and an
illustrative array selected,
• A field guide, containing the outline for the semi-
structured interviews had to be developed and re-
fined,
• The secondary data sources had to be identified, data
gathered, and analysis begun, and
• Field staff selected and trained.
In the remainder of this section, the processes by which these steps were
accomplished will be outlined. (The secondary data process will be dis-
cussed separately in Chapter Four.) It should be emphasized that a report
composed of case studies requires flexible implementation processes. For
this reason, the general approach described in this chapter was modified
slightly where necessary to accommodate site-specific considerations.
Morgan, J.N. & Messenger, R.C. Thiad; A Sequential Analysis Pro-
gram for the Analysis of Nominal Scale Dependent Variables. Ann Arbor,
Michigan: University of Michigan, 1973. See also Sonquist, J.A. Multivar-
iate Model Building; The Validation of a Search Strategy. Ann Arbor:
University of Michigan, 1970. And see also Goodman, L.A. Statistical
Methods for Analyzing Processes of Change. American Journal of Sociology,
58, 1962, 57-58. Also Goodman, L.A. The Analysis of Multidimensional Con-
tingency Tables: Stepwise Procedures and Direct Estimation Methods for
Building Models for Multiple Classifications. Technometrics, 13, 1, Febru-
ary, 1971, 33-61.
2-25
-------
2.3.2 Community Selection Process
Sites were selected to reflect contrasting impacts of the Act. After
initial discussions with Commission personnel, and a detailed review of the
Act itself, there appeared to be seven major categories of communities that
should be considered:
• Communities where sewer construction has been/will be
directly affected by the Act,
• Single industry communities where the industry has been/
will be directly affected by the Act,
• Communities that have partaken/will partake extensively
in the grants associated with the Act,
• Communities where the property values have been/will be
directly affected by the Act,
• Communities where a water-dependent recreational situa-
tion has/will be changed as a consequence of the Act,
• Communities contiguous to bodies of water that have/
will undergo dramatic improvement due to the Act,
• Communities wherein citizen participation associated
with the Act has been/will be extensive.
Ideally, we would have studied communities where the Act itself had
already produced the kinds of changes in the various categories. Even more
ideally, we would have studied communities where one, and only one, parti-
cular type of water pollution abatement change or activity was occurring.
However, because this study was conducted in the first years of the Act's
implementation and because the real world never seems to be as uncomplica-
ted as researchers would prefer, we were unable to locate ideal communities.
The search for case study communities with appropriate charac-
teristics employed all key staff members and a variety of data sources, in-
cluding State and Federal officials , other NCWQ contractors and published
reports. Hundreds of communities were considered. Evenually, this process
yielded 135 communities in 34 states that looked like good potential case
study sites. These candidates were examined by AAI and Commission personnel
and rank-ordered in terms of potential. At this stage, an attempt was made
to maximize the geographic dispersion of the selected sites in order not to
confound study results with know regional variations in water related events.
2-26
-------
This last step yielded fifteen sites that appeared to have consid-
erable potential. Information was then gathered in detail on those sites
and examined by study and Commission staff. Finally, the following eight
communities were selected as case study sites:
• Fairfax County, Virginia, where a series of sewer
moratoria had been imposed;
• Ketchikan, Alaska, where the major local industry
might close in the near future;
• Escambia Bay, Florida, where water, property value,
and fish industry improvements were reported to be
underway;
• Block Island, Rhode Island, where a sewer construc-
tion and recreational development controversy was in
progress;
• Muskegon, Michigan, where an innovative wastewater
treatment program was operational;
• Loveland-Greeley, Colorado, where considerable Act
grant monies were being spent;
• The Lower Maumee River area of Ohio, where multiple
industries and agricultural interests were in the
process of water pollution abatement compliance; and
• A section of the Merrimack Valley, where urban re-
creational use and fishing industry restoration were
at issue in an area where citizen participation has
been high.
2.3.3 Staff Selection
While sites were being selected, field staff were being chosen and
trained. The available resources mandated that the site visitation teams
be no more than two persons. In addition, it was apparent that each team
member should be familiar with water related legislation and programs, as
well as experienced in case study execution. Ideally, we would have located
sixteen staff each of whom had both of these characteristics. However, it
became apparent that such people were extremely rare. Hence, the decision
was made to form eight teams composed of two specialists: one person who
knew about water pollution abatement and a second person who had successfully
completed a number of case studies.
2-27
-------
2.3.4 Preparation for Field Visits
As they eventually evolved, the field guides contained both a list
of the types of respondents to be interviewed and semi-structured interview
questions specific to each of the expected impacts outlined in Section 2.3.2.
The manual and field procedures were constructed to be as comprehensive as
possible while guaranteeing maximum flexibility for the field visits. Field
staff were encouraged to pursue salient themes and leads during the limited
number of days allotted for on-site work.
In addition to written materials, four training meetings were con-
ducted for all staff. During these meetings, staff were familiarized with
the purpose of the study, PL 92-500, the structure and substance of the case
studies, and the use of the field manual. After a team was assigned to a
specific site, the team was given several days to gather materials, study
available information, and make preliminary phone contact with relevant
community members. Schedules and interviews were arranged to the extent pos-
sible before the team left Boston. Finally, each team met with the project
director immediately prior to leaving for an overall review.
The Field Visits and Case Study Write-up
Each team spent from seven to fourteen working days in the field.
The majority of the case studies also required additional interviews with
persons other than those in residence in the particular communities. Teams
in the field were in frequent contact with the core staff to discuss pro-
gress and problems.
Upon completing the field work, teams prepared a summary of key
findings for their sites. Each summary was presented and discussed at a
meeting of all staff members. The briefing meetings of these sessions
were especially helpful since they provided both an opportunity for formal
review of materials and for sharing insights on water problems common to
the various sites. After these sessions, each team wrote up its case study
and assisted in the cross-site synthesis reported in Chapter Four.
2-28
-------
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bollens, J.C. & Marshall, D.R. A Guide to Participation; Field Work, Role
Playing Cases and Other Forms. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-
Hall, 1973.
Borgatta, E.F. & Meyer, H.J. Sociological Theory. New York: Alfred A.
Knopf, 1961.
Campbell, D.T. & Stanley, J.C. Experimental and Quasi-experimental Designs
for Research. Chicago: Rand McNally, 1963.
Cartwright, D. & Zander, A. Group Dynamics; Research and Theory. New
York: Harper and Row, 1968.
Edgington, E.S. Statistical Inference; The Distribution-Free Approach.
New York: McGraw-Hill, 1969.
Eigerman, M. Analyses and Methodologies to Assess and Evaluate the Social
and Economic Impacts of Alternative Water Quality Management
Strategies. Cambridge: Abt Associates Inc., 1972.
Ferguson, G.A. Statistical Analysis in Psychology and Education. New
York: McGraw-Hill, 1971.
Finsterbusch, K. & Weitzel-O'Neill, P. A Methodology for the Analysis of
Social Impacts. Vienna, Virginia: BDM Corporation, 1974.
Goffman, E. The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life. New York:
Doubleday, 1959.
Goode, W.J. & Hatt, P.K. Methods in Social Research. New York: McGraw-
Hill, 1952.
Goodman, L.A. Statistical Methods for Analyzing Processes of Change.
American Journal of Sociology, 58, 1962, 57-58.
Goodman, L.A. The Analysis of Multidimensional Contingency Tables:
Stepwise Procedures and Direct Estimation Methods for Building
Models for Multiple Classifications. Technometrics, 13, 1,
February, 1971, 33-61.
Guttman, L. A Faceted Definition of Intelligence. Studies in Psychology,
Scripta Hierosolymitana. Jerusalem: The Hebrew University, 1965.
Guttman, L. The Structure of the Interrelationships Among Intelligence
Tests, Procedings of the 1965 Invitational Conference on Testing
Problems. Princeton: Educational Testing Service, 1965.
Kendall, M.G. & Stuart, A. Inference and Relationship. Vol. II (3rd
edition). New York: Hafner Publishing, 1973.
2-29
-------
Kolb, W.J. & Gould, J. UNESCO Dictionary of the Social Sciences. Glencoe,
Illinois: Free Press, 1964.
Lazarsfeld, P.P. Qualitative Analysis: Historical and Critical Essays.
Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 1972.
Miller, D.C. Handbook of Research Design and Social Measurement. (2nd
edition). New York: David McKay, 1964.
Morgan, B.W. An Introduction to Bayesian Statistical Decision Processes.
Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1968.
Morgan, J.N. & Messenger, R.C. Thaid; A Sequential Analysis Program for
the Analysis of Nominal Scale Dependent Variables. Ann Arbor,
Michigan: University of Michigan, 1973.
Page, E.B. & Marcotte, D.R. Nonparametric Statistics. Review of Educa-
tional Research. Vol. 36, No. 5, 1966, 517-528.
Riley, M.W. Sociological Research; A Case Approach. Vol. I. New York:
Harcourt, 1963.
Rosenberg, M. The Logic of Survey Analysis. New York: Basic Books,
1968.
Sanders, I. The Community; An Introduction to a Social System. New York:
Ronald Press, 1966.
Selltiz, C., Jahodo, M., Deutsch, M., & Cook, S.W. Research Methods in
Social Relations. New York: Holt, 1959.
Shields, M.A. Social Impact Assessment; An Analytic Bibliography. IWR
paper 74-P6, Fort Belvior, Va: Institute for Water Resources,
U.S. Corp. of Engineers, October 1974.
Simon, J.L. Basic Research Methods in Social Science: The Art of Empirical
Investigation. New York: Random House, 1969.
Sonquist, J.A. Multivariate Model Building; The Validation of a Search
Strategy. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 1970.
Stouffer, S.A. Social Research to Test Ideas; Selected Writings. New
York: Free Press of Glencoe, 1962.
Tatsouka, M.M. & Tiedeman, D.V. Statistics as an Aspect of Scientific
Method in Research on Teaching. In N.L. Gage (Ed.), Handbook
of Research on Teaching. Chicago: Rand McNally, 1963.
2-30
-------
Tukey, J. W. Exploratory Data Analysis (Limited Preliminary Ed.) Vol. I
Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1970.
Wolf, C.P. Social Impact Assessment: The State of the Art. Milwaukee,
Wis.: Environmental Design Association, 1974.
Woodworth, R.S. & Schlosberg, H. Experimental Psychology. New York:
Holt, Rinehart, 1954.
2-31
-------
CHAPTER THREE
CASE STUDIES
3.1 GENERAL OVERVIEW
Each of the eight case study communities was chosen for the degree
to which it was expected to exemplify key issues related to water clean-up
(see Section 2.3, Chapter Two). Investigators arrived on site ready to explore
previously identified problems but totally receptive to serendipitous infor-
mation. In most cases, our researchers discovered that the core problem
intended for study was surrounded by ancillary issues or co-issues which
varied in importance and, consequently, in the influence they exerted over
the actions taken and solutions reached. Case study workers concentrated
on amplifying the relationships among the components of the key issue.
In all reports, the facts themselves were allowed to determine the format
in which the information was analyzed and synthesized for write-up.
Our original foci for study turned out to reveal additional over-
riding themes that transcended apparent differences between sites. Fair-
fax County, an affluent 405 square-mile region bordering Washington, D.C.,
contains pastoral farm areas and densely developed urban communities.
Fairfax is a county where sewer moratoria were imposed, initially and os-
tensibly to protect potential drinking water sources and clean up pollution
in the Potomac River and tributary streams. In contrast. Block Island,
a dollop of land off the Rhode Island coast, is a resort community
where inadequate sewer facilities threaten contamination of the
ocean and ground water aquifers and strangulation of the Island's seasonal
economic mainstays, tourism and recreation. Fairfax was chosen for study
because of sewer moratoria imposed there and Block Island was taken as a
specimen of how a resort area can be impacted by water clean up. Yet in
both places, sewage capacity, its creation, provision or expansion, became
the rallying point around which pro-development and anti-growth factions
fought to determine future directions for each locality.
Similar juxtapositions reveal other themes. The two western study
sites — Loveland/Greeley, Colorado and Ketchikan, Alaska — share a feel-
ing that PL 92-500 is an "eastern" law that doesn't fully respond to the
actualities of geography and economy in the western United States. Yet
Ketchikan was selected as an exemplar of how PL 92-500 would affect a single
industry town and Loveland/Greeley was chosen because these two neighboring
communities have participated fully in the grant monies made available to
them under the Act.
3-1
-------
Loveland/Greeley also have something in common with Muskegon County,
Michigan, which was studied because of its imaginative, successful, and
large-scale use of a land application approach to wastewater renovation.
By design, Muskegon uses the nutrients in its wastewater flow to irrigate
6,000 acres of cropland and applies the value of the crop produced to de-
fray the costs of operating the system. An analagous but more spontaneous
reuse of wastewater for agriculture takes place in Loveland/Greeley, where
farmers fear that implementation of PL 92-500 effluent limitations will
strip irrigation water of fertilizing phosphates and nitrates.
Another thematic comparison can be drawn between small-town Ketchikan
and the heavily industrialized Maumee River Basin, seat of Toledo,
Ohio. In Ketchikan, the NPDES permit system and PL 92-500 effluent limita-
tion standards may cause closure of the pulp mill on which the local econ-
omy depends. No such possibility threatens industrially diversified Toledo,
where almost all industries of varying sizes will meet PL 92-500 best prac-
ticable standards without closing. When viewed side-by-side, these two
case studies illustrate interesting differences of degree rather than kind.
Escambia Bay, Florida, illustrates how citizen vigilance and acti-
vism impelled and supported water cleanup. Extremely high levels of citizen
participation followed massive fish kills in the Bay and much has been
accomplished towards reclamation of the ecological system. In this sense,
Escambia can be compared to Fairfax County, where political coalitions and
power groups also coalesced around the water issue. These two sites stand
in contrast, however, because of motivational differences on the part of the
actors: in Escambia, clean water was sought more or less for its own sake,
while in Fairfax, water cleanup may not have gained the momentum it did had
it not been tied to the no-growth issue.
The Merrimack Valley, which straddles the Massachusetts-New Hampshire
border, is an area, like Block Island and Escambia, where recreational op-
portunities depend on water cleanup. Unlike either of those two sites,
Merrimack is in no way economically dependent on recreation, fishing or re-
lated businesses. River restoration has been undertaken there to provide
recreational opportunities and promote community revitalization. Merrimack
is a unique site compared to the seven others in that those who will benefit
from water cleanup are primarily minority group members.
3-2
-------
In all eight sites, the events described in the studies that follow
were caused by a combination of forces. One is a desire for clean water,
sometimes for ecological reasons, but mostly because people need it to drink
and play in. Often, action came in direct response to population growth and
industrial needs. And to an increasing extent, plans have been undertaken
and implemented to meet state or federal water quality standards.
3.2 Organization of this Chapter
Since the case studies are of interest in and of themselves, the case
studies have been written so that they may be considered independently of
this volume. Toward this end, each case study has its own outline, summary,
and bibliography.
In addition, immediately after each case study two summary charts are
presented. The first of these charts summarizes the social impacts noted by
site on the identified local social groups. These charts are footnoted and
cross referenced to the text where appropriate. The cell entries in these
charts which represent the actual impacts have been scaled.
• "++" - indicates a large positive social impact, either in the
sense of intensity of impacts or in terms of the number of
individuals affected.
• "+" - denotes a positive impact.
• "-" - indicates a negative impact.
• "—" - denotes large negative social impact, either in the sense
of intensity of impacts or in terms of the number of individuals
affected.
• "?" - indicated that the authors were unable to determine the
existence or direction of impact on a particular group.
This schema is ordinal in the sense that a "++" is more but not twice as bene-
ficial as a "+". However, these charts and accompanying documentation are im-
portant summaries and play a key role in the cross-site synthesis of Chapter
Four.
3-3
-------
GLOSSARY OF TERMS USED IN CASE STUDIES1
Advanced Wastewater Treatment (AWT) - Wastewater treatment beyond convention-
al secondary treatment; it includes removal of nutrients, organic
materials, bacteria, viruses, suspended solids, and minerals. The
purpose of AWT may be to alleviate pollution of a receiving water-
course or to provide a water quality adequate for reuse, or both.
The process may be used following, in conjunction with, or replace
entirely the conventional secondary process.
Aquifer - A permeable underground geologic formation through which ground-
water flows.
Aquifer Recharge Area - A place where surface runoff enters an aquifer.
BOD - Biochemical Oxygen Demand
COD - Chemical Oxygen Demand
Critical Environmental Area - ". . .any area which due to its location,
nature, or uniqueness must be preserved in order that special
values essential in maintaining vital ecological relationships, as
well as areas of special scenic or historic significance, be protect-
ed and conserved for the benefit, enjoyment, and general welfare of
the people of the Commonwealth." Va. Code Ann. Section 10-187
et. seq.
Erodible Soils - Soils capable of diminishing by exposure to elements such
as wind or water.
Floodplain - Land area, adjacent to a stream or other surface waters, which
may be submerged by flooding; usually the comparatively flatplain
within which a stream or riverbed meanders.
mgd - Million gallons per day
Potomac Estuary - The tidal portion of the Potomac River that extends from
below Little Falls to the Chesapeake Bay.
Secondary Wastewater Treatment - Use of biological growths to effect decom-
position or oxidation of organic material into more stable compounds
and provide a higher degree of treatment than can be accomplished
by primary sedimentation alone.
Sewer Shed - An area containing one or more watersheds, in which sewage flows
are collected at a single location, usually a sewage treatment plant.
Source: Preliminary Plan for McLean, Jefferson North, Vienna, and
Fairfax Planning Districts (Area II). Fairfax County. Virginia Office of
Comprehensive Planning. March, 1975.
3-4
-------
Slippage Soils - Marine or silty clay deposits, plastic in nature, with a
high shrink-swell potential and which are generally unstable, par-
ticularly on steep slopes. Soil shrinkage results in damage to
structures built on these deposits.
Watershed - The area drained by a particular stream or network of streams.
3-5
-------
FAIRFAX COUNTY, VIRGINIA
TABLE OF CONTENTS
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
1.0 COUNTY VIGNETTE
2.0 INTRODUCTION - The Scenario
3.0 THE NO, SLOW OR CONTROLLED GROWTH MOVEMENT
3.1 Growth Control Through Zoning Restrictions
3.2 Sewer Moratoria as a Growth Control Tool
4.0 IMPOSITION OF SEWER MORATORIA
4.1 Alexandria and Westgate Service Area
4.2 Little Hunting Creek and Dogue Creek Service Areas
4.3 Lower Potomac Service Area
4.4 Upper Occoquan Service Area
4.5 Blue Plains Service Area
5.0 SOCIAL IMPACTS OF SEWER MORATORIA
5.1 The Builders: Disruption of Construction and Bankruptcy
5.2 Workers in Construction and Allied Fields: Unemployment
and Mobilization
5.3 Low and Moderate Income People: Exclusion
6.0 IMPACTS OF SEWER MORATORIA ON LAND USE AND WASTEWATER
MANAGEMENT PLANNING
7.0 IMPACTS OF SEWER MORATORIA ON WATER QUALITY
8.0 IMPACTS OF PL 92-500 IN FAIRFAX COUNTY
9.0 BIBLIOGRAPHY
-------
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
Sewer moratoria in Virginia's Fairfax County have kept some rural
areas of the County without sewers, while upgrading existing sewage plants
to advanced waste treatment levels. Relatively little new treatment capacity
has been created, but better treatment has been enforced in the County's sewer
sheds through careful monitoring and strict effluent limitation standards.
Raw sewage bypasses to the Potomac River and tributary streams have been
eliminated and routine discharges are of a higher quality. In the long run,
these two measures are expected to improve water quality in the Potomac, a
major potential source of drinking water.
The moratoria were imposed by an alliance of environmentalist and
anti-development groups successfully backing controlled-growth candidates in
the 1972 County Board of Supervisor elections. Injured groups, mainly build-
ers and construction workers, have organized in opposition and hope to unseat
those now in power this fall. Whether they will be successful in convincing
the overwhelmingly white, affluent, professional constituency that current
dollar losses to construction and related industries have ramifications out-
weighing more amorphous and less quantifiable environmental improvements is
a matter of conjecture.
The Builders Association contends that sewer moratoria have forced
builders to leave Fairfax for unrestricted greener pastures in other Virginia
counties and out of state, and that many builders have been forced to declare
bankruptcy as a direct result of the moratoria. Literature prepared for and
by the building industry claims that a minimum of 38,000 jobs in Fairfax
County are dependent on the health of the construction trades. Developers
also maintain that sewer moratoria have contributed to a housing shortage in
the County, although this contention parallels another, that there is a "tem-
porary" housing glut. An oversupply of high cost housing in Fairfax is said
to keep out not only the traditionally excluded young, old, and other minority
groups falling within the low and middle income range, but also anyone else
who might wish to live there.
FC-1
-------
The construction industry, from entrepreneurial to laborer levels,
has organized to combat sewer moratoria, which both sides of the development
question have identified as the key to growth. Not only do moratoria tempo-
rarily put a halt to building, but lack of sewer capacity acts as a longer-
term growth control force. It takes many years to plan, finance and construct
sewage treatment plants. Without them, almost no building can occur. Even
seemingly temporary moratoria therefore have far-reaching effects. No-growthers
and conservationists depend on the pivotal quality of sewer capacity not only
to clean up existing pollution but to prevent future overloads. Construction-
related people feel threatened in direct proportion to the importance of
existence of sewer capacity to their trade.
Impacts of sewer moratoria fall into five categories:
Impacts on Groups
Disruption of building activity
• Stimulation of frantic building activity prior to moratoria
as builders attempt to prevent moratoria. In some cases this
left builders with unmarketable inventories of housing.
• After moratoria, dispacement of development to adjacent coun-
ties not under sewer moratoria.
• Bankruptcy of some, mainly small, development firms, out-
migration.
e After moratoria, decrease in the number of construction-
related jobs.
• Decrease in the value of undeveloped properties and cor-
responding increase in the value of already developed pro-
perties.
• After moratoria, exacerbation of existing shortage of low
and moderate cost housing.
Political consolidation of groups on either side of the growth issue
• Low and moderate income groups, already underrepresented
in the County, are even further excluded as a result of
rising housing costs.
• Managed-growth proponents turned environmental protec-
tion and growth implications of sewers into a cause
celebre and gained a majority on the County Board of
Supervisors.
FC-2
-------
Moratoria and other growth controls caused builders
to band together to combat the threat to their in-
dustry. Builders became a highly effective lobbying
group in the State Legislature.
Construction workers, whose livelihood was likewise
threatened, also became better organized. They
formed a "Save Our Jobs" committee and are working
to unseat controlled-growth candidates in the up-
coming County Supervisors election.
Impacts on the Political System
o Managed-growth proponents, none professional poli-
ticians, gained a majority on the County Board of
Supervisors.
• Builders, the County's largest industry, felt dis-
enfranchised and took their case to the courts. The
courts became the major locus of decision-making re-
garding sewer facilities planning and construction.
• Sewers — their placement and treatment capacity —
became the focus of decision-making affecting the
entire growth pattern in the County because they were
the most ready and visible tool at hand.
Impacts on Water Quality
• Volume of pollution was abated by moratoria which cut
off further hook-ups to overloaded treatment plants.
• Court actions associated with the moratoria forced im-
plementation of further improvements in terms of better
treatment and expanded treatment capacity.
Impacts on Land Use and Wastewater Management Planning
• Moratoria resulting from overloading of treatment plants
were used by slow-growth proponents as evidence of the
need for more rational land use planning and public
facilities programming in the County.
• Moratoria were then used as a means of slowing down
growth while a County-wide replanning/rezoning program
was developed. Moratoria became especially important
in this regard when other efforts to slow down growth
failed.
FC-3
-------
Impacts of PL 92-500 in Fairfax County
• Gave the Chairman of the Virginia State Water Control
Board greater leverage for enforcing strict water
quality standards.
• Caused a political rift in the state because other
regions felt that Northern Virginia was receiving a
disproportionately large share of available grant
monies.
• Provided impetus for regionalization of wastewater
management planning and facilities.
• Through the 208 mechanism, will provide Fairfax County
with a stronger base from which to negotiate with the
State Water Control Board.
FC-4
-------
1.0 COUNTY VIGNETTE
Fairfax County is an affluent, rapidly growing, virtually all white
region in Northern Virginia covering 405 square miles of land west of the
Potomac River and Washington, D.C. The easternmost portions of the County,
those closest to the capitol, are the most densely populated and include such
well known and historical communities as Mt. Vernon, Annandale and McLean.
The western portion of the county — "hunt country" — is made up of the
Pohick, Bull Run and Upper Potomac districts, which contain 20% of the Coun-
ty's population but 60% of its land area.
Also located in western Fairfax County are Dulles International Air-
port and the new, planned community of Reston. Dulles Airport is the proper-
ty of the U.S. Government and therefore is outside County jurisdiction. The
new town of Reston, generally considered a model of community planning and a
source of pride for the County, is financed by the Gulf-Reston Corporation.
It sits on 7400 acres and has a current population of about 24,000. By 1985,
Reston's population is planned to reach 78,000.
According to recently published County planning documents, median
Fairfax family income in 1969 was $15,700. A report prepared by the Northern
Virginia Builders Association in 1974 recorded an $18,000 median annual in-
come, reflecting a 25% increase in median household income between 1965 and
1970. While these figures attest to the County's overall wealth, they do
not illustrate the range of income levels that exist. County figures (1969)
show a concentration of wealth in Annandale and McLean ($17,500 median annual
income), but the richest families live to the west in Great Falls, where
median income as measured in 1969 jumped to $20,000. The rural western part
of the County also houses the poorest families. In Herndon, the median in-
come drops to $12,000. Reston has planned or completed some 1500 low and
moderate income units for the elderly and others. The Lincoln-Lewis-Vannoy
district, located 5 miles west of Fairfax City, is an anomaly whose blighted
condition has been exacerbated by sewer moratoria. (See page 50.)
Population in Fairfax County has increased four and a half times in
the last twenty years and now exceeds 570,000 people. By the end of 1975,
it is estimated that about 575,000 people will be living in the County and
this number is expected to rise to 600,000 by 1976. While different sources
disagree on population statistics (one study puts the growth rate at 25,000
FC-5
-------
persons/year, another at between 35,000 and 45,000/year), students of Fairfax
County's demographic patterns are unanimous in asserting that rapid growth
has occurred in the area over the past 20 years. Despite a population in-
crease of almost 200,000 over the past 10 years, the percentage of blacks in
the County has remained constant at between 3.5 to 4 percent.
The County is an integral part of the greater Washington SMSA, and
is home to a large number of federal government employees who commute to the
District. With the exception of concrete and asphalt batching operations,
some manufacturing, heavy oil users and fuel storage facilities in the south-
east quadrant, there is little heavy industry in the area, meaning that do-
mestic sewage constitutes by far the greatest part of the wasteload in the
County. The County's largest indigenous industry is construction, which is
directly or indirectly responsible for providing between 35,000 and 38,000
jobs. Of these, "about 47% relate directly to on site and off site construc-
tion, while 53% [are] in other industries, such as manufacturing, trade and
transportation."
Fairfax County is an ecologically sensitive area and all County plan-
ning has been undertaken with environmental preservation high on the priority
list. In the southeast section "two regional physiographic characteristics
dominate. One is that most of the area lies in the Coastal Plain geologic
province; this influences water quality and quantity (e.g., aquifer recharge,
septic tank limitations) and development hazards (e.g., slippage-prone swel-
ling clays). The other dominant characteristic is the extensive network of
streams and stream valleys contained in eight major'watersheds. . . . Two
state designated critical environmental areas, the Potomac Shoreline with
2
its wetlands and estuaries, and part of the Occoquan Drainage Basin."
The Occoquan Watershed, Potomac Shoreline and Difficult Run Valley
in the western quadrants have also been designated by the State as environ-
mentally critical areas. Indeed, the entire County is laced with streams
and stream valleys and, to greater and lesser degrees in various sections,
fragile conditions exist with respect to slippage-prone soils, aquifer re-
charge zones and floodplains.
The Economics of Urban Growth; Costs and Benefits of Residential
Construction, Metro Metrics, Inc., Washington, D.C., October, 1971.
2
Preliminary Plan for Lower Potomac, Mount Vernon. Rose Hill and
Springfield Planning Districts, Fairfax County, Virginia Office of Compre-
hensive Planning, February, 1975.
FC-6
-------
quifer Rcchiirgo, S«ptio Suitihiiiiy Cou>L:;'iint3
; <'rc SEPTIC SUITABILITY
t L'.:!'J (MARGINAL-POOR)
AQUIFER Fi^Ci-IARGP ZONE
Source: Fairfax County, Virginia Office of Comprehensive
Planning. PLUS Research Paper 7.
FC-7
-------
Fairfax County planners and environmentalists feel that wastewater
treatment is only one water-related ecological issue. The next water crisis,
according to one environmentalist, will be supply. Naturally, water quality,
water quantity and development are inextricably related and, as will be ex-
plained, the connections among the three have been made by all factions in
the Fairfax community, although each group has weighted facts differently as
to their importance.
A March, 1975 County Planning Document clearly depicts the relation-
ship between development and water quality:
The effects of development on water quality can be
summarized as follows. The urbanization of the land
upsets the water balance of a region. Paving and
compacting the soil increase the amount of runoff and
overland flow of water into the streams. Areas cleared
for development are quickly eroded and the sediment
washes into a stream. The increased runoff enters the
streams more quickly and causes more frequent and more
severe floods. The increased flow causes a stream to
erode its banks creating more sediment load. During
periods of low flow, these banks become unvegetated
eyesores. The original amenity of a stream is lost.
From the regional standpoint, the most significant
impact on water quality is urban development in or
near these environmentally sensitive areas; that is,
certain natural areas which, if significantly altered,
will have especially damaging impacts upon the quality
and quantity ot water. These include such areas as
floodplains, shorelines, coastal zones, aquifer recharge
areas, land areas with unstable soils, lakes with slow
recirculation cycles or sharp temperature gradients,
watersheds or tributaries with low flow or slow gra-
dients , wetlands/estuaries and other sensitive
hydrologic-ecologic systems.
Another source of water pollution directly attributable to urban de-
velopment in Fairfax County was inadequate sewage treatment. Diminution of
growth was seen by many as the solution to all disadvantageous effects of
development, which included but were not limited to water pollution. While
air pollution, traffic congestion and visual contamination were also abhorred
as negative impacts of growth, the water issue provided the most convenient
and efficacious handle to grapple with the problem.
Source: Preliminary Plan for McLean, Jefferson North, Vienna, and
Fairfax Planning Districts, Fairfax County, Virginia Office of Comprehensive
Planning, March, 1975.
FC-8
-------
2.0 INTRODUCTION - The Scenario
Sewer moratoria in Virginia's Fairfax County are the fulcrum around
which clean water advocates, slow-growth proponents, environmentalists and
developers have clashed in an emotional and often acrimonious battle. The
imposition of the moratoria was achieved by and produced an effective, if
uneasy, coalition of crusaders for water quality, planners and no-growthers
in and out of environmentalists' clothing.
The moratoria were not directly caused by PL 92-500, but the Act
grew to influence these events as time wore on. (See p. 56.) Stringent
state and metropolitan treatment and discharge standards preceded those re-
quired by PL 92-500. Combined with widespread citizen alarm over uncontrolled
development, water quality standards with the force of legal sanction were
the basis for imposing moratoria.
THE ENVIRONMENTAL ISSUE; Clean Water
In the late '60s, Noman Cole, a private citizen who lived on environ-
mentally threatened Mason's Neck, discovered a large pipe bypassing raw sew-
age from the new Lower Potomac Sewage Treatment plant. Outraged that Fairfax
County's most modern sewage treatment plant was dumping raw sewage, Cole call-
ed the Washington Post to report the finding. The subsequent publicity caused
other citizens to ask questions about the County's sewage treatment capacity.
Citizen sleuthing by Cole and cohorts revealed raw sewage bypasses at other
treatment plants as well as system-wide treatment deficiencies and sloppy
monitoring.
Environmentalists and citizen activists rallied around Cole, an en-
gineer who became a lay expert on sewage systems. They set out to draw at-
tention to the issue. Members of the Federation of Citizen Associations re-
gularly read plant meters and complained to the County Board of Supervisors.
Public works officials were invited to "staged" news events at the scene of
sewage bypasses for interrogation by the press.
According to one environmentalist, Noman Cole was impelled to call
for sewer moratoria in response to "gross negligence on the part of the
County staff. Sewer taps were given to anyone who could pay the price, even
though the plants were already unable to handle peak loads and always had to
bypass raw sewage when peak load periods occurred."
FC-9
-------
Early in 1970, the citizens presented the information they had docu-
mented to the County Board of Supervisors. The Supervisors failed to act.
The same evidence was then submitted to the State Water Control Board (SWCB)
with the request that sewer moratoria be declared in the County. After re-
ceiving the complaint, the SWCB conducted a show cause hearing on why sewer
moratoria should not be imposed in Fairfax. The County admitted that the
material presented by the citizens was accurate, and moratoria were imposed
on the service areas of the four eastern County treatment plants. (See
Section 4.0 for detailed analysis of moratoria by watershed.)
Meanwhile, Noman Cole, environmentalist-backed leader and prime mover
in the water quality campaign, was appointed head of the State Water Control
Board. From that post, he continued to wage his four year fight to improve
water quality, partially through the imposition of sewer moratoria and par-
tially through the construction of new or expanded AWT facilities. Through-
out his tenure, Cole held the County to extremely stringent water quality
standards. (See chart, p. 37.)
Political interest in the issue snowballed as environmentalists and
other citizen activists became convinced that their arguments were falling
on deaf ears in the Board of Supervisors then in office. Sewer moratoria
became the springboard for a number of political careers, as involvement in
the early water clean-up effort served many individuals as a training ground
for citizen action. At the same time, people who favored no or slow growth
policies for the County recognized in sewer moratoria an ideal means to
achieve their goals.
The extremely political nature of events surrounding the sewer mora-
toria obscured, in Cole's view, the real water clean-up issues and he ulti-
mately found the attitudes and tactics of no-growthers so frustrating that
he left the water quality arena entirely, charging the County with "using
sewers as a birth control pill."
Cole fathered the use of the sewer moratorium as a tool of control,
but later became one of its sharpest critics. A majority of the 1971 County
Board of Supervisors were swept into office on the coattails of the sewer
moratoria/no-growth issue. Cole became as profoundly disillusioned with a
Board of Supervisors motivated by no-growth issues as he had been with the
preceding, developer-oriented Board. He collided with the 1971 Board
FC-10
-------
because of its refusal to fund what he considered necessary and adequate ad-
ditional treatment capacity. Cole's impatience with people who used sewers
to attain ends other than good water quality was echoed by one County water
quality professional, who said, "recertification [of treatment plants] in
the County is primarily a political and psychological problem - not a tech-
nical one."
FC-11
-------
3.0 THE NO, SLOW OR CONTROLLED GROWTH MOVEMENT
Concurrent with Cole's singleminded concern over clean water was
widespread, growing citizen alarm over burgeoning growth in the area. No-
growth proponents feared that increased sewer capacity would open rural
areas of the County to developers, thereby destroying the remaining country
flavor and compounding existing overcrowding problems in already densely
populated areas.
It is difficult to separate pure environmentalism from environmen-
tally inspired controlled growthism from exclusionary neighborhood protec-
tionism as motivations for pushing toward sewer moratoria. No attempt will
be made here to impute degrees or kinds of motivation beyond the admitted
and obvious. A fundamental conflict surfaced early, however, between those
primarily interested in water quality, who sought to build expanded sewage
treatment facilities to handle overloads from existing hook-ups and those
who feared that construction of any new capacity would open the County to
further development.
Not surprisingly, a crucial factor influencing more altruistic mo-
tivations and militating towards sewer moratoria was money. In 1969, the
Fairfax Federation of Citizens Associations prepared a study that showed
how providing services to the projected number of new residents would cost
the County $5.5 million more than it collected from them in taxes. "For
*
the first time," said the former president of the Federation, "we began to
realize that new growth does not pay for itself; new residents are invaria-
bly subsidized by existing residents."
New residents were not the only ones perceived as receiving an un-
*
warranted bonus. Another citizen activist placed the locus of the financial
dislocation squarely in the lap of builders, calling "pollution and easy re-
zonings subsidies the public unwittingly bestows upon developers."
In 1970, voters killed a $39 million bond referendum, $30 million
of which was to go towards upgrading and expanding the Potomac plants and
$9 million of which was earmarked for sewering the western part of the County.
Citizens complained that presenting the two issues on a single referendum
denied them the right to say yes to one and no to the other.
*
Both of these individuals were elected to the Board of Supervisors
in 1971.
FC-12
-------
A coalition of citizen's groups/ including the Federation of Civic
Associations, the League of Women Voters, environmental organizations, local
PTA's and the like cooperated in a drive to defeat the referendum. Citizen
groups insisted that the two issues — upgrading existing Potomac sewage
treatment plants and creating new facilities in the unsewered portion of the
County — must be separated. They succeeded in defeating the combined $39
million referendum by a wide margin. One Federation member said that this
was the first major bond referendum ever killed in Fairfax County, and cited
the defeat as evidence of increasing dissatisfaction with uncontrolled growth
on the part of the average citizen.
The same coalition of citizen groups then pushed for a separate $30
million bond issue to fund upgrading existing sewage facilities. This second
referendum was later passed. The referenda drives bolstered newly emergent
political personalities, several of whom profited by attendant publicity in
their quest for elective office. The referenda were seen as a mandate from
the people and were hailed by no-growthers and environmentalists alike as
evidence that an educated public clearly knew the difference between environ-
mental concerns and the controlled growth issue. In fact, the distinction
was frequently fuzzy, and there was a great deal of overlap in motivational
impulse. Since more people necessarily create more effluent, a direct cor-
relation between population growth and the degree of pollution exists. Devel-
opment and urbanization in themselves were seen as villainous. (See Vignette
quote, p. 8.) Some people favored controlled growth purely because of this
correlation, while others took shelter under the environmental umbrella.
They recognized that the consequences of the no/slow growth policy, either
as subordinate to environmental concerns or as an end in itself, implied the
exclusion of lower income (i.e., young, old, minority) groups. (See Section
5.0)
With sewerage identified as the "jugular of growth" for the County,
candidates for the Board of Supervisors ran on controlled-growth-via-sewer
platforms in the fall of '71. Four of these candidates were seated. A fifth
new Supervisor was also elected to the 9-member Board. (Eight Supervisors
represent each of the County's magisterial districts, plus the chairman, who
runs at large.) The chairman who gained his seat in the '71 election re-
signed the following September and was replaced by the present pro-growth-
control chairwoman, elected in 1972.
FC-13
-------
Supporters of the new Board claimed that the old Board had been com-
prised of members of the banking community, a zoning attorney, a title insu-
rance salesman, a real estate businessman, and large landowners, who were not
only pro-growth handing out building permits to whoever applied and could
pay the fees but slovenly and careless about sewage as a consequence. The
new Board was said to consist of nonpoliticians with nothing to gain person-
ally from continued County growth.
The turnover in the majority of Board members, five of whom were
solidly committed to controlled growth, was seen as significant by most
citizens, several of whom called it the County's "first populist board."
Shortly after taking office, the Board began implementing growth control
measures through zoning restrictions and sewer moratoria. This two-pronged
approach turned out to have only one strong prong: sewer moratoria. Court
action in zoning cases invariably went against the County.
Growth Control Through Zoning Restrictions
The new Board of Supervisors took office in January, 1972 and three
months later enacted a 6-month zoning moratorium, which they called a "pause
for planning," to give "elected and appointed officials and staff time to
do some comprehensive planning for the entire area." Area builders respond-
ed immediately by taking the Board to court, where the zoning moratorium
was declared invalid. This was an early indication that zoning regulations
as a slow-growth tool would be less effective than originally hoped.
In April, 1973, the Board launched the PLUS (Planning and Land Use
System) Program. PLUS was dedicated to the notion that "the amount of
growth, as well as its distribution, should be compatible with the environ-
mental limitations of our natural resources. . . . Public facilities should
be in place at the time new people move in." One water quality professional
noted that "the tradition of private property rights is stronger than any
other in Virginia government," and another suggested that since the law was
"on the side of the property owner," the PLUS Program was necessary to but-
tress the Board's "shaky" position vis-a-vis land use. PLUS was, in any
case, an effort to express the "inter-relatedness" of policies with respect
to: "quality of life, regional growth commitments; environmental constraints
Jean Packard, "The PLUS Program: Fairfax County's Innovative Planning
and Land Use System". March 28, 1975.
FC-14
-------
of development; growth consistent with adequate public facilities; adequate
public services; housing opportunities; employment opportunities; programs
and facilities for quality education; culture and leisure time activities;
transportation; appropriate private sector facilities; adequate open space;
revitalization of older areas; financial planning and management, and pre-
serving existing residential areas and open space."
As a support structure for growth control, the PLUS Program drew
mixed reactions. The Board of Supervisors praised itself for establishing
an "open planning process with specified times at which all the participants
. . .[could] examine the analytical studies and the proposed products in draft,
and have their ideas and comments incorporated into the plan." The Board
was especially proud of the "key role played by citizens" and contended
that the extent to which citizen participation was carried in PLUS amounted
to innovation.
Moderates said that PLUS was a fine idea in theory, but that it
was not as successful as it might have been. As one environmentalist put
it, PLUS started out as a "panacea" for Fairfax County, pledging itself to
a string of goals, some of which were "mutually exclusive." For example,
PLUS aimed to preserve open space and keep densities low at the same time.
In order to preserve open space, however, it would be necessary to allow high
densities in some locations.
Opponents to PLUS and the slowed growth it implied, mostly members
of the building industry, called it "socially and financially bankrupt, a
tool of the affluent to perpetuate their dominance in the county." Builders
challenged both the zoning restrictions and the sewer moratoria in court and
were overwhelmingly successful in their suits. Whether this success was due
to a pro-property orientation in the courts (as most principal actors in the
drama unaligned with builders asserted) or a sewage capacity shell game on
the part of the Board of Supervisors (as pro-building people maintained) is
almost a moot point. In sewer moratoria, the Board of Supervisors had hit
upon the most effective no-growth tool — both short and long term.
Packard, PLUS Program.
FC-15
-------
Sewer Moratoria as a Growth Control Tool
Builders and real estate developers, in addition to putting zoning
and sewer restrictions to the test in the courts, launched a publicity/
information counter-campaign. (See Section 5.0 on impacts.) A succinct
"comparison of zoning versus sewer decisions as growth control tools" ap-
peared in a 1974 paper published by the northern Virginia real estate and
planning consulting firm of Mason Hirst, Inc.:
Sewer is the ultimate no-growth weapon. Without sewer,
nothing can be built. Whereas zoning decisions can
select between desirable and undesirable land use
activities, a sewer moratorium is usually a totally
indiscriminant policy stopping the issuance of building
permits for all land uses, from churches and recreation
centers to high rise apartments and oil refineries.
Zoning decisions can be quickly appealed to the courts
or reversed by the zoning bodies if someone feels they
were incorrectly made. But sewerage treatment plants
take an exceptionally long time to plan and construct.
When an area runs out of sewer, it can take as long as
seven to ten years to build a new plant. As a result,
sewer planning must be done well ahead of actual need
if disruptions in the supply of housing and other ne-
cessary land use activities are to be avoided.1
Capital Facilities Planning as A Growth Control Tool, Joanna and
Thomson Hirst, 1974.
FC-16
-------
4.0 IMPOSITION OF SEWER MORATORIA
The takeoff for the slow growth movement and Cole's ascendance as
leader in the fight for water quality occurred as a result of controversies
in the County's four eastern treatment plants (Westgate, Alexandria, Little
Hunting Creek and Dogue Creek). The major issues involved here were 1) over-
loading of treatment plants, as opposed to interceptor capacity, which
caused poor treatment performance and 2) bypassing of raw sewage into re-
ceiving waters, including the Potomac.
Concern spread because of observed pollution of Fairfax County's
major drinking water supply, the Occoquan Reservoir. The solution proposed
by engineering consultants involved the construction of a massive waste-
water collection and export system which would have exerted development pres-
sures and threatened the area's rural character. The attitude that rapid
development was an unavoidable concommitant of available sewer facilities
came to prevail as residents witnessed increasingly dense settlement in the
eastern, sewered portions of the County. For the sake of clarity, a detail-
ed discussion of sewer moratoria in different sections of the County has
been organized under the following five headings:
4.1 Alexandria and Westgate Treatment Service Area
4.2 Little Hunting Creek and Dogue Creek Service Area
4.3 Lower Potomac Service Area
4.4 Upper Occoquan Service Area
4.5 Blue Plains Service Area.
4.1 Alexandria and Westgate Service Area
The Alexandria and Westgate treatment plants are County facilities
serving the Belle Haven and Cameron Run sewer sheds in eastern Fairfax County,
as well as most of the City of Alexandria. Sewer interceptors in these
service areas are designed to divert flows to either of the two treatment
plants.
FC-17
-------
FAIRFAX COUNTY
Existing Sewer Service Sheds
and Treatment Facilities
v>
\ Four Mile Run \
v
KreeF
FC-18
-------
EXISTING SEWER SERVICE SHEDS
AND TREATMENT FACILITIES
KEY
Major Sanitary Sewers
Force Mains
Pump Stations
uJ Treatment Plants
— . Sewer Service Shed Boundary
LETTER TREATMENT PLANT
A DC Blue Plains
B Arlington
C Alexandria
D Westgate
E Little Hunting Creek
F Dogue Creek
G Lower Potomac
H Upper Cub Run
I Flatlock Run
J Greenbriar
K Middle Cub Run
L Big Rocky Run
Note: Plans D through L are operated by Fairfax County.
FC-19
-------
Federal and state water quality regulations require that all waste-
water discharges to the Potomac Estuary receive advanced waste treatment.
The Alexandria plant is now being expanded and upgraded to AWT capability;
when this project is completed in 1978 or 1979, treatment operations at
Westgate will be terminated and flows to it will be pumped over to the
Alexandria plant for treatment. According to a 1973 agreement, Fairfax
County will be allocated 32.4 mgd capacity at the expanded Alexandria plant,
which is 10.25 mgd more than is currently available to the County at the two
plants combined.
The slow-growth-dominated County Board of Supervisors that took
office in 1972 placed the service areas of the Alexandria/Westgate system
under a sewer moratorium in November 1972, asserting that the plants were
operating at capacity. The moratorium, which is still in effect pending
current expansions, has meant that no new buildings of any type can hook
up to the sewer mains without approval from the County. The Cameron Run
moratorium was one of the earliest of several imposed by the County, and was
the most hastily applied. The Board of Supervisors capitalized on sewer
capacity shortages that happened to occur just at a time when the Board want-
ed to slow down development and devote its attention to a new planning pro-
gram for the County. As one County staff member put it, "We will never know
whether the Board 'caused' the moratoria." People on all sides of the de-
bate have referred to the arguments over capacity as a "numbers game",
because each side would calculate flows and capacity, and interpret being
"at capacity" on a different basis, to make its point.
A builder in the Cameron Run shed sued the County after the mora-
torium was imposed, on the basis of an old contract with the County for
treatment at the plant (as opposed to a place in the pipe, which is more
usual). The judge in this case ruled in favor of the builder on the grounds
that additional capacity could be negotiated at the Alexandria plant. In
the course of subsequent builder litigation against the County, the Virginia
State Water Control Board (SWCB) stepped in on the builder's behalf and said
that the County was "holding back" additional capacity that could be made
available at the Westgate plant.
FC-20
-------
While efforts were being made to assess the capacity situation at
Westgate, County personnel "discovered" on old maps the existence of a for-
gotten, buried parallel pipe leading to the plant. This was an important
revelation as inadequate force main capacity was a principal constraint in
the case of Westgate. Projects to hook up that pipe and make other improve-
ments are now underway. When these are completed sometime in 1976, Westgate's
capacity, now set at 13.7 mgd, is expected to be recertified by SWCB at 17
mgd. That additional treatment capacity will provide some temporary relief
until the Alexandria AWT facility goes on-line. Officially, then, the mora-
torium in these sewer sheds is expected to remain in effect until 1976; how-
ever, even this schedule is being challenged by builders since, for whatever
reason, the Westgate plant now appears to be operating below capacity.
The current policy is such that the moratorium is never completely
lifted at one time. Rather, an "as available" allocation system operates,
so that if capacity is found to be available, it is immediately handed out
to those at the top of the waiting list. When capacity is again reached,
the moratorium is reimposed.
According to recent County planning documents, the interim recerti-
fication of the Westgate treatment plant and the long-range expansion of the
Alexandria treatment plant will provide more than sufficient capacity to ac-
commodate projected growth in the Cameron Run and Belle Haven sheds.
4.2 Little Hunting Creek and Dogue Creek Service Areas
Wastewater flows from the Little Hunting Creek and Dogue Creek sewer
sheds in eastern Fairfax County receive treatment separately at two plants
referred to by the names of the sheds.
Overloaded conditions at these two plants, as well as the Westgate
and Alexandria plants, were first brought to public attention in 1969-1970,
when the Federation of Citizens Associations complained vociferously to both
the County Board of Supervisors and the State Water Control Board that SWCB
capacity certificates were being violated. The Little Hunting Creek and
Dogue Creek sewer sheds were included in the brief 1970 sewer moratorium
imposed by the SWCB.
Source: Preliminary Plan for McLean, Jefferson, Vienna and Fairfax
Planning Districts. Fairfax County, Virginia Office of Comprehensive Plan-
ning. March, 1975.
FC-21
-------
These two plants were expanded and upgraded as a result of the suc-
cessful 1970 sewer bond referendum. Since the improvements were implemented
at the two plants, the service sheds have not felt much development pressure.
Capacity remains available, and the sheds have therefore not been subject to
moratoria. The Little Hunting Creek treatment plant is certified at 6.6 mgd
and has uncommitted capacity available of approximately 1.7 mgd; Dogue Creek
is certified at 5.0 mgd and has some 1.8 mgd still available. The improve-
ments made to these plants were intended only as an interim solution. To
save the costs of constructing multiple AWT facilities, these two plants are
due to be phased out and their flows pumped to the Lower Potomac treatment
plant on Pohick Creek when expansion and upgrading of that plant is completed
in 1978. Therefore, projected flow additions after that date must be calcu-
lated against the capacity available in the Lower Potomac plant.
This pump-over is a controversial plan, since the combined flows
from these two sheds are expected to consume a significant portion of the
additional capacity due to be provided in the expanded Lower Potomac plant.
Only the most ardent slow-growth proponents feel that the presently planned
expansion of the Lower Potomac plant from 18 to 36 mgd is adequate. Not just
building interests, but the professional planning staff of the County, in-
sist that a reasonable amount of new development in the areas to be served
by the Lower Potomac plant will require more than 36 mgd capacity. They say
that 54 mgd is a more realistic capacity to be added, and urge that that
figure be planned for now so that it will be available when needed.
4.3 Lower Potomac Service Area
The Lower Potomac secondary treatment plant, located on Pohick Creek,
went on-line in 1970, certified at 18 mgd capacity. This plant serves the
Pohick Creek, Accotink, and Long Branch sewer sheds. In the first year of
its operation, the shed it serves was placed under a short moratorium be-
cause a citizen noticed and reported to the SWCB the presence of a large
by-pass line at the new plant. Sewer improvement plans that came out of
court action associated with that 1970 moratorium included the recommenda-
tion that the Lower Potomac plant be immediately enlarged to a capacity of
36 mgd. That project is now under construction and includes upgrading the
plant to advanced treatment, as required by federal and state regulations.
FC-22
-------
A moratorium was again imposed on the Lower Potomac plant's service
area in the autumn of 1972, following public allegations that deficiencies
in plant design were causing poor treatment performance. An engineering
firm hired to audit the plant concluded that although plant design was ac-
ceptable, inadequate provision of secondary clarifiers was limiting effec-
tive capacity to only 15 mgd. Because the plant was nearly at that capaci-
ty, the County declared a partial moratorium. While the County was approv-
ing a program to accelerate construction of two additional secondary clari-
fiers, builders brought suit against the County, contending that 18 mgd were
in fact available in the plant. The court ruled that some capacity was
available, lifted the moratorium for one day, then reimposed it. Thus
although the capacity sued for was granted, the County nevertheless succeed-
ed in asserting its right to stop issuing sewer taps in order not to violate
state certificates. When capacity was increased to 20.2 mgd in the spring
of 1974, two additional mgd were released.
A major issue in the various debates between builders and County
Supervisors over treatment plant capacities has been the point at which new
taps should cease to be issued in order to avoid exceeding certified capa-
city. The County Board at first would impose a moratorium when existing and
committed flows equaled, or nearly equaled, capacity at the plant. Builders
argued that flows committed in tap reserves would materialize slowly, and
this lag should be taken into account in determinations of available capaci-
ty. A positive result of the 1972 litigation in the Lower Potomac service
area was that the County Attorney's office has undertaken development of a
new dynamic tap allocation system to replace the old static system. This
was possible in the case of the Lower Potomac plant because there were tar-
get dates for completion of phased expansion to use in the accounting system.
It is hoped that the new system will be fairer, better reflect actual condi-
tions, and help avoid future "numbers game" disputes between builders and
the County.
In January 1975, the moratorium was again modified after it was de-
termined that some of the construction for which taps had been reserved was
not materializing as rapidly as planned, because of economic conditions.
The availability of capacity at the plant is not, however, expected to last
for long. The expansion of the plant to 36 mgd and pump-overs to it from
FC-23
-------
the Little Hunting Creek, Dogue Creek and two Fort Belvoir treatment plants
are expected to be completed in 1978. Taking into account projected connec-
tions to the system between now and then, and the flows to be pumped over to
the plant, the 36 mgd will be entirely allocated when the system goes on-
line in 1978. If capacity is to be available for growth projected after
1978, the plant will have to be expanded further. However, no such expansion
beyond 36 mgd is as yet programmed by the Supervisors. According to the
County's Office of Comprehensive Planning, currently programmed capacity at
the Lower Potomac plant presents a "major bottleneck in terms of time-phased
treatment capacity required to allow the range of growth alternatives to de-
velop as projected." There is an interim option whereby flows from the
Accotink drainage basin could be pumped to the Cameron Run basin to take ad-
vantage of expansions currently underway at the Westgate and Alexandria plants.
But that option still assumes an as yet unfunded second expansion of the
Lower Potomac plant, to be initiated in 1977 and completed in 1982.
4.4 Upper Occoquan Service Area
The Upper Occoquan Watershed is located in the westernmost, and
generally sparsely developed portion of Fairfax County. At present, it com-
prises the following treatment areas: Upper Cub Run, Flatlick Run, Green-
briar, Big Rocky Run, Middle Cub Run, and Cub Run. These local areas of the
watershed are presently served by five small County-operated treatment plants.
The plants are all due to be phased out upon completion in 1977-78 of the
regional Upper Occoquan advanced waste treatment plant, which will also re-
place six small secondary treatment plants in neighboring Prince William
County, Virginia and serve portions of Loudoun and Fauquier Counties, as
well.
The five existing plants all drain into Occoquan Creek, which forms
the boundary between Fairfax and Prince William Counties. This creek con-
tains the Occoquan Reservoir, which is Fairfax's principal water supply
source. During the 1960s, serious water quality problems (principally
eutrophication) were observed in the Occoquan, which were largely due to
discharge of inadequately treated domestic sewage. In 1968 the Virginia
Source: Preliminary Plan for McLean, Jefferson, Vienna and Fairfax
Planning Districts. Fairfax County, Virginia Office of Comprehensive Plan-
ning. March, 1975.
FC-24
-------
State Water Control Board (SWCB) and a technical subcommittee representing
local jurisdictions sponsored two studies of water quality in the reservoir,
one to define existing water quality problems, and a second to propose tech-
nical solutions to the problems.
The technical solution recommended in the report completed in 1970
called for use of two regional secondary treatment plants in the watershed,
a massive collection system, and pumped exportation of partially treated
wastewater from the reservoir area to Neabsco Creek and thence to the
Potomac estuary.
Slow-growthers, who were at the same time gathering momentum in
Fairfax County, opposed the recommended program on the basis of its implica-
tions for growth in that largely rural area of the County. The $39 million
sewer bond referendum in 1970 included $9 million earmarked for the Occoquan
program. A coalition of citizen organizations that included the Federation
of Citizens Associations, League of Women Voters, and PTAs, campaigned
against the referendum on the basis of the growth pressures that the Occoquan
portion of the bond request would create in western Fairfax County. The bond
issue was resoundingly defeated. When the County subsequently asked the
voters to approve only the $30 million bond for the Lower Potomac program,
the same groups who had opposed the Occoquan Program then gave their support
to this bond, and it carried easily.
Soon thereafter, in 1970, Noman Cole joined the SWCB and registered
his disapproval of the Occoquan export program, on three grounds: (1) it
was very expensive; (2) the export system would simply transfer the pollu-
tion problem in the Occoquan to the Potomac, in violation of federal require-
ments that discharges to the Potomac estuary receive advanced waste treatment;
and (3) the extensive pipelines involved in the large collection and export
systems would create serious siltation hazards. In place of the previously
recommended "export" approach, Cole proposed a "treatment" approach based
on recent experience and data from the then new advanced waste treatment
facility at Lake Tahoe, California. Adopted by SWCB in June 1971, this
alternative became known as "Tahoe East". It called for a high level of
tertiary treatment to be carried out in regional facilities, with direct
discharge of high quality effluent into the Occoquan Reservoir. According
to SWCB, this policy would have the following advantages over the export
approach:
FC-25
-------
1. "Solve the water quality problems due to
sewage effluent in the Occoquan Reservoir
and prevent further degradation of the
Potomac estuary.
2. "Major capital costs savings would be realized
due to elimination of the expensive export
system and possible reduction of the size of
the major wastewater collection system.
3. "Develop a new water supply resource for the
Occoquan Reservoir which should extend its
life and increase its capacity.
4. "Greatly minimize the possibility of a major
siltation pollution problem that could be
associated with the installation of the ex-
port system and some of the major cross
country collection lines."1
For the long-range, SWCB recommended construction of "not more than
three, but preferably two" regional tertiary treatment plants to serve the
Occoquan Watershed in the four counties. Effluent requirements for these
plants are shown in the chart on the following page. For the interim period
before completion of the regional plants, existing small plants were to be
expanded and upgraded to avoid increased loading to the receiving stream.
But no satellite plants are to be allowed once regional facilities are
on-line.
When SWCB adopted this new Occoquan Watershed policy in 1971, local
jurisdictions formed an Upper Occoquan Sewer Authority (UOSA) to manage its
implementation. Numerous delays have pushed scheduled completion of the
first regional plant from the originally planned 1974 date to sometime in
1977-78; construction was initiated in 1974. Meanwhile, a moratorium has
been imposed on this treatment area since existing plants are operating at
capacity.
To allay fears that regionalization of treatment in the Occoquan
Watershed will result in undesirable urbanization of now rural areas in this
district, SWCB has provided for very limited additional capacity in the new
plant; and future expansions will be made in increments of 5 mgd, contingent
on the findings of SWCB's monitoring program for the Occoquan Reservoir.
Commonwealth of Virginia State Water Control Board. Minute 10
from the proceedings of the Board at its meeting of July 26, 1971: "Adoption
of a Policy for Waste Treatment and Water Quality Management in the Occoquan
Creek Watershed."
FC-26
-------
MINIMUM LFFLUEJJTniJ.'" !TY .REQUIREMENTS" FOR SUCH A
PLANT ON T!!.; ZiCCOGUAN REbLRVOIR
Fin.Tl Effluent
P.cqu i rcmcnts
Typical Percent
Removal 5
(These are for
informal ion only:
not requirements)
DOD
Mg/L
1.0
-99.5%
COD
Mg/L
10.0
— 93.0*
Suspended
Solids
Mg/L
0**
ioo?;
Nitrogen
Mg/L
Phosphorus
Kg/L
1*A* | 0.1
1
I)??;
— 99.5%
MBAS
Mg/L
0.!
^99$
Turbidity
Jo* Units
Col ! form
I'cr 100 J1L
Sornpl c
i
0.'»
^•1003;
Less than
?
r~!002
i
* As measured on a weekly average. Since these are minimum requirements, the normal avercge would be expected to bo substantially
better
** Unrraasurablc.
When technology is avoiijblc this recuirement mu:t be met \vith a reiicble year-round nitrogen removal capability. Accordingly, in
the detailed design of the initial plant, the designer should consider in.ccrporating cne;n'.cc! meons to achieve this lower limit, •', CPA
research v/ork develops a proven, reliable sll-wcathcr u.nt. Ur-til that line, the p'an'. shall be dssigncd such ih?t its effluent contains
not grector than 1 iVlg/L of unoxidizcd nitrogen (i.e., nit'if,cation-see Figure 1, note H).
Source: Virginia State Water Control Board, "Minute 10 - Adoption of a Policy for Waste Treatment and Water
Quality Management in the Occoquan Area Watershed".
-------
The following table shows the jurisdictional allocation of total
2
treatment capacity at each increment, which was made in 1971 when the
Occoquan policy was formulated. The increments of capacity were supposed to have
been available over the period 1974 to 1985-90; but because implementation
has been postponed so long, it is very unlikely that plant expansions will
occur as soon as planned. SWCB will not proceed to the next level of capa-
city until the watershed monitoring program has demonstrated that the plant
is not creating a water quality problem in the Occoquan Reservoir.
Tin il >'. sin
,* |li)tiui;nt
MGD
County
[•\'ll fdX
Pnnc3 Wilhc'im
Lourlon
rau(|uier
Tol.il MGD
10
336
S?2
25
1 17
10
15 />0
Oistnhution
r. 05
781
38
1 76
15
A
6 73
10 42
51
234
20
25
ol n^:m
T-D -
341
13 02
04
292
25
30
Allotment
101
I'-. 63
76
351
30
35
11 76
1825
S9
4 10
35
"'
132
.205
1 0
46
30 3
r..u:cnt of
r.-.i.n
Al'utin^nt
.-?. 6%
52 1G%
•f 54%
11 7%
100%
As shown in the table, 3.36 mgd will be Fairfax County's allotted
capacity in the new plant that is to go on-line in 1977-78. According to
recent planning data for the area, only .79 mgd of "new" capacity will be-
come available, since phase-out of the five existing plants will contribute
flows of 2.4 mgd, and SWCB requires a moratorium on new taps when 95% of
allocated capacity is reached.
Actual capacity in this first UOSA plant will be 22.5 mgd, but be-
cause the Occoquan Policy initially, at least, requires 100% backup, allo-
cable capacity will be limited to 10.9 mgd. Depending on the outcome of
monitoring surveys, backup requirements might be reduced and total available
capacity thereby expanded to 15 mgd as early as 1979. On the other hand, if
100% backup continues to be required, expansion to 15 mgd would necessitate
Source: Fairfax County Office of Comprehensive Planning, Prelimin-
ary Plan for Pohick, Bull Run and Upper Potomac Planning Districts, January
1975.
2
According to the source listed above, "the 39.3 MGD is a total
basin allotment. The SWCB policy allows preferably two, but possibly three,
AWT plants in the basin; this 39.3 MGD capacity would have to be shared among
all such plants."
FC-28
-------
new facilities construction which could probably not be completed until
after 1980.
Development interests, already hurt by the present sewer moratorium
in the Occoquan Watershed, cannot, then, expect much immediate relief from
the opening of the new regional plant. Builder protests against County
officials will very likely continue in this area for several years to come.
4.5 Blue Plains Service Area
The Blue Plains sewage treatment plant in the District of Columbia
now serves the portion of Fairfax County that extends north of the Arlington/
Fairfax County line westward to the Dulles Airport, as well as the southern
part of Loudoun County, the towns of Leesburg, Herndon and Vienna, and Dulles
Airport. The sewer sheds in Fairfax County that are served by Blue Plains
are Pimmit Run, Dead Run, Difficult Run, Sugarland Run, and Horsepen Creek.
Excluding Pimmit Run, which uses a separate interceptor, these areas of
Northern Virginia served by Blue Plains are generally referred to as the
Dulles Area Watershed.
The Blue Plains treatment plant is owned and operated by the District
of Columbia. Effluent from the plant is discharged into the Potomac River.
Under contracts with the District of Columbia, the plant provides treatment
service to portions of Loudoun and Fairfax Counties in Virginia and Montgo-
mery and Prince George's Counties in Maryland, in addition to the District
of Columbia. The contracting governmental agency for the Maryland service
area is the Washington Suburban Sanitary Commission (WSSC). Fairfax County
contributes only about 6% of the total flow treated at Blue Plains.
At present there are also two small treatment plants in the Dulles
Area Watershed, located at Herndon in Fairfax County (.3 mgd) and at
Leesburg in Loudoun County (1.3 mgd). According to SWCB, flows are approach-
ing the capacities of these facilities, and at both, BOD5 certificate limits
have been exceeded.
Sewer-related events in the portions of Fairfax County served by
Blue Plains have been strongly influenced by three factors: (1) stringent
discharge and treatment requirements established by the Potomac Enforcement
Conferences and SWCB's embayment standards for its estuarial reaches of
Potomac tributaries; (2) multijurisdictional participation in the Potomac
Interceptor and Blue Plains treatment plant; and (3) federal limitation of
the ultimate capacity of the Blue Plains treatment plant.
FC-29
-------
Potomac Enforcement Conferences that convened in 1957 and 1969 for-
mulated wastewater disposal policies for the Potomac River (with approval
from the Department of the Interior) that required first, strict protection
of proposed drinking-water supply intake areas (no discharges treated or
untreated), and second, high treatment standards (tertiary treatment) for
effluent discharged into the estuary from the Blue Plains facility.
In order to avoid discharges to water supply intake areas from
Maryland and Virginia development along the Potomac and associated streams,
Public Law 86-515 authorized the District of Columbia to construct and
operate the long Potomac Interceptor, extending from Dulles International
Airport to the Blue Plains treatment plant in the District of Columbia.
Under the provisions of the statute, the interceptor was to be of sufficient
capacity to accommodate expected growth and development in the adjacent areas
of Virginia and Maryland. Participating jurisdictions and agencies signed
contracts with the District of Columbia for use of the interceptor.
Unexpectedly in 1969, however, the federal government applied an
ultimate capacity limit on the Blue Plains treatment plant of 309 mgd, on
the grounds that implementation of the required tertiary treatment processes
at the facility would, at that volume of flow, use up all available space
at the plant site. The only available land for expansion was removed from
this potential use on the basis of its value as a critical environmental
area. Recognizing, then, that alternative treatment capacity would eventu-
ally have to be sought elsewhere, the Blue Plains contractors met to allo-
cate among themselves the 309 mgd of capacity. They documented their deci-
sions in a 1970 "Memorandum of Agreement", subsequently modified in 1971.
Parallel with these events, management of rapid growth was becoming
a dominant political issue in Fairfax County. By 1972, controlled-growth
proponents comprised a majority on the County Board of Supervisors. Con-
trolled-growth members of the Board had campaigned their way to office by
emphasizing the connection between growth and sewers, and they continued to
use sewer policy as the ultimate tool to slow down growth when other means
failed.
The limit placed on capacity at Blue Plains and the subsequent
Memorandum of Agreement signed by participating jurisdictions was viewed by
slow-growthers as an opportunity to manage the timing of growth in the north-
west portion of the County. In May 1972, then, the Supervisors adopted a
FC-30
-------
plan for phasing the allocation of Fairfax County's share of available sewer
capacity at the Blue Plains plant in three equal increments over the period
that the plant was being expanded and upgraded to AWT. Similar to the fate
of other attempts to manage growth, this plan was invalidated in court; a
circuit judge directed the County to issue sewer taps to all residential
applicants remaining on the waiting list. This soon exhausted Fairfax
County's residential capacity, and the Board of Supervisors then imposed a
moratorium on further taps. This moratorium has remained in effect.
The present situation is that while the Virginia jurisdictions have
not used all of their allotted capacity in the Potomac Interceptor, they
have already used their allotment at the Blue Plains treatment plant.
Since imposition of the moratorium on the Blue Plains service area
of Fairfax County, controversies here have centered around the alternatives
for obtaining additional sewer capacity in the future — their growth and
cost implications, and the interjurisdictional arrangements involved in each.
Controversies have arisen at virtually every political level, e.g., between:
community (Reston) and county (Fairfax); county (Fairfax) and county
(Montgomery and Prince George's Counties, Maryland); county (Fairfax) and
state (Virginia SWCB).
• Reston vs. Fairfax County
The new community of Reston, Virginia, located east of Dulles Airport
in Fairfax County, was started in 1962 by the Gulf-Reston Company. Reston
is an unincorporated area of the County but has written its own zoning ordi-
nance. Its relations with the County government, tenuous from the start,
have deteriorated over the issues of sewer service and divergent growth ob-
jectives for Reston and the surrounding area. Reston's economic viability,
according to Gulf-Reston, depends on fulfilling its development plans which,
in turn, depend on adequate sewer service and necessary zoning designation.
During the tenure of the slow-growth Board of Supervisors, Reston's
growth rate has slackened. In 1973, the developers of Reston asked the
County to provide two new treatment plants there and a 624-acre rezoning to
accommodate 8,000-10,000 additional residents. When the County balked, Gulf-
Reston sued for the desired sewer service. The court decided in favor of
the developers, ruling that Fairfax County had a duty to provide the sewer
service necessary for Reston to continue to grow. The seriousness of the
FC-31
-------
situation became apparent to the County when Gulf-Reston threatened to
liquidate its interest in Reston if this decision were appealed. Thus,
although the moratorium in the Blue Plains service area remains in effect
for now, the County is obligated to find a solution for providing additional
capacity. (The County Supervisors have still not approved the requested
zoning.)
The County's quest for future sewer capacity for the area now served
by the Blue Plains involves selecting among several possible options, and
has engendered considerable controversy.
• SWCB, D.C. and Fairfax County vs. WSSC
The 1970 Memorandum of Agreement and subsequent modification in 1971
by no means settled the question of competition for the limited capacity at
Blue Plains. News accounts in 1973 carried charges by Noman Cole of the
SWCB that WSSC was violating the agreement by allowing Maryland counties to
overload the facility, and WSSC's counter-charges concerning overloads at
Virginia's Alexandria plant. Fairfax County began to claim that WSSC was
allowing Montgomery and Prince George's Counties more than their allocated
share in the plant, and filed suit against the WSSC in 1974. A parallel
suit was brought against the WSSC by the Montgomery County Environmental
Coalition, and the Environmental Protection Agency also became involved in
the dispute.
In this atmosphere the parties involved again convened to negotiate
the terms of their participation in the Blue Plains plant. A new contract
was drawn up, still based on the 309 mgd capacity, which provided for self-
enforcement. Court action resulted in a consent decree that incorporated the
contract. This was an important step, according to the Fairfax County
Attorney's Office, because, for the first time, it put the authority of the
court behind the agreement.
• Fairfax County vs. SWCB
Still unresolved, however, is where Fairfax County will find capa-
city for this service area beyond what is now available to it at Blue Plains.
Divergent opinions as to the optimal solution have heightened the long-
standing State/County contest for authority in wastewater facilities plan-
ning. The County Board of Supervisors is engaged in negotiations with the
FC-32
-------
District of Columbia and WSSC to obtain additional capacity in the Blue
Plains system which could become available if WSSC diverts some of its
flows to new Piscataway and/or Dickerson plants in Maryland, and/or if Blue
Plains is eventually recertified at a greater capacity. (There is apparent-
ly reason to believe that the plant is now certified on the basis of an
extremely conservative calculation which might in future be readjusted.)
Recently developed land use plans for Fairfax County project addi-
tional wastewater flows in the Blue Plains service area of 11.7 - 12.1 mgd
for the period 1975-1985. The County is hoping, through current negotiations,
to obtain 14 additional mgd of capacity at Blue Plains, thus matching the
capacity now available to Fairfax County in the Potomac Interceptor.
Meanwhile, the Virginia State Water Control Board adopted, in
August 1974, an alternative proposal for providing long-term sewer service
to the area of Fairfax now served by Blue Plains. SWCB has registered its
disapproval of northern Virginia's continued reliance upon the Blue Plains
system for needed capacity, stating that "The history of prior attempts at
regionalization indicates that this is not a sound basis for planning to
meet the needs of the Dulles Area Watershed." SWCB instead proposes a
regional AWT plant to be located near Dulles Airport, which would serve
the portions of Fairfax and Loudoun Counties now served by the Blue Plains
system. The first stage would be a 7.5 mgd AWT plant, expandable to 15 mgd.
According to current Fairfax County planning documents, it appears that this
project could be on-line at about the same time that additional capacity
could become available in the Blue Plains system. An interim project that
has also been discussed for the area is a 4-7 mgd temporary treatment plant
that could be on-line in 1976.
Elected officials in both Loudoun and Fairfax Counties have raised
strenuous objections to the State proposal, on several grounds: (1) its
growth implications, (2) cost to taxpayers, (3) the fact that SWCB formu-
lated the plan without seeking input from the local jurisdictions that would
be served, and (4) SWCB's inadequate attention to pressing needs for addi-
tional treatment capacity in the interim (i.e., in the Herndon/Reston area
and Leesburg in Loudoun County) before any long-range plan could be imple-
mented .
SWCB, "Policy for Wastewater Treatment and Water Quality Manage-
ment for the Dulles Area Watershed", January 1975, p. 3.
FC-33
-------
Both Fairfax and Loudoun County officials acknowledge the possibili-
ty that the necessary additional capacity might not be made available through
the Blue Plains system, although this is their preferred long-term solution.
In such a case, their second-choice alternative is not the single regional
plant proposed by SWCB, but rather two plants, one in the Leesburg area in
Loudoun County and the other in the Herndon/Reston area in Fairfax County.
As the situation is reported in newspapers, two plants are preferred to one
because each would serve restricted high-growth areas and avoid the un-
desired growth impacts of a long interceptor that would be associated with
a single regional facility serving both counties. SWCB has countered that
EPA would never approve the two-plant project over the less costly single-
plant alternative.
While reaffirming its commitment to find some long-range solution
for providing this area of the County with additional treatment capacity,
the Board of Supervisors wishes to pursue concurrently a "Blue Plains"
solution and a "Northern Virginia" solution. The Board has strongly resist-
ed acceptance of SWCB's proposal, or any permanent Virginia site, until the
outcome of negotiations with Blue Plains authorities is known.
On the other hand, the Board of Supervisors is equally adamant about
the need to initiate immediately an interim project to provide additional
capacity to Reston and Herndon and has suggested to SWCB an interim 2-4 mgd
treatment plant for the Dulles/Herndon/Reston area (i.e., half the size of
the SWCB's proposed 7.5 mgd regional plant for that area). At present, both
the Blue Plains option and the single regional facility near Dulles Airport
are still being studied. Should Blue Plains turn out to be the selected
long-term sewer solution, the Supervisors want to avoid building a large
facility near Dulles for the interim. Having both would provide more than
the desired amount of treatment capacity for the area, and thus exert growth
pressures on areas now expected to remain largely undeveloped. If, on the
other hand, the Blue Plains option does not materialize, the Supervisors are
committed to implementing expanded, permanent treatment facilities in the
Jean Packard's "Statement on behalf of Fairfax County Board of
Supervisors at Virginia State Water Control Board Public Hearing on a pro-
posed long-range and interim waste treatment and water quality management
policy for the Dulles Area Watershed", October 29, 1974.
FC-34
-------
Dulles vicinity. However, they feel that Loudoun and Fairfax should have
considerable say in the design and location of such facilities, and not
have an SWCB plan, which they must pay for, forced on them.
The issue of cost has been another bone of contention between the
SWCB and Fairfax County. SWCB has formulated a "Dulles Policy" regarding
the degree of treatment and health and safety precautions that should be
provided in a regional treatment facility for this sewer shed. Fairfax
County Supervisors have protested that some of the proposed treatment levels
and back-up systems are unwarrented and unrealistic in this situation (as
opposed to the Occoquan Watershed) and would be extremely costly to local
taxpayers. (Effluent limitations set by SWCB for its proposed Dulles Area
plant are shown in the chart on the following page.) County Supervisors
Chairwoman, Jean Packard, has called the policy "arbitrary and restrictive."
In her statement to SWCB at the public hearing on the Dulles Policy, she
concluded saying, "Fairfax County has never questioned the right and respon-
sibility of the State Water Control Board to set standards that protect and
preserve water quality. Also, we know that our jurisdiction has been held
up as a model to other officials throughout the Commonwealth [of Virginia],
but no regulatory agency has the right to impose unnecessary high standards
which threaten a jurisdiction's economic viability."
FC-35
-------
MINIMUM EFFLUENT QUALITY REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DULLES AREA REGIONAL PLANT
Final Effluent
Requirements
Typical Percent
Removals
(These are for
information only:
not requirements)
BOD
Mg/L
1.0
99. 5%
COD
Mg/L
10.0
98.0%
Suspended
Sol ids
Mg/L
**
0
100%
Nitrogen
Mg/L
1
97%
Phosphorus
Mg/L
0.1
99.5%
NBAS
Mg/L
0.1
99%
Turbidity
Jax Units
0.4
100%
Coli form
Per 100 ML
Sample
less than
2
100%
Virus
**
0
100%
TJ
?
OJ
**
As measured on a weekly average. Since these are minimum requirements, the normal average would be expected
to be substantially better.
*
Unmeasurable.
Source: Virginia State Water Control Board, "Policy for Uastewater Treatment and Water Quality Management
for the Dulles Area Watershed".
-------
EXISTING AND PROGRAMMED x /ASTEWATER TREATMENT SUMMARY
Existing Condition:
Improvemcrts Procrc-nmod FY 75-/9
n
U)
Treatment Plont(s)
D. C. Blue Ploins
Arlington County
Plant
Alexandria/West-
gate Complex
Lower Potomac
Littie Hunting
Dogue Creek
Greenbriar
Middle Cub
Flatlick
Big Rocky
Upper Cub
Service Area Treatment
(Shed(s)) Level
Pimmit Run Secondary
Dead Run
Difficult Run
Sugarlar.d Run
Horsepen Creek
Four Mile Run Secondary
Cameron Run Secondary
Belle Haven
Accotink, Secondary
Pohick Creeks
Little Hunting Secondary
Creek
Dogue Creek Secondary
Sanitary Dis- Secondary
trict 12 (Cub
Run)
Fairfax
Copaci!y(MGD)
15.58
24
(Total)
21.8
18
6.6
5.0
2.4
" reaS-rrj,
Lc/ei
AWT
AWT
AWT
AWT
To be
To be
AWT
it FciTcx
On
Ccp-cll'/V.GD) Line Rc- = ---.
30
30
(Total)
32.4
36
pumped over to
pumped over to
3.36
1977- Fairfax ccrro- rccc ; ~r '.?-: C'
78 MGO on i1 • '"". ~~ - . . • . ~-
visions to IT-. - .-:: ,"!.• :
o\ Oh. <-; ri . • :
AV/T; 'P>-.-.O, -:. -c..r -. : '
aro-.-nd '98?.
1978 Fairfax ciiy s;:-.:- c . -. -ii cr,-:1
of fio-v ro /\r!:- ~.:: - .
1977 WcsfL:iic pio-f fo ::? c- T-OO c -
to expanded, upi-racicci Ai o- c- '-
.. , . Plant.
End of
1977
expanded Lower Potomac Plant
expanded Lower Potomac Plan!
Mid-
1976 Five existing piants in Gc-"itar>
District 12 will be rsplcccd by
the UOSA regions! AWT plar.f.
Fairfax County, Virginia Office of Comprehensive Planning,
Capital Improvement Program FY 1975-FY 1979.
-------
5.0 SOCIAL IMPACTS OF SEWER MORATORIA ON GROUPS
5.1 The Builders; Disruption of Construction and Bankruptcy
Builders in Fairfax County organized to an unprecedented degree to
combat the zoning and sewer restrictions which they felt were strangling
their industry. The Northern Virginia Builders Association (NVBA), repre-
senting more than 525 member firms (responsible for about 80% of construc-
tion in North Virginia in recent years) in the homebuilding and general con-
tract construction industries, launched an information campaign against
PLUS and sewer moratoria. The decline in housing starts and the increase
in land and construction costs were chronicled, and a housing crisis was
declared.
In 1974, the NVBA prepared an "Analysis and Commentary" on the
County's Plan for Fiscal Year 1975 in which it attacked the "myths" that
"new housing does not pay its own way" and "a slower rate of growth will be
fiscally better for the County." This report was submitted to the chair-
2
woman of the Board of Supervisors. At the same time, the NVBA submitted
a similar Analysis and Commentary to the Northern Virginia Planning District
Commission (NVPDC) on its Phase I Water Quality Management Plan for North-
ern Virginia. The NVBA criticized the NVPDC's Plan as "essentially an
ideological statement of slow growth attitudes, rather than a meaningful
evaluation of present and future needs. [The NVBA's] analysis of the NVPDC
Plan indicate[d] that its population projections [were] based on the wishful
thinking of 'slow growth1 politicians and that its resulting sewer and
water programs [were] being used as a tool to achieve this slow growth goal.
Fairfax County Plan for Fiscal Year 1975; Analysis and Commentary.
Northern Virginia Builders Association, April 23, 1974.
The chairwoman, former President of the Federation of Citizens
Associations, which had prepared the study showing the cost of growth to
taxpayers, was elected in 1972 on a no-growth platform.
FC-38
-------
The Plan therefore represents planning at its worst, with ideological con-
siderations overwhelming good planning principles." The NVBA contended, in
the report to the NVPDC, that the Commission's planning decisions would
"result in a housing deficiency for Northern Virginia of 44,000 dwellings
by 1980."
The past President of NVBA presented a third paper to the Virginia
Housing Study Commission in June, 1974, entitled Housing in Northern
Virginia; the Widening Gap. The following points were made:
• "The housing crisis cited by the NVBA in June, 1973,
has worsened due to the widening gap between housing
supply and housing demand in Northern Virginia.
• "Total building permits issued during the first five
months of 1974 were at the lowest level in more than
six years in the Metropolitan Washington area and
Northern Virginia. Activity in Fairfax County (in
1974) decreased more than 50 percent from the similar
period in 1973.
• "COG and HUD/FHA projections indicate an annual demand
for 19,400 new dwelling units per year in Northern
Virginia, more than twice the projected number built
(in 1974).
• "The housing shortage is reflected in the spiralling cost
of housing, with median costs of new for-sale homes ris-
ing at least $5,000 in Fairfax County . . . from 1973
to 1974.
• "In June, 1974, no new for-sale townhouses in Fairfax
County were priced under $40,000. Sixty-two percent
of all new single family homes for sale in Fairfax
County were priced at $60,000 or above. However, only
seven percent of the County's population is qualified
by income for a conventional, 90 percent, 30-year mort-
gage on a $60,000 home.
Water Quality Management Plan for Northern Virginia, Phase One
(Prepared by the Northern Virginia Planning District Commission): Analysis
and Commentary, by the Northern Virginia Builders Association, McLean,
Va., April 22, 1974.
FC-39
-------
• "Local government planning policies are contributing
to increased costs of housing, by curtailing housing
supplies and by restricting densities."!
As a solution to the housing shortage, the NVBA called for immedi-
ate relief from the moratoria in the form of interim treatment capacity
and a long-term wastewater treatment plan that would provide for what it
considered reasonable increased growth demands.
In addition to the Board of Supervisors, the Northern Virginia
Planning District Commission and the Virginia Housing Study Commission,
the NVBA sought to influence the State Legislature. The NVBA felt that
"localities should be proscribed through state legislation and action from'
using either public facilities or the planning process as 'slow growth1 or
'no growth1 tools." To this end, it joined other members of the building
industry, to form a lobby in Richmond. In 1974, the "General Assembly
passed a bill requiring localities to act up rezoning applications within
2
a year after filing."
The NVBA did not limit its efforts to educate others to governmen-
tal bodies. A red-covered brochure called "The Sewer Moratorium Crisis:
It's Costing You Plenty!", was distributed to the public. This literature
briefly summarized the issues and urged the public spread the word by writ-
ing to elected officials and newspaper editors, telling friends and
acquaintances, attending and speaking at hearings, inviting informed persons
to speak before clubs and organizations and registering to vote in
local elections. "The Sewer moratorium crisis will cost you a lot more if
it isn't solved now!" the public was warned.
At the aggregate level, the NVBA attempted to inform people of its
side of the story and mold political forces around what it called crisis
conditions. Individually, builders sought redress for zoning and sewer
restrictions in court. These actions were taken across the entire industry
in the face of grave economic pressures. Limiting sewer capacity, as has
been noted, was the most immediate way to halt construction. Many
Housing in Northern Virginia; the Widening Gap. Northern Virginia
Builders Association, McLean, Virginia, June 27, 1974.
2Ibid.
FC-40
-------
nonsympathizers are of the opinion that the current decline in the building
industry in Fairfax is due primarily to the recession/depression/tight
money situation that plagues all aspects of the economy nationally. Local
builders feel otherwise.
While the NVBA did not supply statistics to support this contention
directly, (e.g., actual number of builders bankrupted, actual number of
builders who left the area) the president of the organization said that the
moratoria caused:
o Displacement of development to other counties in
Virginia where sewer moratoria were either less
strictly enforced or non-existent.
e Outmigration of builders to other states.
• Bankruptcy of some, mainly small, development firms.
Many builders scrambled for sewerable land in an effort to protect
themselves against the economic uncertainties posed by the next sewer mora-
toria. Land prices shot up, according to the NVBA, because panic set in
and people were willing to pay more for sewerable land. "Because of the
local constraints upon the supply sector of the marketplace, the average
appreciation of real estate values in Fairfax County ... is now at a
rate of about 20% per year. That is approximately twice the national appre-
ciation average, so while we can account for about ten percent a year to
the inflationary spiral affecting labor, materials and other costs, the
remaining ten percent must be attributed to local factors." Landowners
in unsewered areas of the County who wished to sell were forced to wait
or sell for less than they had hoped.
Ironically, the result of this scramble was a housing glut caused
by what the NVBA president called "loss of touch with the housing market
by builders." The NVBA's past president cautioned that, while "it is true
that there presently is far larger inventory of unsold new housing in
Northern Virginia than there has been, . . . this market condition cannot
and must not be interpreted as a slackening of demand. It is a temporary
phenomenon resulting from the high interest rate situation. When the rates
Housing in Northern Virginia; The Widening Gap.
FC-41
-------
RESIDENTIAL BUILDING PERMITS
IN NORTHERN VIRGINIA
THOUSANDS
o
20 -
15 -H
10 -
5 -
16,190
12,849
I
1972
FACTUALLY ISSUED
ESTIMATE BASED
ON FIRST QUARTER
BUNDER EXISTING POLICY
ilBASEDON POSSIBLE
^ADDITIONAL SEWER CAPACITY
8,000
1973
1974
8,000
1975
NVBR 6/74
SOURCE: Metro Metrics, Inc.
CHART NUMBER 2
-------
ROFILE OF EXISTING FOR-SALE HOUSING
FAIRFAX COUNTY
PERCENT OF TOTAL
uu
75-
50-
25 —
o
43%
NONE
=9
%.
///.
/ / /.
'//,.
'///.
'///.
34%
/ / / /
/ / //
///;
////
///x
23%
''///,
/////
////
BELOW $30,000 $40,000 OVER
$30,000 TO TO $50,000
$40,000 $50,000
COSTS OF NEW FOR-SALE
TOWNHOUSES: JUNE, 1974
33%
32%
3:Si: 38& 21%
::::::::::: ::::::::::::: 8% >$&
NONE ^n/ ^^-^ &B8& •'••'••'••'••'••*
I>IUI>IC 6% :-:':-:-:-: :•:•:•:•:•:•: .•.•.-.-.•.• :•:•:•:•:•:•:
-^ v.v.v •.'.*.'.•.•.• •.'.•.•.•.•.' •.'.'.•.•.•.•
^ |:::::X:> :^S::: i^x^:: i:::::!:::!:: i:;:::;::::::
BELOW $40,000 $50,000 $60,000 $70,000 OVER
$40,000 TO TO TO TO $80,000
$50,000 $60,000 $70,000 $80,000
COSTS OF NEW FOR-SALE
SINGLE-FAMILY HOMES: JUNE, 1974
V
SOURCE: Metro Metrics, Inc.
NVBA 6/74
CHART NUMBER 4
-------
THOUSANDS
$ 18,500
18,000
17,500
17,000
16,500
16,000
15,500
15,000
14,500
14.000
13,500
13,000
12,500
12,000
11,500
11,000
10,500
10,000
9,500
9,000
8,500
8,000
7,500
7,000
6,500
6,000
5,500
5,000
4,500
4,000
3,500
3,000
LAND AND LAND
DEVELOPMENT COSTS
FAIRFAX COUNTY
BY TYPICAL QUARTER-ACRE LOTS
$18,150
S TOTAL LAND
»» AND/LAND DEVELOPMENT
$15,800^* COSTS
^\^
$14,250^»1
^\^
$12.700
$11,400
$10,300
LOT DEVELOPMENT
COSTS
$9,750
$9,200
$4,500
RAW LAND
COSTS
$3,5
1970
1971
1972
1973
NVBA 6/74
SOURCE: NVBA Builder Services
FC-44
CHART NUMBER 6
-------
OF INCREASED HOUSING COSTS
IN NORTHERN VIRGINIA
PERCENTAGE
INCREASE
250
225
200
175
150
125
100
75
50
25
0
TYPICAL SINGLE FAMILY DETACHED HOMES
JANUARY 1, 1970 - JUNE 30, 1974
146.0
58.3
\\
\\
81.3
81.2
V\v
72.0
224.0
\\
x,x s
4.5
4.0
3.5
3.0
2.5
2.0
1.5
1.0
.5
AVERAGE MONTHLY INCREASE
2.7
1.1
1.5
1.5
1.3
DIRECT
COST
FINISHED
LOT COST
TOTAL HOUSE
COST
SALES
PRICE
RAW
LAND
SOURCE: NVBA Builder Services
4.1
LOT
DEVELOPMENT
NVBA6/74
CHART NUMBER 10
-------
PROFILE OF IIMCREASEr HOUSING COSTS
IN NORTHERN VIRGINIA
PERCENTAGE
o
INCR
110-
100
90
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
6.0
5.5
5.0
4.5
4.0
3.5
3.0
2.5
2.0
1.5
1.0
.5
ASE_
JVBA6/74
40.0
27.6
2.1
1.1
DIRECT COST
TYPICAL TOWNHOUSES
TOTAL INCREASE
109.0
68.3
68.0
40.1
AVERAGE MONTHLY INCREASE
5.3
3.0
3.1
1.9 j:
FINISHED LOT
TOTAL COST
70.0
27.8
2.0
2.1
36-MONTH PERIOD
JUNE 1971
JUNE 1974
JUNE 1974
SALES PRICE
SOURCE: NVBA Builder Services
CHART NUMBER 11
-------
level off, as they historically have done, the present inventory will be
exhausted rapidly. It is those who cannot see beyond the physical evidence
of the present who are creating the hard reality of a future crisis by stop-
ping or severely curtailing input into the housing pipeline. That input
will be needed to meet the demand at the other end of the pipeline when
the present inventory has been used up."
5.2 Workers in Construction and Allied Fields: Unemployment and
Mobilization
Developers themselves were not the only casualities of controlled
growth. Curtailment of construction injured all those who worked directly
or indirectly in building and allied industries. (See secondary data,
CHAPTER 4.0, for employment statistics).
"Housing is a vital part of the local economy: Fairfax County
generates about 38,000 man years of jobs in construction alone. Direct
expenditures are estimated to be 12% of all goods and services produced
in the County. The indirect impact is substantially higher, spreading to
a wide variety of industry — many not traditionally recognized as directly
affected by construction."
Like their employers, construction workers organized politically
against the no-growth movement. In January, 1974, they donned their hard
hats and turned out 1,000 strong to represent themselves at hearings held
by the Board of Supervisors early that year. The group called itself
"Save Our Jobs" (SOJ) and adopted the slogan "No Growth, No Jobs."
The group enjoys the emotional and philosophical support of the
developers (some say it also receives financial aid), and is comprised of
3,500 members who pay membership fees. The spokesman for SOJ called it
"a volunteer, grassroots political organization dedicated to bringing
responsible government back to Fairfax County." No members of the group
Housing in Northern Virginia; the Widening Gap.
The Economics of Urban Growth: Costs and Benefits of Residential
Construction, Metro Metrics, Inc., Washington, D.C. October, 1971.
FC-47
-------
TOTAL DIRECT AND IN.'JJRECT OUTPUT ATTRIBUTABLE TO ALL CONSTRUCTION
(New and Maintenance)
Construction
Industry
Heating, plumbing and structural metal
Stone and clay products
Stone and clay mining
Lumber and wood products
Electric lighting and wiring equipment
I'rimary iron and steel manufacturing
Prjmary non-ferrous metcil manufacturing
Hdteri.nls handling machinery and equipment
Other faoncated metal products
Non-ferrous metal ores products
LlecLric industries equipment
liusiness services
Kadio and television broadcasting
I'urnlture rind fixtures (other than household)
Chemical products
Chemical nnd fertilizer
Service industry machines
Stamping, screw, machine products
nuSliicfiS uTiiv^j., _.._»;.. L.;-.".~..~ .-.'..\.
Glass products
Pnper products
Coal mining
Transportation and warehousing
Plastics and synthetic materials
Petroleum and related industries
Crude Petroleum and natural gas
Wooden containers
Rubber and plastic products
Construction, mining and oil fielo machinery
Printing and publishing
Household furniture
Machine shop products
Piipcrboard containers and boxes
Household appliances
Scientific and controlling instruments
Office supplies
Gross imports
Wholesale and retail trade
Federal Govcra-ient enterprises
State and local government
Auto repair
Uectnc, gas, water, sanitary
Co-nnunications (except radio & TV)
Fiiuir.ce and insurance
All
79.0%
75.2
73.4
66.0
47.1
34.4
31.8
28.8
26.5
26.3
17.3
17.2
16.9
16.6
15.9
15.4
14.9
14.8
U.7
I': . 5
14.4
14.2
14.2
13.4
13.2
12.5
12.4
12.2
12.0
10.9
10.3
10.3
10.2
10.0
10.0
10.0
9.6
9.2
8.?
8.2
8.0
7.3
6.7
6.2
New
67.6%
66.0
61.8
58.4
40.7
30.0
25.6
27.4
24.0
21.2
14.7
15.9
15.6
15.3
11.'.
11.8
13.2
12.5
12. T
n
12.1
12.2
12.0
9.1
10.1
9.6
10.6
10.5
10.5
9.9
10.1
8.9
8.3
7.9
9.0
8.6
8.0
7.4
7.0
6.9
7.0
6.1
5.7
5.3
Source: U. S. Department of Commerce and Homer Koyt Institute.
FC-48
-------
are running for office, according to the spokesman. Instead, as candidates
for Supervisor in the upcoming November elections present themselves, SOJ
plans to hold evening forums in each magisterial district. Candidates will
be invited to face the public there and will be asked to answer a question-
naire on the issue prior to the meeting. The media will be invited and
the candidates will respond to questions from both reporters and citizens.
Once SOJ has decided whom to support on the basis of these events, the
group will publish and distribute literature and newsletters tailored to
each of the eight electoral districts. These will be handed out door-to-
door by volunteer members.
The Committee to Save Our Jobs hopes to mobilize people to unseat
the present Board by utilizing the same political process that brought
the Board to power. Members feel that involvement in voter awareness and
education early on — including a voter registration drive — will be the
ultimate test of the organization's clout.
5.3 Low and Moderate Income People; Exclusion
5.3.1 In-Migration Stopped
The high cost of housing in Fairfax County makes it impossible for
people of median-income means within the area to buy homes. People of
moderate and low income are and generally always have been excluded by
financial constraints. The increase in home costs exaggerates an already
exclusionary situation. Predictably, the young, the old, blacks and people
on fixed incomes are the groups forbidden by high costs to settle in the
County. County residents are particularly concerned that their own chil-
dren can't affort to live at home.
5.3.2 Lower Income Residents Leave
While some of the County's poorer residents may consolidate their
families and double up in existing quarters, others may have to leave
altogether. According to the Hirst Report,
highest.
The median income in Fairfax County is one of the nation's
FC-49
-------
"Many of the less affluent residents of Fairfax are being
driven from the County by the high cost of housing. The
Fairfax Housing Authority has built or sponsored fewer than
five hundred dwelling units for lower income families over
the past five years, and the stock of lower-priced rental
units provided by the private market is rapidly diminishing
as the pressure for home-ownership results in increasing con-
dominium conversion.
"These housing price problems have forced lower-income
families to shift in two directions, either to the central
city, where substandard housing means lower housing costs,
or to more outlying counties, where the longer commuting
time means a discount in land prices."!
5.3.3 The Lincoln-Lewis-Vannoy Area; A Special Case
Lincoln-Lewis-Vannoy Park is a 2,250-acre poverty pocket five
miles west of Fairfax City characterized by "deficient housing conditions,
low income, [low] education, [un]employment and lack of adequate public
and transportation facilities.
,,2
Housing Conditions, Income, trrpluyinont and
Demographic Characteristics (1970 Census) 3
Lincoln-Levns-Vannoy Park Conflict Area
County Average Conflict Area
Housing Conditions
• Lack Plumbing
• Savre Oetenora- 1.6%
tion of Units
• Require Clearance
Income/Employment
• Families below 10K
annual income 22.2%
• Families below
poverty level 3 5%
• Labor force in labor,
service, domestic jobs 13 1 %
• Unc^p'oyment 21%
Demographic Profile
• Racial mix (% black) 3 5%
• Ecucation. Adults
over 25 with less than
8th grade education 98%
• Aged 30%
19.8%
170%
220%
320%
54%
17.6%
29%
30%
240%
4.4%
Source: Hirst, J. & T. Capital Facilities Planning as a Growth
Control Tool, Mason Hirst, Inc., Annandale, Va., 1974.
Source: Fairfax County, Virginia Office of Comprehensive Planning.
Preliminary Plan for Pohick, Bull Run, and Upper Potomac Planning Districts
(Area III). January, 1975. " " ~ —
3Ibid. FC-50
-------
The area lacks public sewer and can't treat its domestic wastes
with septic systems because of poor soil percolation. Unpaved streets and
poor storm drainage worsen the area's blight.
Clearly, sewer moratoria perpetuate the present situation by making
hook-ups to existing pipes impossible. The Board of Supervisors, in
recognition of the problems here, "requested an examination of the cost
and benefits of providing sanitary sewer facilities. The Board stipulated
that they wanted the area sewered in such a way that the existing lower
income residents [could] be served without opening up the entire area to
further development."
No policy has been set as yet, high cost and limited funds being
cited as factors in the indecision. Conditions therefore remain the same.
Source: Fairfax County, Virginia Office of Comprehensive Planning,
Preliminary Plan for Pohick, Bull Run, and Upper Potomac Planning Districts
(Area III). January, 1975.
FC-51
-------
ANALYSIS
OF QUALIFIED PURCHASERS
IN FAIRFAX COUNTY
PRICE
OF
HOUSE
$30,000
$40,000
$50,000
$60,000
$70,000
AMOUNT OF
MORTGAGE
(90%)
$27,000
$36,000
$45,000
$54,000
$63,000
GROSS ANNUAL INCOME
REQUIRED
TO QUALIFY *
$12,300
$16,300
$20,200
$24,200
$28,200
PERCENT OF
FAIRFAX COUNTY
POPULATION QUALIFIED
20%
21%
24%
5%
2%
Tl
O
Ul
CO
These income figures contemplate gross salary clear and free from all encumbrances.
Based on conventional 90 percent, 30 year loan at 8% percent interest.
SOURCE: NVBA Builder Services
NVBA 6/74
CHART NUMBER 5
-------
6.0 IMPACTS OF SEWER MORATORIA ON LAND USE AND WASTEWATER MANAGEMENT
PLANNING
Sewer moratoria in Fairfax County and the environmental conditions
which prompted them were used by citizen activists and the County Supervisors
as a tool to buttress their efforts to comprehensively replan and rezone
the County. A major campaign issue in the 1971 Board of Supervisors election
was the need for improved planning to harness the County's rampant growth.
Slow-growth candidates pointed particularly to water pollution problems
caused by overloaded treatment plants as evidence of the evils of uncontrolled
growth and poor County management.
Upon taking office in 1972, a first order of business of the new Board
of Supervisors was to launch its program for an "Improved Planning and Land
Use Control System" (PLUS). From its inception, an important element in
the program was the idea of applying growth moratoria (borrowed from Dade
County, Florida) as an interim measure to prevent undesirable growth.
When the Board's first such attempt, a six-month zoning moratorium, was under-
mined by a state court, the Board turned to sewer moratoria as the most
readily available means of achieving its purpose. Although challenges to
these moratoria were also generally upheld in court, the sewer moratoria
neverthless "bought time" for the slow-growthers since new sewer facilities
could obviously not be provided immediately.
The PLUS program, a comprehensive remapping and rezoning of the entire
County is, after two years of effort, now nearing completion. This ambitious
program emphasizes rational channeling of future development and protection
of both environmentally sensitive areas and the character of existing neigh-
borhoods. Although the plans that have emerged from PLUS are acknowledged,
even by members of the building industry, to allow for a reasonable amount
of future growth, these plans are also criticized for being overly general
and idealized. A number of citizens who generally support the program
Source: Proposal for Implementing an Improved Planning and Land
Use Control System in Fairfax County, As Adopted by the County Board of
Supervisors for Public Hearing June 11, 1973. Final Report of the Task
Force on Comprehensive Planning and Land Use Control.
FC-53
-------
mentioned that PLUS may never be implemented if, as some expect, there is
a large turnover of County Supervisors in the November, 1975 election.
Wastewater facilities planning, too, received an indirect boost
from the sewer moratoria, but in a different manner. It was mainly through
litigation protesting the moratoria that County Supervisors were forced,
reluctantly, to devise interim and long-range plans for solving wastewater
management problems. Some of these plans, unlike the PLUS program, are not
vulnerable to political changes because they are court-mandated and subject
to judicial review. They also have the backing of state and federal author-
ities.
FC-54
-------
7.0 IMPACTS OF SEWER MORATORIA ON WATER QUALITY
Events related to sewer moratoria in Fairfax County have, or will
have, beneficial impacts on the quality of local streams and rivers. First,
by disallowing further hookups to already overloaded treatment plants, sewer
moratoria have stemmed the growing volume of raw wastewater discharge to
receiving waters and deteriorating treatment plant performance.
Second, court actions that arose from hardships caused by the
moratoria have had the effect of forcing recalcitrant or disputing jurisdic-
tions and agencies to resolve long-standing impasses and undertake further
sewer system improvements in the form of higher levels of treatment and
expanded treatment capacity. Although completion of required improvements
is in some cases still several years away, the long-term result should be
significantly improved water quality in the area.
Third, it is also likely that water quality monitoring and enforce-
ment, on the part of both County and State officials, will never again sink
to the level of the gross treatment plant overload that occurred in the
1960s and which precipitated the moratoria. Not only does PL 92-500 provide
a mechanism for stricter vigilance, but citizens, planners, and officials
at every level appear now, as a result of the sewer "crises" of the "70s,
to have gained a better knowledge and appreciation of water quality issues.
Ironically, County residents who in 1969-1970 faulted County Public Works
and SWCB personnel for ignoring sewer overloads, now find themselves in
the position of protesting SWCB's overly stringent (and expensive) water
quality protection policies in the Dulles and Occoquan Watersheds.
The principal reason for the pre-PL 92-500 application of very strict
effluent limitations to Fairfax County was the desire to protect existing
and future drinking water supply intake areas in the Occoquan and Potomac
Rivers. Implementation of policies to achieve the required effluent limita-
tions has been an arduous and protracted process, that is not fully worked
out. Full implementation of the policies will require unprecedented levels
of expenditures and interjurisdictional cooperation. However, it is
increasingly being recognized that drinking water supplies (ground and surface),
will in future pose a growth constraint on Fairfax County at least equal in
severity to sewer moratoria unless supplies can be augmented. In the Upper
Potomac and Occoquan Rivers, then, the water quality stakes are higher than
potential aesthetic and recreational benefits.
FC-55
-------
8.0 IMPACTS OF PL 92-500 IN FAIRFAX COUNTY
The stringent water quality standards which were the basis for
imposing sewer moratoria in Fairfax County were developed by Potomac
Enforcement Conferences and the Virginia State Water Control Board,
and antedated PL 92-500. Since its enactment, however, the Act has had a large
influence on sewer-related events in the County.
Foremost among the impacts of the Act is the additional leverage
it has given the State for enforcing pre-existing strict water quality
standards. The national scope of the Act should, in future, defuse the
County's charges that it has been used by SWCB as a model for the rest of
the State and as such been held to standards that are out of line with other
jurisdiction.
On the other hand, it does appear initially, at least, that even
PL 92-500 has been unequally implemented in Virginia. This has resulted
in some political controversy, with other localities protesting that the
SWCB is tunneling a disproportionately large share of available grant funds
to projects in Fairfax County.
Another impact of PL 92-500 in Fairfax County is the impetus it has
provided for regionalization of wastewater management planning and facilities.
The Act's requirement that plans be cost-effective and consider regional
alternatives has bolstered SWCB's efforts to implement regional solutions
in the Dulles and Occoquan Watersheds of Fairfax County. The degree of
regionalization proposed in SWCB policies for these watersheds runs counter
to local jursidictions' preferences for decentralized alternatives that would
more effectively circumscribe future urbanization. The authority the Act
provides for regionalization does not, however, mean that centralized
solutions will be arbitrarily imposed on localities. In the case of the
Dulles Watershed, EPA regional officials have stated that they will withold
approval of grant money until the State and local jurisdictions agree on a
mutually acceptable plan.
A future benefit that Fairfax County officials anticipate from
PL 92-500 is related to the 208 areawide planning mechanism of the Act.
Now that the Washington Metropolitan Council of Governments has been designated
the agency responsible for 208 planning in the area that includes Fairfax
FC-56
-------
County, the County hopes that the COG will in future give it a stronger
base from which to negotiate water quality planning with the Virginia
State Water Control Board. County officials say that in understandings
reached with the COG, Fairfax County will largely do its own sewer planning,
which will then be subject to the COG's approval for consistency with
areawide plans. The County in the past has not been able to oppose effectively
those SWCB policies with which it strongly disagreed.
The events which caused and surrounded sewer moratoria in Fairfax
were inspired as much by local political and economic forces as by the need
or desire of citizens in the area for clean water. In view of this circum-
stance, as one environmentalist pointed out, the existence of a body of law
calling for clean water at the national level, will serve to transcend
laissez-faire tendencies at the local level. That is to say, if forces
for growth had predominated in Fairfax, PL 92-500 would have provided an
external structure for the imposition of water quality standards. If environ-
mentalists and no-growthers had been weak and unable to achieve their goals
unaided, PL 92-500 would have provided the support needed to achieve their
aims. The law provides its own momentum and is a countervailing force in
situations where there is a lopsided balance of power.
FC-57
-------
9.0 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Commonwealth of Virginia State Water Control Board. Policy for Wastewater
Treatment and Water Quality Management for the Dulles Area
Watershed. January, 1975
Minute 10 - Adoption of a Policy for Waste Treatment and Water Quality
Management in the Occoquan Creek Watershed, from the proceedings of
the Board at its meeting of July 26, 1971.
Fairfax Area League of Women Voters. PLUS; Planned Land Use System in
Fairfax County. November, 1974.
Fairfax County, Virginia Office of Comprehensive Planning. Capital Improve-
ment Program FY 1975 - FY 1979. May, 1974.
Growth, Change and the Environment in Fairfax County; The Environ-
mental Planning Process. PLUS Program Research Paper 7. September,
1974.
Preliminary Plan for Annandale, Baileys, Jefferson, and Lincolnia
Planning Districts (Area I). December, 1974.
Preliminary Plan for McLean, Jefferson North, Vienna, and Fairfax
Planning Districts (Area II). March, 1975.
Preliminary Plan for Pohick, Bull Run, and Upper Potomac Planning
Districts (Area III). January, 1975.
Preliminary Plan for Lower Potomac, Mount Vernon, Rose Hill and
Springfield Planning Districts (Area IV). February, 1975.
Hirst, Joanna & Thomson. Capital Facilities Planning as a Growth Control
Tool. Mason Hirst, Inc., Annandale, Virginia, 1974.
Metro Metrics, Inc. The Economics of Urban Growth: Costs and Benefits of
Residential Construction. Washington, D.C., October, 1971.
Northern Virginia Builders Association. Fairfax County Plan for Fiscal
Year 1975; Analysis and Commentary. McLean, Virginia, April 23,
1974.
Housing in Northern Virginia^ the Widening Gap. Summary of Major
Points, Remarks by Jefferson S. Smith, Past President, NVBA to the
Virginia Housing Study Commission. McLean, Virginia, June 27, 1974.
Water Quality Management Plan for Northern Virginia, Phase One
(Prepared by the Northern Virginia Planning District Commission):
Analysis and Commentary. McLean, Virginia, April 22, 1974.
FC-58
-------
Summary of Major Points and Supporting Documentation of Remarks by
Edward R. Carr, President, Northern Virginia Builders Association,
to the Northern Virginia Planning District Commission. June 5, 1974.
Packard, Jean R. "The PLUS Program: Fairfax County's Innovative Planning
and Land Use System". March 28, 1975.
"Statement on Behalf of Fairfax County Board of Supervisors at
Virginia State Water Control Board Public Hearing on a Proposed
Long-Range and Interim Waste Treatment and Water Quality Management
Policy for the Dulles Area Watershed". October 29, 1974.
Task Force on Comprehensive Planning and Land Use Control. Proposal for
Implementing an Improved Planning and Land Use Control System in
Fairfax County, As Adopted by Fairfax County Board of Supervisors
for Public Hearing. Final Report. June 11, 1973.
FC-59
-------
OBSERVED/PROBABLE SOCIAL IMPACTS BY LOCAL SOCIAL GROUPS:
FAIRFAX COUNTY, VIRGINIA
sot
UILDING
ACTIVITY
POLITICAL
ROLE OF
LOCAL
SOCIAL
GROUPS
COUNTY
DECISION-
MAKING
PROCESS
WATER
QUALITY
:iAL IMPACTS
Construction Starts
Inventory of High-Income
Housing
Economic Position of
Development Firms
Location of New
Construction
Construction-Related
Employment
Value of Undeveloped
Properties
Value of Developed
Properties
Supply of Low/Moderate
Income Housing
Political Composition of
County Board of Supervisors
Political Effectiveness of
Building Industry
Political Participation
Among Construction Workers
Political Effectiveness of
Environmentalists
Representation of Low/Mod-
erate Income Persons in City
Role of Courts in Wastewater
Management Decision-making
Role of Sewer Moratoria in
Land Use Management
Water Quality in Streams
and Rivers
Quality of Water Supply
Sources
ers, Developers, Realtors
3
s
—
—
—
—
-
++
+
-
++
—
+
a
rs in Construction S Allied Fields
01
VI
—
—
—
—
-
+
+
-
+
-
+
b
in
VI
o
+
+
+
+
+
C
s of Undeveloped Properties
H
a
-
-
-
+
-
+
+
d
s of Developed Properties
+/_
-
+
+
+
e
SOCIAI
itial Residents: Low/Moderate
le Persons
0) O
4J 0
£S
-
-
-
-
-
-
t
. GROU!
itial Residents: Minority
LC Groups
-
-
-
-
-
-
g
'S
itial Residents: Young
Le
01 a
O 0)
-
-
-
-
-
-
h
ow Growth Proponents
i
++
+
+
-
-
-
+
-
+
+
i
:h Proponents
I
o
—
-
—
+
+
-
+
-
+
J
in
4->
in
H
•-I
10
4J
C
o
•H
c
u
+
-
-
-
++
+
+
-
k
f-H
a
3
o
JJ
S
o
H
•H
1
O
01
in
S
+
-
\
FC-60
-------
NOTES*
ON OBSERVED/PROBABLE SOCIAL IMPACTS BY LOCAL SOCIAL GROUPS
FAIRFAX COUNTY, VIRGINIA
[ la ] **
according to the Northern Virginia Builders Association (composed
of 525 firms responsible for 80% of construction in Northern Virginia) ,
building activity in Fairfax County during the first five months of 1974
was 50% lower than for the same period in 1973.
[ lb ]
Although no statistics are available, numerous respondents perceived
a significant number of construction-related jobs had been lost due to
sewer moratoria. Workers who have actively protested County growth-limit-
ing policies number 3500, and are members of the organization "Save Our
Jobs". We can assume that the actual number of workers affected is far
higher .
[ lc ]
E: The benefit derives from increased demand for legal services
connected with builder litigations against moratoria on new construction.
* The documentation contained in this section and the following case
study sections is individualized and focuses on the documentation of the
most extreme impacts. However, as the documentation was developed, it
became evident that many of the cell entries were made for the same reasons.
Hence, to avoid redundancy, the following abbreviation code was developed
and used in all case study matrix documentation:
E = Rough estimate based on judgement of case study researchers.
A = Anecdotal information from local residents.
IA = Informed anecdotal information from knowledgeable local resident.
I = Interview data gathered from multiple local respondents.
W ?= Written response.
? = Unknown - insufficient information available for judgement.
** Refers to margin key on social impacts by social group matrix.
FC-G1
-------
[ Id ]
I: Sewer moratoria preventing owners from developing their land
have reduced the value of undeveloped properties.
[ le ]
I: The housing shortage, exacerbated by sewer moratoria has
substantially boosted the value of developed properties. This is a
benefit to owners wishing to sell their property, but a cost, in terms
of increased taxes, to owners not planning to sell.
[ If 1
I: Already high housing costs are further increased by the
decline in new construction. See p. 32 of case study.
I lg ]
I: Same as If above.
[ lh ]
I: Same as If above.
[ li ]
No/Slow Growth Proponents helped engineer sewer moratoria in order
to slow down new construction. They dominate the voting population of
Fairfax County, at least as of November 1971, when a slow growth Board of
Supervisors was elected.
[ 1J 1
Growth proponents are a significantly large, but non-dominant
segment of the County population.
[ Ik ]
I
FC-62
-------
INVENTORY OF HIGH-INCOME HOUSING
2a ]
Builders, Developers, Realtors. The advent of sewer moratoria
prompted a rush to build before the next moratorium was applied.
Developers paid high prices for scarce land on which they built luxury units.
The result was a glut of high-income housing, that left developers with
unsold inventories. The precise number of developers, builders, and
realtors affected by the glut is unknown.
[ 2e ]
E
[ 2f ]
I, S (Ref.: (1) Northern Virginia Builders Association, "Housing
in Northern Virginia: The Widening Gap"; (2) J. and T.
Hirst, Capital Facilities Planning as a Growth Control Tool.)
[ 2g ]
Same as 2f.
[ 2h ]
Same as 2f.
ECONOMIC POSITION OF DEVELOPMENT FIRMS
[ 3a ]
According to the President of the Northern Virginia Builders
Association, sewer moratoria has caused bankruptcy of some, mainly small
development firms, and sharply curtailed the business of firms of all
sizes. Statistics on firms affected were not available.
[ 3b ]
Construction-related employment has declined in conjunction with
the economic position of development firms. Membership in "Save Our Jobs",
organized to protest the situation, is 3500. The actual number of jobs
lost is unknown.
FC-63
-------
[ 3i ]
A: Slow-growth proponents welcomed the decrease in County
building activity.
LOCATION OF NEW CONSTRUCTION
[ 4a ]
Sewer moratoria in Fairfax County has caused some developers and
builders to move their activity to other counties and states. This
represents a cost to both those who moved, and to Fairfax County realtors.
[ 4b ]
Displacement of construction activity is a cost to construction-
related workers who either move or remain in the County.
[ 4d]
I
[ 4f ]
I
[ 4g
I
[ 4h
I
[ 4i
I
[ 4j
FC-64
-------
CONSTRUCTION-RELATED EMPLOYMENT
5b ]
Respondents all concur that construction-related employment has
declined significantly as a result of sewer moratoria. Actual figures
are impossible to determine because of coincidental effects of national
economic conditions. Membership in "Save Our Jobs", organized specific-
ally to protest slow-growth County policies (particularly sewer moratoria) ,
is 3500 workers.
VALUE OF UNDEVELOPED PROPERTIES
[ 6d ]
I: Under sewer moratoria, owners cannot develop their land or
command a good price for their property.
VALUE OF DEVELOPED PROPERTIES
[ 7e ]
I,S: The value of developed properties has increased as sewer
moratoria has exacerbated an existing housing shortage. (Ref.: Northern
Virginia Builders Association, "Housing in Northern Virginia: the
Widening Gap" . )
[ 7f ]
I,S: As surveyed in June, 1974, there were no new townhouses or
single-family houses on the market in Fairfax County priced below $40,000;
62% of new single-family homes for sale were priced at $60,000 or above.
(Ref.: Ibid.)
[ 7g ]
Same as 7f above.
[ 7h ]
Same as 7f above.
FC-65
-------
SUPPLY OF LOW/MODERATE INCOME HOUSING
8f ]
I,S: According to a 1974 report, "The Fairfax County Housing
Authority has built or sponsored fewer than 500 dwelling units for lower
income families over the past five years, and the stock of lower-priced
rental units provided by the private market is rapidly diminishing as the
pressure for home-ownership results in increasing condominium conversion".
(Ref . : T. and J. Hirst, op. cit.) The 1970 census reported that 22.3%
of Fairfax County families had incomes under $10,000, and 3.5% of
families were below poverty level. See also 7f above.
[ 8g ]
See 8f above.
[ 8h ]
See 8f above.
POLITICAL COMPOSITION OF COUNTY BOARD OF SUPERVISORS
[ 9a ]
I: The County Board of Supervisors is dominated by slow-growth
proponents. Their policies to control growth, including, notably, sewer
moratoria, are said to have caused displacement of development to other
areas, outmigration of builders, and bankruptcy of some, mainly small
development firms. Actual statistics on these effects were not available.
[ 9b ]
I: Construction jobs have decreased as the result of the County
Board's policies to slow growth. The "Save Our Jobs" organization, formed
by workers to protest County policies, currently has 3500 members.
[ 9c ]
E: A small number of lawyers have benefited from the numerous
lawsuits that builders and developers have brought against the County
Board of Supervisors, in protest over the Board's efforts to limit develop-
ment.
FC-66
-------
[ 9i ]
No/slow growth proponents, who in 1971 at least, dominated the
voting population of the County, can be assumed to endorse the policies
of the County Board of Supervisors, whom they elected on a platform of
slow growth.
[ 9j ]
There is strenuous objection to the Board of Supervisors' slow
growth policies on the part of a significantly large, although not
dominant, segment of the County's population.
[ 9k ]
A: Environmentalists generally concur with the slow growth out-
look of the County Board of Supervisors, although some are dissatisfied
with the delay in solving water quality problems.
POLITICAL EFFECTIVENESS OF THE BUILDING INDUSTRY
[ 10a ]
According to a spokesman for the Northern Virginia Builders
Association, sewer moratoria in Fairfax County (and neighboring
jurisdictions) has fostered an unprecedented degree of organization among
builders, to combat zoning and sewer hookup restrictions imposed by the
County. As a result, the building industry has reportedly become one of
the most effective lobbies in the Virginia Legislature.
[ 10b ]
10c
A
[ IQi I
A
FC-67
-------
[ 10k ]
A
POLITICAL PARTICIPATION AMONG CONSTRUCTION WORKERS
I Ha ]
I
[ lib ]
I: 3500 construction workers have formed a political organization,
"Save Our Jobs", whose slogan is "No Growth, No Jobs". Their aim is to
mobilize support to unseat the slow-growth-oriented majority on the County
Board of Supervisors. Their effectiveness cannot be measured until after
the next election.
[ Hi ]
A
[ llj ]
A
[ Ilk ]
A
POLITICAL EFFECTIVENESS OF ENVIRONMENTALISTS
[ 12a ]
I
[
I
[
12b ]
12c ]
I
FC-68
-------
[ 12k ]
Environmentalists gained a strong voice in County affairs in two
ways: first, one of their members was appointed to the Virginia State
Water Control Board and subsequently became its Chairman; and second,
candidates they supported were elected to the County Board of Supervisors.
Both events have furthered the cause of water pollution control in the
County .
REPRESENTATION OF LOW/MODERATE INCOME PEOPLE IN THE COUNTY
[ 13f ]
I,S: (Ref.: J. and T. Hirst, Capital Facilities Planning -as a
Growth Control Tool. ) See also 7f and 8f above .
[ 13g ]
Same as 13f.
[ 13h ]
Same as 13f.
ROLE OF COURTS IN WASTEWATER MANAGEMENT DECISION -MAKING
[ 14a ]
As builders consistently contested the County's right to limit
growth through sewer moratoria, the courts came to play a significant role
in decisions regarding the provision and scheduling of sewer facilities.
For the most part, court decisions have favored the interests of builders.
[ 14b ]
I
[ 14c
I
[ 14d
FC-69
-------
I
I 14j ]
I
[ 14k ]
I: Environmentalists have benefited from court decisions in the
sense that the rulings have set deadlines by which the County must act to
solve certain water pollution control problems.
ROLE OF SEWER MORATORIA IN LAND USE MANAGEMENT
[ 15a ]
Builders, developers, and realtors have felt the brunt of the
County's policy to use sewer moratoria as a method to control land use,
where other techniques failed. Impacts of the moratoria on these groups
are shown in rows 1-8.
[ 15b ]
I
[ 15d ]
I : Sewer moratoria has denied owners of undeveloped land the
ability to build on their property.
I: In sewer moratoria, slow-growth proponents found an effective
way to hold back development, while they devised new zoning and land use
plans for the County.
FC-70
-------
WATER QUALITY IN STREAMS AND RIVERS
16d ]
E
I 16e ]
E
[ 16k ]
E: Environmentalists, along with property owners, are judged to be
the major County beneficiaries of improved water quality, as recreational
use of rivers and streams was not mentioned by any respondents. (The
supply aspect of water quality improvement is addressed in row 17 . )
[ 161 ]
I
QUALITY OF WATER SUPPLY SOURCES
[ 17a ]
I: Many respondents mentioned that the availability of water will,
in the near future, be a critical factor in the County's growth, in the
same manner that sewer capacity has been in recent years. New wastewater
management plans for the County have particularly focused on protecting
existing and planned water intake areas, for the potential benefit of the
building industry.
[ 17b ]
I: See 17a above.
[ 17d ]
I
[ 17e ]
FC-71
-------
I
[ 17k ]
I
[ 171 ]
See 17a above. Water quality in the Occoquan Reservoir, Fairfax
County's principal water supply source, was threatened a few years ago
by increasing eutrophication. This has been halted through repair of
existing treatment facilities and imposition of a sewer moratorium. A
new regional advanced waste treatment plant, being constructed in the
vicinity of the reservoir, is expected to provide more than adequate
protection. Future water supply intake areas of the Potomac River are
now also afforded stringent protection.
FC-72
-------
DEMOGRAPHIC AND ECONOMIC COMPOSITION OF LOCAL SOCIAL GROUPS
FAIRFAX COUNTY, VIRGINIA
SOCIAL GROUPS
Builders, Developers,
Realtors
Workers in Construction &
Allied Jobs
Lawyers
Owners of Undeveloped
Properties
Owners of Developed
Properties
Potential Residents:
Low/Moderate Income
Potential Residents:
Ethnic Minorities
Potential Residents:
Young People
No/Slow Growth Proponents
Growth Proponents
Environmentalists
Users of Public Hater Supply
DEMOGRAPHIC AND ECONOMIC GROUPS
Sex
4)
•H
CM
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
0)
iH
10
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
Age
o
m
V
X
X
X
o
VO
1
•H
n
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
o
VO
A
X
X
X
X
X
Minority
Status
Majority
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
Minority
X
X
X
X
Income Level
c
M
!
X
X
X
X
X
X
Moderate Income
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
o
IH
0>
•H
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
FC-73
-------
KETCHIKAN, ALASKA
TABLE OF CONTENTS
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
1.0 INTRODUCTION: THE ISSUE
2.0 THE COMMUNITY SETTING
3.0 THE LOCAL ECONOMY
3.1 Role of Ketchikan Pulp Company in the Local Economy
4.0 SUMMARY OF EVENTS LEADING TO THE ANNOUNCEMENT THAT THE PULP MILL
MIGHT CLOSE
5.0 SOCIAL IMPACTS: RESPONSES FROM GROUPS
5.1 The Pulp Company
5.2 Environmental Protection Agency
5.3 The State of Alaska
5.4 Forest Service
5.5 Ketchikan Borough
5.6 Fishermen
5.7 Conservationists
5.8 Business Sector
6.0 THE OVERALL IMPACTS
6.1 Immediate Job Losses
6.2 Tax Revenue Losses
6.3 Loss of Company Contributions to Local Organizations
6.4 Shareholder Losses
6.5 Decreased Timbering Activity
6.6 Indirect Economic Impacts
6.6.1 Multiplier Effects of Job/Income Losses
6.6.2 Public Services for the Unemployed
6.6.3 Effects of Tax Revenue Losses
6.6.4 Losses to Local Service and Supply Firms
7.0 SPECIAL IMPACT AREA: COMMUNITY OF METLAKATLA
8.0 BIBLIOGRAPHY
-------
' Revillagigedo
Dixon Entran
\ ',
\'.
-------
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
Ketchikan Pulp Company (KPC), which owns and operates a dissolving
sulfite pulp mill in the Ketchikan Gateway Borough, announced in February,
1975, that it might have to close the mill because of the high cost of in-
stalling the wastewater treatment system required to bring effluent up to
standards established by the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency pursuant
to PL 92-500.
Since the pulp mill is the largest single employer in the Borough,
and the company-owned sawmill is the largest single employer in the City of
Ketchikan, the announcement has had serious social impacts which will worsen
if the mill actually closes.
The two KPC plants combined employ about 700 people year round, as
compared with an estimated total employment of 5000 in the Borough. The
pulp mill, the sawmill in Ketchikan, the company's related sawmills and a
logging camp outside the Borough act as nodes in the regional economy of
Southeast Alaska. The raw material — timber — flows to them from the
Tongass National Forest, from distances of up to 100 miles. Wages and sal-
aries flow from the company into the City, the Borough, the outlying saw-
mills and logging camps, to stevedores, to companies that build roads for
access to the timber, and to owners of boats and barges which transport the
timber. All told, the company's operations directly account for between
1700 and 1900 employees, out of a total of about 8000 in the regional labor
market area. Indirect multiplier effects have not yet been quantified.
Following forest products, the two secondary economic sectors
are fishing and tourism. Other employers in the Borough are air-
lines, government hospital, public utilities, and the school district. Com-
mercial fishing (and canning) is declining. Tourism is increasing rapidly.
Employment is increasing gradually in non-forest-related fields.
If the pulp mill closes, employment and population in the region is
expected to drop by 20 to 40 percent, depending on whether the sawmills
maintain or increase their exports of sawn logs. They currently ship wood
chips to the pulp mill for a significant part of their income.
KA-1
-------
Direct and indirect social impacts expected if the pulp mill closes
are:
• Unemployment
• Emigration of labor
• Depopulation
• Short run increase in welfare payments and services
• Reduction in property values
• Decline in the local tax base
• Reduction in the provision of social services
• Reduced sales, profits and investment throughout the local
economy
• Increased taxes
• Loss of company profits
Other, more speculative, social impacts of the pulp mill's closing
are:
Increase in commercial fishing; The effect of timbering
(amount and practices) on salmon-spawning streams and
therefore, fishing, is a controversial issue. It is
widely held by fishermen, Fish and Game Departments, and
groups opposed on other grounds to timbering as prac-
ticed in Southeast Alaska, that timbering in the amounts
and in the manner permitted the company under its con-
tract with the U.S. Forest Service adversely affects
salmon-spawning, hence the income from commercial fish-
ing. If these contentions are true, the amount and type
of timbering may change so that fishing loss may be re-
duced even if the company does not close the pulp mill.
Increase in tourism; wilderness lovers in general and
conservation groups in particular argue, both in and out
of court, that timbering in current amounts and
practices adversely affects tourism, its long-run devel-
opment, and the income therefrom. Again, if true, acti-
vities detrimental to tourism may change if the company's
timbering amounts and practices change, so that the loss
may be reduced.
Economic diversification would appear to rest heavily
on improved fishing and tourism, so that this too may
occur even if the pulp mill stays open. The threat of
mill closure may also provide the impetus to begin
serious thought about diversification.
KA-2
-------
• Loss of foreign exchange will occur to the extent that
sawmill operations are reduced, leading to a reduction
in exports of sawn logs to Japan.
The pulp mill is required by the terms of its NPDES permit to decide
by July 1, 1975, whether it will undertake the required investment or close,
although it's possible that the company will be given a little more time.
The social impacts since and because of the February announcement
itself are:
• Efforts by the company to obtain political support to
get EPA to apply less stringent effluent limits
• Mediation by the state in negotiations between KPC and
EPA, plus a state survey of local economic consequences
of the pulp mill closing
e Postponement of social investment decisions by the
Borough
• Postponement of timber-related and property investment
by local entrepreneurs, homeowners and real estate
developers
• A drop in bank loans
• A reduction in retail store inventories
o An apparent small out migration of young unskilled
workers
• Coalition of conservation and fishing groups opposed
to less stringent limits for the company
• An increase in the efforts by conservationists and
fishermen to oppose the U.S. Forest Service's timber
cutting contracts, timber-cutting plans and land use
plans
• A slowdown in the pace of NPDES permit negotiations
between EPA and other pulp mills
The social impacts discussed in this report are therefore of two
kinds:
1. Those expected to happen if the pulp mill closes. These
are further subdivided, as explained above, into those
about which we are fairly sure and those which are more
conjectural. It should be pointed out that, if these
social impacts occur, it may or may not be because of
PL 92-500. Factors other than water pollution control
KA-3
-------
investment affect a company's assessment of its long-run
profitability. Further, the company's short run profits
may be adequate to absorb the costs without its having to
increase the price of its product to the point where it
is uncompetitive. These matters have not been analyzed.
2. Those that have happened because of the February
announcement itself. Again, though these impacts
may or may not be properly attributed to PL 92-500,
it is clear that they have resulted from the company's
announcement. At first blush, it appears that the
announcement is caused by PL 92-500. Yet it is
possible that in response to the law and EPA's
implementation, the company could have made a close/
stay open decision, rather than an announcement on
what it may do, in which case the class of social
impacts caused by sheer uncertainty would not have
occurred.
KA-4
-------
1.0 INTRODUCTION; THE ISSUE
On February 26, 1975, the president of Ketchikan Pulp Company
(KPC), in Ketchikan, Southeast Alaska, issued a press release in which he
"outlined the possibility of the permanent plan closure of the pulp company
due to the exhorbitant costs now envisioned for further environmental
control." In a speech to the Ketchikan Chamber of Commerce the same day,
the president stated that installation "costs...of environmental controls
necessary to conform to the 1972 Water Quality law amendments [were]
2
inordinately high". The company estimates these costs at "more than
thirty-four million dollars..." and says that "the expenditure, approximately
two to four times that of the company's dissolving pulp competition, would
result in disproportionate costs, no base for competitive profit and
economic failure. The owner's choice, to cease operations, while not
desirable, is the only justifiable alternative. Total economic depression
in the area [would develop] should the pulp industry be abandoned." The
company is required to decide by July 1, 1975 whether to undertake invest-
ment in an activated sludge treatment system to meet EPA's waste-water
effluent limits.
Ketchikan Pulp Company News Release. February 26, 1975.
Thomas E. Flanagan, President, Ketchikan Pulp Company. Speech to
Ketchikan Chamber of Commerce, February 26, 1975.
Letter, Thomas E. Flanagan to The Honorable Nelson A. Rockefeller
re: National Commission on Water Quality. February 20, 1975.
KA-5
-------
2.0 THE COMMUNITY SETTING
The Ketchikan Gateway Borough is situated in the rugged, mountainous
archipelago of southeastern Alaska, familiarly called the Alaskan Panhandle.
The Borough (population: 11,522), includes the city of Ketchikan, the
southernmost and largest of five sizeable communities scattered along the
500 miles of wilderness islands which comprise the bulk of southeastern
Alaska. The city of Ketchikan (population: 7,324), a major port of entry and
one of Alaska* largest communities, is the center of economic activity in
the region.
Ketchikan, whose economic mainstay is the Ketchikan Pulp Company
(KPC), is a community where natural constraints make alternate outside in-
dustries difficult to attract. Mostly the constraints are associated with
the costs of overcoming certain physical environmental factors. Situated
on an island far from a major transportation/communication network (the
nearest ground transportation, the Prince Rupert Terminus of the Canadian
National Railway and Trans-Canada Highway system, is more than 90 miles
away), the city has had to depend on costly sea and air transportation for
its lifeline. Restricted by inland mountains, the city has developed in a
linear direction. This development has imposed excessive costs in the pro-
visions of service facilities such as highways, sewer, and water supply.
Transportation links to more developable land, such as surrounding islands,
are not economically feasible.
Prior to the opening of the Pulp Company in 1954, the community's
ma]or indigenous industries were fishing and fish processing. At one time,
Ketchikan was known as the canned salmon capital of the world. Today, not
only has the fishing declined, but it has reached the point where, this
summer, the poorest salmon run of the century is predicted. While some still
find employment in the fishing industries, the majority of the Borough's
population is now engaged in logging and wood products industries. The Pulp
Company superseded the seasonal fishing industry with two promises —
broadening the tax base and providing a year-round payroll.
KPC, the region's primary employer, owns and operates a dissolving
pulp mill and a logging camp, located 12 miles north of the city. It also
operates and/or leases several sawmills, all in the local region. All Com-
pany operations use timber from the local national forest as raw material.
KA-6
-------
A dense evergreen rain forest is the vegetative type here, inter-
spersed with lakes and areas of muskeg. This region of Alaska does not ex-
perience the extreme climatic conditions which prevail toward the north.
Influenced by the Japanese current, the southeast has a mild marine climate
with abundant rainfall. (Average annual precipitation equals approximately
154 inches.) The mean temperature for January is approximately 35.1 with a
high of 39.9. In July, the mean is approximately 58.2 with a high of 65.1.
A wealth of recreational opportunities are available in Ketchikan,
both in the community itself and in the remote areas of the surrounding for-
est. In the more developed area, saltwater fishing, boating, picnicking, and
camping are some of the activities readily available by car or boat. Facil-
ities for skiing have not been developed, but there is good potential. The
more remote areas offer lake and stream freshwater fishing, salt water fish-
ing, boating on fresh and salt water lakes, sightseeing, photography, bird-
watching, hunting, camping and hiking. The region is home to the wildlife
species typical of the larger islands of southeast Alaska. Sitka blacktail
deer, black bear and wolf are the big game species. Excellent trout and
steelhead fishing is available with relatively easy access. Until recently,
salmon was also plentiful. These recreational riches provide the foundation
for a growing sports/tourism industry.
Ketchikan, like the rest of Alaska, has vast unused resources which
are simultaneously valuable to environmentalists as elements in a delicate
ecosystem and financially critical to the economic development of the state.
Consequently, there has been conflict between conservationists, who hope to
preserve the wilderness, and industries, who firmly believe that it is a
human privilege to manipulate these resources. The battle over Alaska's re-
sources is a passionate one on both sides. The state's high unemployment
rate (despite the construction of the Alaskan Pipeline) makes economic growth
a purse-string, gut-felt issue to the average citizen, who resents conserva-
tionists' attempts to limit possible income sources by restricting the use of
natural resources. "Sierra Go Home" bumper stickers are a common sight. En-
vironmentalists fear that unrestricted growth, with its resultant deforesta-
tion and water pollution, will destroy wildlife and salmon runs, and that
Alaska, one of the world's last untouched wilderness areas, will be destroyed
by the encroachment of civilization.
KA-7
-------
3.0 THE LOCAL ECONOMY
The pulp mill, which includes a sawmill, employs about 600 people
year round. The related sawmills employ between 500 and 600 (this figure
fluctuates with the season and the number of shifts worked). Some 250 work
at the logging camp at the height of the season. There are an estimated 470
additional employees who work for about 27 independent logging, log towing
and road construction companies. Of these, some 22 work exclusively under
contract to the Company. This gives an approximate range of from 1700 to
1900 workers directly employed by the Company, as compared with an estimated
annual average total employed workforce in the area of about
7000 in 1974 and of about 8000 including Prince of Wales Island. The pulp
mill (including one sawmill) and another physically separate sawmill in the
borough employ about 700 people year round, as compared with an estimated
borough total employment (including seasonal) of about 5000 in 1973.
Though the region is greatly dependent on KPC, it is not the sole
employer. In addition to lumbering, an unknown number of independent boat-
owning fishermen work in the area. The value of their catch is undetermined,
and their work is seasonal. The tourism industry has grown over the past few
years. Visitors arriving by ferry increased from 12,000 in 1963 to 20,000 in
1971 to 25,000 in 1974. Total tourism in 1974 was 109,000: 36,000 disem-
barked from tourship cruises, 25,000 from state ferries and 48,000 from the
international jetport, which opened in 1973. (The fact that people arriving
by tourship and ferry may only remain in the area for a few hours is vital
when considering these figures.)
The current assessed value of Borough property (lands, buildings, in-
ventories, mobile homes, transport vehicles) is on the order of $190 million,
while that of the pulp mill is $42 million.
The population has grown since 1900 to its present estimated total in
1974 of 11,522, as shown in Table I.
KA-8
-------
TABLE I
BOROUGH POPULATION
Year
1900
1910
1920
1930
1940
1950
1960
1970
1974
Pulp mill established
21970-1974.
Percent Increase
Population Previous Decade
700
1,867
3,025
4,429
5,742
6,829
8,774
10,041
11,522
in this decade (1954) .
142
62
46
30
201
28
14
152
In the period 1968-1972, Borough employment grew in all sectors ex-
cept federal government. The leading sectors were contract construction,
transportation, service, communication and utilities. In these, employment
increased by over 40 percent. State and local government increased by 22
percent.
Population was projected to increase by about 20 percent in the next
decade. With stimulus expected from tourism, new hotels and a "boatel" were
to be built. Construction with public funds was to include rebuilding a dam,
a sewer project, a power plant, a street and highway project, a ferry main-
tenance yard, waterfront development, a fire station, and the building and
installation of air and water pollution control equipment at the pulp mill.
This projection was made before the Company's recent announcement that there
was a possibility of permanent pulp mill closure because of the costs of
treating its wastewater effluent.
3.1 Role of KPC in the Local Economy
The local Borough contains the pulp mill and one of the sawmills.
These two account for about 11 percent of the Borough's total employment. It
is estimated that if the pulp mill closed, there would be a reduction of 20
KA-9
-------
40 percent in both total population and employment in the regional economy
of which the Borough forms a part. The range of reduction reflects the dif-
ferent assumptions as to the impact of the pulp mill's closing on the re-
lated sawmills. They may find alternative pulp mill markets for their logs
and chips. Their shipments of sawn logs abroad may be unaffected. The pre-
cise balance depends on the relative importance to them of the shipment of
logs and chips to the pulp mill and of sawn logs to the export market.
In the best case, the sawmills would be unaffected and direct reduc-
tion in Borough employment would result from the layoff of 632 (1972-74
average) pulp mill employees. In the worst case, the direct reduction in
employment would total about 1350 — 632 from the pulp mill and 715 from the
sawmills (and from logging equipment related to both).
In terms of earnings, "the 600 pulp mill employees earned an estimated
S9.8 million in 1973. Applying a multiplier of 1.33 (as derived by Klocken-
teger, 1972) absence of pulp mill earnings in 1973 would have reduced Ketchi-
kan area earnings by $22.83 million, or roughly 35.8 percent of the total
Ketchikan area civilian wage bill. Assuming all 600 pulp mill workers were
eligible for maximum unemployment security benefits...the annual benefits
2
paid out would be about $3.2 million."
Dr. George W. Rogers. Preliminary Analysis of Economic Impact of
Changes in Ketchikan Pulp Mill Operations. Juneau, Alaska. March, 1975.
2
Anthony Motley, Alaska State Commissioner of Revenue. Impact of
Possible Mill Closure. Ketchikan Pulp Company. Juneau, Alaska. March 10,
1975.
KA-10
-------
4.0 SUMMARY OF EVENTS LEADING TO THE ANNOUNCEMENT THAT THE PULP MILL
MIGHT CLOSE
In July, 1973, the EPA Regional Office publicized the Company's ap-
plication for an NPDES permit and scheduled a public hearing on the matter in
the Borough the following month. Between 20 and 30 people attended, mostly
from the pulp mill. One conservationist attended, but did not speak. No
fishermen attended, presumably because the hearing was held at the height of
the fishing season. There was no opposition to the tentative EPA determina-
tions. In September, EPA issued the permit notice. Following the required
30-day period, the permit was issued in October, 1973.
The Company requested an adjudicatory hearing, which was held in EPA
Regional Offices in June, 1974, and attended by EPA officials, an EPA consul-
tant, Company officials and a Company consultant, one conservationist and
no fishermen. Before the adjudicatory hearing was completed, a stipulation
was entered into between the Company and EPA which relaxed somewhat the ori-
ginal permit's effluent limits in exchange for an agreement by the Company to
construct and operate an activated sludge treatment facility. The permit was
revised accordingly, and issued November 15, 1974. The revised permit ex-
plicitly requires the Company to complete final plans for achieving the ef-
fluent limits by July 1, 1975. The Company made no official response to this
permit until after the 60-day appeal period ended. In November, however,
Company officials met with the governor of the state to apprise him of the
situation.
The Company president wrote to Vice President Nelson A. Rockefeller,
as Chairman of the National Commission on Water Quality on February 20.
The letter stated among other things that "the owner's choice, to cease
operations, while not desirable, is the only justifiable alternative [to
making] environmental expenditures of more than thirty-four million dollars."
On February 26, the Company president gave a speech at a meeting sponsored
by the local Chamber of Commerce, and the Company issued a press release on
the issue.
On March 5, the Company's attorney wrote the EPA Regional Administra-
tor requesting a meeting, which was held in EPA Regional Headquarters on
April 1 and 2. No resolution of the issue was achieved at that meeting. The
permit stands. The Company is required to make a decision to close or stay
open by July 1, 1975.
KA-11
-------
5.0 SOCIAL IMPACTS; RESPONSES FROM GROUPS
5.1 The Pulp Company
The Company has resisted the technology-based waste water effluent
limits set by the EPA Regional Office. The Company president and others of
the staff say they now spend more of their time dealing with government re-
gulatory agencies than "running the company." The Company has spent money
on attorneys and other experts for consultation, reports and testimony. The
Company has obtained agreement from the Borough to install pollution control
equipment at the mill, and has worked with the state to create the option of
making a $50 million tax deductible bond issue backed by the state's Indus-
trial Development Authority. The application to the Authority has since been
withdrawn by the Company.
The Company's stated reason for these expenditures of time, money,
and energy is that it does not feel it can feasibly spend the money for water
pollution control equipment. The Company views the investment as a threat
to its competitive position. At the adjudicatory hearing, a Company-hired
consultant testified that installation costs, if passed on, would raise the
price of pulp from $200 to $234 per ton, thus rendering the Company unable to
compete.
The Company believes that the application of technology-based effluent
limits is inappropriate in the case of its discharge, which is to an ocean
cove where, it is asserted, the assimilative capacity of the receiving waters
has proved more than adequate to receive the pulp mill wastes. The Company
is aware that the way PL 92-500 is presently written allows EPA little flexi-
bility to deviate from technology-based standards.
The Company made the announcement of possible closing several months
after it had both entered into a stipulated agreement with EPA on effluent
limits and treatment technology, and received the revised permit from EPA
incorporating this agreement. Since then the Company has sought the help
of federal and state political figures and agency representatives. With the
aid of a film it has commissioned, the Company is publicizing its views
widely. Several informants who have been approached by the Company believe
the Company, in contacting them, was feeling them out for possible help in
amending the law.
The primary significance for the local community of the Company's
KA-12
-------
position is that people are uncertain and are acting accordingly. While the
social impacts enumerated in this and succeeding sections are, in a sense/
social impacts of PL 92-500, they may be regarded with equal validity as the
social impacts of a particular position adopted by the Company (and EPA) in
dealing with the law's provisions.
5.2 Environmental Protection Agency
At the Regional Office level, the Ketchikan case has taken an appre-
ciable portion of staff time. The Agency sees little room for maneuver in
the face of the law's requirement that effluent limits be based on waste-
water treatment technology. Like the Company, EPA has also paid consultants
to undertake studies and testify.
EPA's Regional Administrator has made it clear that his agency can-
not, under the law, change effluent limits to assimilative-capacity based
limits, even if it could be shown unambiguously that the receiving waters
are adequate to receive the wastes.
The Agency was taken by surprise by the Company's announcement, es-
pecially since EPA compromised on effluent limits in response to the Company's
appeal. A stipulated agreement with and revised permit issued to the Com-
pany relaxes somewhat the effluent limits (BOD and suspended solids) con-
tained in the original permit. The Agency's explanation of this relaxation
is that an activated sludge treatment system is part of the agreement and
revised permit, and that this system will facilitate the Company's achieving
the best practicable and zero discharge effluent limits required by 1983 and
1985, respectively, as compared with other systems which might initially meet
more stringent effluent limits but which would not afford this flexibility.
One possible explanation of EPA's action is that, as an enforcing
agency, it sought to avoid a clash with the entity to be regulated, particu-
larly since this clash might have called into question the fundamental vali-
dity of the law under which the Agency operates. The law requires that ef-
fluent limits be based on best practicable control technology currently avail-
able, not on the capacity of the receiving waters to assimilate industrial
waste water discharges. Were it to adopt the assimilative-capacity approach,
the Agency would render itself liable to litigation. On the other hand, if
The major problem is the BOD load from the pulp cooking liquors.
KA-13
-------
EPA applies the technology-based effluent limits, it risks a legal battle
with the Company, which questions the appropriateness of the technology-
based limits. Therefore, the Agency's posture may have been affected both
by its sense of the relative probabilities of litigation against it and by
its assessment of whether it has a good legal case. The relative importance
of these two factors is a matter of conjecture only.
Relevant here is the Agency's belief that the Company can afford
the investment. EPA hired a consultant to undertake an economic and finan-
cial analysis of the Company's operations. At the adjudicatory hearing, this
consultant testified that the Company's pre-tax profit level for 1973 would
enable the Company, if it so chose, to finance the capital cost (then esti-
mated at $25 million) of the treatment system in two years. EPA's consultant
asserted that the 1973 profits level was probably due, at least in part, to
the cheaper price of wood chips to the pulp mill compared to its competitors.
EPA has Company data showing the Company's 1974 pre-tax profits as $32.7
million. The Company did not contest the issue of its profit levels at the
adjudicatory hearing.
5.3 The State of Alaska
The State, which at the time was very involved with pipeline issues,
was, like EPA, surprised by the Company's announcement. An ad hoc force was
quickly set up to act as mediator between the Company and EPA. This task
force has issued a short report on the economic impact of the possible mill
closure. Some of its members have held meetings with Company officials, the
president of one of the two companies (the operating partner) which jointly
own the Company, and EPA officials.
The State has also informally discussed with the Internal Revenue
Service, the appropriateness of a tax-deductible bond issued by the Company
under the aegis of the State's Industrial Development Authority, and has
applied formally to the IRS for tax-deductible permission. Such an issue
would have a rate of interest of about 6 percent, as compared with an esti-
mated market rate of 11 percent.
The State, along with EPA and the Company, is conscious of the lack
of flexibility accorded EPA under the law, and sees amendments at the poli-
tical level in Washington, D.C. as one possible way for the problem to be
resolved.
KA-14
-------
Several State officials interviewed regard the issue as something of
a clash between old and new attitudes. Older approaches toward the environ-
ment and resource use were individualistic, favoring private sector resource
users whose attitudes amounted to "we'll do what we want until stopped." En-
vironmental legislation suffered from lack of consistent standards and dead-
lines. Newer attitudes reflect a greater sense of the need for environmental
preservation for the common good. Legislation is more far-reaching, and
agency officials tend to prefer stricter interpretation of the legislation
than indistrialists. At least two high ranking state officials see the ap-
proach adopted by the Ketchikan Pulp Company as in part a clash of these
differing philosophies.
One informant noted that the governor won on a platform of "not quite
no growth, but let's assess what growth means." The State does not, however,
want the pulp mill to close, and three government officials also question
the wisdom of spending large sums of money for little improvement in water
quality when the assimilative capacity of the receiving waters is taken into
account.
The State has not been delegated NPDES permit-issuing authority by
EPA. The State's own permit and procedures as applied to the Company have
been superseded by the PL92-500 procedure, in the sense that the EPA permit
goes beyond the already existing State/Company agreement on wastewater treat-
ment.
The task force report on the impact of possible mill closure has
3.
happens.
been published. The State at this point appears to be waiting to see what
By comparison with other environmental issues the State faces, the
possible pulp mill closing is not receiving much publicity. Of more press-
ing importance to the State are the pipeline, mineral production, timbering,
and fishing.
The State is concerned about Ketchikan because of: the local econ-
omic importance of the pulp mill; its relationship to the timbering industry
in this part of the State; what this case may portend for other pulp mills
Anthony Motley, Alaska State Commissioner of Revenue. Impact of
Possible Mill Closure. Ketchikan Pulp Company, Juneau, Alaska. March 10,
1975.
KA-15
-------
in the State (and their relationship to the timbering industry); the impor-
tant role of timbering in the State's economy; the long-run decline in fish-
ing in the State, which is reflected among other things in the recently-
passed legislation limiting the numbers of commercial fishing licenses; the
still early development of mineral production in the State.
The State has made no official pronouncements on the issue. It has
not taken sides. To do so would have militated against its perceived role
as that of bringing together the parties at loggerheads. Further, the State
has not yet decided its posture for two reasons. First, it is still attempt-
ing to weigh social costs and benefits over different time periods of envir-
onmental preservation versus resource use (putting the contrast at its stark-
est) . The ideal here presumably would be clean receiving water and contin-
ued operation of the pulp mill. Both may still be attainable. The State
does not know if the mill will close rather than meet the effluent limits
prescribed.
Secondly, clean water is a relative phenomenon. If the ocean can
absorb waste loads greater than those allowed in the permit (and this is
thought a possibility), spending money on water pollution control and equip-
ment that will result in loads less than the ocean can absorb would seem
questionable.
The State has not determined how amenable are the political forces
that have passed PL 92-500 — with its explicit preference for technology-
based rather than assimilative-capacity based approach to control — to a
return to the assimilative capacity based approach in some cases.
5.4 Forest Service
Shortly after the Company president's announcement, the Forest Service
stated publicly that it would sue the Company for breach of contract if the
pulp mill closed. The statement was later retracted and the Forest Service
has since taken no part in public debate on the issue.
The Forest Service's contract with the Company included an agreement
that the pulp mill be established because "the Forest Service, acting on be-
half of the United States of America, is deeply interested in encouraging
and bringing about the industrial development [of the State].11 The point
here is that pulp mill operations are year round, whereas logging is not.
The Forest Service made the establishment of a pulp mill a condition of two
KA-16
-------
other major timber contracts. The other contract, signed almost 10 years ago,
has not been acted on because it is the subject of litigation brought by a
national conservation group which is calling into question the Forest Service's
management of the national forests in Alaska.
The chief concern of the Forest Service is with this suit, with ano-
ther suit brought by a local state group (not in this community) which asks
t
that the sale of timber to this pulp mill company over the next five years
not proceed under its contract. Growing local opposition from fishermen and
conservationists in the Borough to this sale and to the land-use plan recently
drawn up by the Forest Service for the National Forest, (including the pulp
mill company's timbering area) is also a source of concern.
A plausible explanation offered us of the Forest Service acts — the
announcement that it would sue and the later retraction — is a political/
legal one. The Company would be in a strong legal position to contest such
a suit by the Forest Service. And, if one federal agency (EPA) forced the
pulp mill to close, a suit by another (the Forest Service) would not be
treated sympathetically by a judge.
One explanation of the original announcement by the Forest Service
is that an agency will tend to adhere to previous commitments — in this case
a contract — which maintain the agency's importance and standing, and will
not act prematurely if to do so may jeopardize its ability to maintain its
position in a broader context — in this case the existence of other similar
timber contracts. If the Forest Service were to bring a breach of contract
suit here, and lose, this might render the agency vulnerable to breaches of
other timber sale contracts.
5.5 Ketchikan Borough
Since the region depends heavily on the Pulp Company for economic
health, the Borough passed a resolution soon after the announcement, urging
the U.S. President, the Governor of the State and others "to take whatever
steps are necessary to prevent the closing and abandonment of the . . .
company ..." The resolution circulated widely. The Borough has also passed
a resolution permitting the Company to install air and water pollution con-
trol equipment at the pulp mill. Such permission was needed for the State's
Industrial Development Authority to support the bond issue. The Borough
granted permission after it had entered into an agreement with the Company
KA-17
-------
which established that the Company would pay property taxes to the Borough
which would reflect the increased appraised value of the pulp mill when the
equipment was installed.
Some of the projects affected are waterfront development (tourcruise
ship and small boat docking facilities, parking, the building of a ferry
maintenance yard), parks and recreation plans (beaches and beachfront parks,
the conversion of a school building into a center for the performing arts,
tennis courts).
Projects not affected, or unlikely to be affected, are the $1.8 mil-
lion dam reconstruction (on which citizens will soon vote whether to make a
local bond issue of $900,000), the $10 million sewer project (involving mostly
federal monies under the PL 92-500 construction grants program), the $1.1
million power plant project and the $2 million streets and highways recon-
struction project (with mostly federal and some state money, but no local
financial contribution).
The Borough commissioned a study, which is now available, on the
economic impact on the local community of the pulp mill's closing. This was
undertaken by a State University professor.
The Borough does not want the pulp mill to close, sees the threat of
its closing as a severe blow to the prosperity and growth of the community,
and has not undertaken the investment in services and diversification that
it might have without the announcement.
The Borough Assembly believes it prudent to hold off for now on in-
creased financial commitments. This decision has direct effects on the
present quality of life in the community, affecting as it does the provision
of cultural and recreational facilities and immediate plans for diversifica-
tion — waterfront development for tourists and the building of a ferry
maintenance yard.
The possible closing of the pulp mill has had the dual effect of
stimulating an interest in planning for long-run diversification of the eco-
nomy and of placing current plans on the shelf for the near future, with
corresponding frustration.
The study commissioned by the Borough was obviously an attempt to
shed some light on the medium and long-run effects on the community. Its
Dr. George W. Rogers. Preliminary Analysis of Economic Impact of
Changes in Ketchikan Pulp Mill Operations. Juneau, Alaska, March, 1975.
KA-18
-------
conclusions strengthen the Borough's tendency to postpone such financial
commitments as it can.
The Borough has as yet no comprehensive and well thought out plans
for diversification of the economy. Fishing offers potential if canning,
processing and storage capacity can be increased, since much of the local
catch is shipped elsewhere. Tourism is growing rapidly. The possible trans-
formation of these two sectors from seasonal industries into industries
having year-round impacts is in the future. There is also a prevalent feel-
ing that the effluent standards are unreasonable, since the ocean, it is
asserted, can readily handle the pulp mill wastes. Another common attitude
is that legislation is by easterners who fail to consider the effects on
western states. Those "outside" are perceived as not attentive to the unique
needs of Alaska.
The opinions of Borough politicians range from that of one elected
official who believes that the Company will not close — that it is bluffing
to see how far it can force EPA to relax the effluent limits — to that of
another who feels that the Company will close the pulp mill rather than un-
dertake the required investment. Both have a personal stake in the economic
health of the community, since both have jobs, other than as elected officials,
that rely heavily on local business conditions.
5.6 Fishermen
Local fishermen's associations have sent letters to Vice President
Rockefeller, to the state senators, and to a congressman, stating that:
(1) the Company has not transformed the community into a single-industry town;
(2) the president of the Company presented a "distorted summary of the situ-
ation" by claiming that the mill had "replaced seasonal and unstable fishing
as the area's economic base"; (3) the pulp and paper industry and the Forest
Service's activities preclude peaceful coexistence with fishing, since tim-
bering interferes with fishspawning streams; (4) a "weakening" of EPA stan-
dards on effluent limits applied to the mill may lead to a reduction in the
protection afforded streams; (5) protection is needed for the fishing indus-
try to insure that the area does not become a single-industry community; (6)
the pulp mill "has contributed much to this city's economy and [local fisher-
men] hope the community will continue to benefit from its operation."
The continental United States is referred to by Alaskans as the "out-
side" or "the lower 48" reflecting a perception by Alaskans that they are sepa-
rated, both geographically and philosophically, from the rest of the country.
KA-19
-------
A fisherman's association representing many of the fishermen in the
state may bring a suit against the Forest Service to control timbering
planned during the next 5-year period under the contract between the
Forest Service and the Company. This suit could be stimulated by the fact
that the Company is "under the gun" on the issue of effluent limits, and
therefore more vulnerable.
Fundamentally, the organized local fishermen believe that the Com-
pany is making an issue out of the effluent limits in order to be in a
stronger position to combat restrictions that might be placed on its timber
cutting — amounts and practices. They regard this as the real issue, and
one which affects their livelihood. They believe the pulp mill's discharge
has adversely affected fishing in the immediate area and deplore the lack of
data that would establish this.
Consequently, even if people could return to fishing (constrained by
the limited entry legislation), they might not find a livelihood there. Under
the new limited entry, the unemployed pulp workers would not be able to enter
the fishery.
5.7 Conservationists
There are two local conservation groups, one a society with ties to
the Sierra Club, the other the local chapter of the League of Women Voters.
The Sierra Club affiliate has had one or two representatives at the
1973 EPA/NPDES hearing and at the adjudicatory hearing.
The League has organized two public meetings on the issue, at which
different views have been presented, as part of its regular Monday morning
radio show series. As a national organization, the League has a history of
sustained involvement in water pollution control and legislation. In Alaska,
the League has been especially vigorous in its campaign against water pollu-
tion from all sources. The local chapter has not adopted any position on the
issue, nor contacted politicians or agencies to make its view known. Its
members have widely divergent views on the issue. The husbands of several of
its members are pulp mill employees.
The conservation group has regular monthly meetings. These have
increased in frequency recently because of the pulp mill issue. The Forest
Service's "74-'75 environmental impact statement on its timber sale contract
with the Company, and the Forest Service's land-use plan for the national
KA-20
-------
forest from which timber under this contract is being cut are additional
topics of concern to conservationists.
The views of the conservation group are that EPA should not make
an exception for the pulp mill. To do so would lead to exceptions for
other pulp mills in the state, and would weaken the law. Conservationists
regard it as their duty "to hold up our end as U.S. citizens."
Environmentalists believe that the Company's profits enable it to
absorb the costs of water pollution cleanup, and that the Company may be
bluffing. They are concerned about the intentions of the Company's owning
partners, whom they feel may already have determined to close down the pulp
mill and timbering operations and to invest elsewhere, and may therefore be
using the effluent issue as a disguise.
Conservationists feel isolated in the community. "The Sierra Club
is a bad word. You almost have to be masochistic [to be conservationist
here]. We represent a small minority. People in [the town] generally favor
more logging, less restriction. It is hard to find a job that isn't related
to [the Company]." They refer to cases of people who have lost their jobs
in previous years for speaking out against the pulp mill pollution, and note
discrimination against their point of view practiced by a local radio station.
They are encouraged by growing liaison with the increasingly vocal
younger fishermen, with whom they perceive a common interest in controlling
the Forest Service's timber sales. To fishermen, their livelihood is at
stake. To conservationists, protection of the environment, wilderness
preservation and integrity of PL 92-500 are the issue.
5.8 Business Sector
A Pulp Company shutdown would lay off 1300 timber industry workers,
including 630 in the pulp mill, sending ripples throughout the entire region-
al economy. While closure has not happened yet, businesses in the area are
anticipating the possibility and are taking measures to protect themselves.
One of the two local banks has, since the announcement, applied to
the state for permission to open branches in other cities. The bank seeking
branches elsewhere has some local branches, but all are in areas which make
it heavily dependent on the timbering and related industry. It is therefore
seeking diversification of placement of its branches to reduce this dependance.
KA-21
-------
The other bank already has such branches.
An unknown amount of house improvement that was planned locally is
not now being undertaken. Banks know that loans are not being sought by
pulp mill workers. The uncertainty of their future employment may be the
explanation. Non-pulp mill workers as well have cancelled improvement
plans. The explanation may be that some improvements are made with an eye
to increasing the value of the home for resale. In these cases/ an increased
value may militate against resale if the demand for housing declines (as a
result of the pulp mill closing) and further, increased property value
causes higher property taxes with a constant millage.
Retail consumer goods stores are reducing their inventories. The
amount of reduction is felt to be a function of the type of good (e.g.,
luxury or staple) and the length of time required to restock.
One businessman who has invested substantially in wire for ropes for
logging operations is not now investing in the equipment required to make
the ropes. This businessman is also head of a company which owns the block
containing the town's major hotel. The company had plans to build a new
hotel, but is now shelving them.
The reduction of retail good inventories, the postponing of investment
in wire-rope making and a hotel, are all explained in terms of the uncertainty
created by the possible pulp mill closure.
Representatives of the local fish processing, canning and cold
storage plants have made public their views on the pulp mill issue. "lOur
pollution control cost figures] are quite a bit smaller [than those of the
pulp mill company] but they would have the same effect."
The public stand taken by the fish processing industry is a direct
reflection of their sympathy with the Company, which is in turn explained
by their being required also to invest in water pollution control facilities
under the same law.
The labor drift is suspected to be of young men who might have
applied to the pulp mill or related sawmill for logging, towing or longshore
Quotation in Ketchikan Daily News.
KA-22
-------
work, but who now see the instability of future employment in these areas.
Relevant here is the recent state law which limits the number and type of
commercial fishermen who will be granted state licenses to fish. The limits
are based on expected catch and on length of time those applying for licenses
have fished in the past. Together with the capital required to engage in
commercial fishing, and the fact that fishermen have their small crews
already committed for the season, this limit on entry effectively precludes
fishing as an option for most local young men.
KA-23
-------
6.0 THE OVERALL IMPACTS
The observable social impacts of PL 92-500 in Ketchikan are those
that have occurred as the result of the uncertainty of Ketchikan Pulp Mill's
future. Reactions of local groups have been quite mixed, varying according
to people's assessment of the probability of plant closure and the extent
to which they feel economically dependent on KPC.
We turn now to the question of what if the plant should actually
close: how high and wide would be the "ripple effects" on local social and
ecomonic conditions? Direct economic effects of closure would be the
following:
6.1 Immediate Job Losses
Ketchikan Pulp Company (KPC) is the primary regional employer,
accounting, in some degree, for 1700 to 1900 jobs in the region, depending
on the season. This total includes jobs in the pulp mill (600), related
sawmills (500-600), logging camp (peak 250), and independent logging, log
towing, and road construction companies working under contract to KPC (450).
The minimum number of jobs that would be lost if the plant were to
close is the approximately 600 held by direct employees of the KPC pulp mill.
Some additional jobs, in sawmills and logging activities, might also be lost,
depending on the viability of alternate markets for their products.
6.2 Tax Revenue Losses
As the largest industry in the region, KPC is a major contributor
to the local tax base; its closure would significantly reduce tax revenues,
at least in the short run, with possible severe consequences for the ability
of local government to provide public services and facilities.
On the positive side, such a fiscal crisis should also be expected
to stimulate efforts to diversify the local economy, which could make it
healthier in the long run.
6.3 Loss of Company Contributions to Local Organizations
KPC's monetary contributions to local charities and civic organiza-
tions such as health and welfare groups, the League of Women Voters and
youth groups would immediately cease if the plant were to close.
KA-24
-------
6.4 Shareholder Losses
Another group whose personal income and wealth would be immediately
reduced by plant closure is local shareholders in KPC.
6.5 Decreased Timbering Activity
A direct consequence of plant closure would be a reduction in the
amount of timbering carried out in the region. The change would adversely
affect workers in timber-related activities, but would be welcomed by local
environmental and fishing interests who have long protested the effects of
what they consider excessive deforestation.
6.6 Indirect Economic Impacts
Indirect Economic Impacts of plant closure are those that would
result from laterally-induced effects of the immediate changes listed
above:
e Multiplier effects of employment, and hence spending
power losses,
• Public services needed by the unemployed and their families,
• Effects of tax revenue losses,
• Losses to KPC's local service and supply purchases.
6.6.1 Multiplier Effects of Job/Income Losses
Because KPC plays so large a role in the local economy, reduced
spendable income of people put out of work by plant closure would be expected
to have far-reaching effects on other sectors of the economy, as follows:
o Loss of sales and revenues by retail firms selling consumer
goods to employees of KPC,
• Decreased volume of business handled by service firms (banks,
realtors, savings and loan associations, etc.),
• Decreased new residential construction,
• Reduced investments in home improvements,
• Possible attendant decreases in retail, service
and construction employment.
KA-25
-------
According to the Alaska State Commissioner of Revenue, KPC, although account-
ing directly for only 11% of total employment, generates through multiplier
effects approximately 35.8% of the total Ketchikan area civilian wage bill.
6.6.2 Public Services for the Unemployed
A large number of job losses is likely to mean a corresponding in-
crease in unemployment and welfare funds paid out by the State of Alaska.
If the minimum number of expected layoffs (600) occurred, and all workers
affected were eligible for unemployment benefits, the State's annual bill
would come to $3.2 million, according to calculations made by the Alaska
State Revenue Commissioner. Vocational training is another service that
might be sought by unemployed persons.
6.6.3 Effects of Tax Revenue Losses
Combined direct and indirect tax revenue losses from plant closure
might necessitate a cutback in the present level of local public services
and/or cause planned projects (mainly recreational and cultural) to be post-
poned or canceled. Uncertainty about the future of KPC has already inter-
rupted implementation of some projects that were designed to promote the
growing tourist industry.
6.6.4 Losses to Local Service and Supply Firms
Regional business enterprises that sell supplies or services to KPC
will incur substantial losses if the plant closes. Sawmill and logging oper-
ations and also transportation services are particularly dependent on KPC's
purchases.
The combined direct and indirect economic impacts of plant closure
discussed above can be expected to result in some degree of social disruption,
at least in the short run, when unemployment losses would be highest. The
following kinds of changes are likely to occur:
e Increased out-migration of residents, particularly among the
working-age population
KA-26
-------
A Preliminary Analysis of Economic Impact of Changes in Ketchikan
Pulp Mill Operations estimates that plant closure would result in a 20-40%
reduction in the total population of the region. (The wide range reflects
varying assumptions as to the impact on independent saw mills and logging
operations.) This would have an impact on the age structure of the area
(leaving a higher proportion of older persons), and would also tend to
depress residential property values at the height of out-migration.
• Increased family stress as a result of job losses
We might expect a higher rate of disintegration of traditional
family units, resulting in more divorces and more female-headed households.
• Individual stress related to job loss
Mental stress associated with job loss might be expected to produce
increased demand for social, medical and psychiatric services, in addition
to the economic compensation and vocational training services mentioned
above.
Dr. George W. Rogers, Preliminary Analysis of Economic Impact of
Changes in Ketchikan Pulp Mill Operations. Juneau, Alaska, March 1975.
KA-27
-------
7-0 SPECIAL IMPACT AREA; COMMUNITY OF METLAKATLA
Metlakatla (Annette Island) is one of a number of smaller communities
in the region that would be affected by mill closure. Some 1,500 people live
in this community, the majority of whom are Indians who emigrated to the U. S.
from Canada in the nineteenth century, seeking religious freedom. Since their
faith (Episcopal) and their religious leader gave them the courage to leave
their native land rather than suffer persecution, they have always been an
independent group. To remain independent, this group has chosen not to take
part in the Alaskan Native Claims Settlement Act (ANCSA).
The Metlakatla Indian Community is a federally incorporated community
chartered under an Act of Congress in June, 1934. The community is run by
an elected Council of twelve members and popularly elected Mayor, Secretary,
and Treasurer. The Council transacts the entire business of the Community,
and under its charter can:
Own, hold, manage and dispose of all community property; make
contracts, investigate and carry out projects that will promote
the economic and general welfare of the Annette Island Reserve.
Up until now, the council government has not levied a tax on its citizens,
but reserves the right to do so under its constitution. Therefore, operating
revenues have depended upon lease of Reserve lands and profits realized from
the operation of the Annette Island Packing Company.
The potential labor force of the community was 406 in 1971. In 1970,
the median family income was $7,000 with a range from $1,500 to over $10,000.
The Island's economy is linked to KPC which leases the Metlakatla Saw Mill
where 70 people, of whom 85% are natives, find employment. When the mill
is operating on a double shift, as it had been until recently, over 100
natives are employed. This use of present timber resources on the island
gives stability to the employment picture. The sawmill, a logging operation
and lumber sale agreements provide year round employment as well as stumpage
fees from logging, and wharfage fees from shipping.
The only other existing economic opportunities on the island are in
fish processing, airline support, community and school activities, and limited
trade activities. There are three federal government installations: FAA
airport control, ESSA weather station and Bureau of Indian Affairs. These
latter offer the highest paid positions on the island, but none of them are staffed
KA-28
-------
by natives, possibly because the average grade level completed by natives is
10 1/2 years and very few natives have received vocational or skills training.
Salmon fishing and processing activities are seasonal. The cannery
processes primarily pink, sockeye, and coho salmon. It has operated since
1921, is community owned, and in addition to providing individual income,
it supports local governmental functions. A large amount of the fish processed
at the cannery are caught by seine boats and the tribally owned traps. The
trap landings constitute about 20% of the products processed at the cannery.
Landings by other fishermen also are delivered to the cannery by tender from
other fishing areas.
The community's fishery has been affected in several ways. Salmon
runs have not been as heavy as previously and income has fallen off as a
result. In the past, when there were heavy salmon runs, most people lived
comfortably throughout the year on their seasonal earnings. This is no longer
possible. The newly passed State limited entry system presents another
grave problem to the island fishermen. Since permanent salmon fishing
licenses are being granted on a point system based on senority, approximately
one-third of the Metlakatla gilnet fleet will not be able to fish. Many of
the islanders do not have the seniority as fishermen to receive a permit based
on the point system and cannot afford the $10,000 to purchase a license. The
Metlakatla community has asked to be granted a single permit as a tribe, but
there is little hope that this will transpire.
Another problem the community faces is in the area of herring fishing.
Recently, the Alaska Department of Fish and Game advised Metlakatla that no
fishing for herring within the reservation waters was allowed. Added to problems
generated by the permit system, and the anticipated poor salmon run, the
restriction on herring almost eliminates fishing as an economic resource.
Since fishing is a questionable backup industry for the Island, the fate of
KPC becomes crucial. When, and if, there is a severe cutback in the sawmill's
operations due to a diminished demand for its product from its best customer,
KPC, there will be little independence left for the Islanders. KPC's value
as a client reaches far into the community. The planning council spoke of
the need for a dam to increase the hydro power for the mill. However, they
said, financing it would be impossible without the backing of their most
stable customer.
In the event the economy suffers a severe setback, the young people
will probably leave the island, as they always do in bad times. A core of
KA-29
-------
people will remain to fend for themselves. Should these latter succeed in
maintaining the community, when better times come, some of the young may
return. However, the impact of outmigration will have a long-term effect.
In addition to immediately decreasing the island's economic base by diminishing
individual contributions, the discovery and development of economic alternatives
will be totally halted.
Pulp mill closing, in short, will seriously impact the community.
Most likely, the natives who stay will turn to ANCSA for economic support.
These natives feel that the kind of settlements being received through ANCSA
is a version of welfare, or "Indian Money", as it is known in other parts
i
of the U. S. There are some natives on the island who are already receiving
settlements and the Metlakatla community is concerned that their members
will be distracted by the apparent bounty of these awards. ANCSA may be a
viable alternative should the economy fail, but many natives feel it will not
be a proud solution for them.
KA-30
-------
8.0 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Annette Islands Reserve, Metlakatla, Alaska. Overall Economic Development
Progress, April 1, 1972 to March 31, 1973. Annual Report to the
Area Director, Economic Development Administration, February 28, 1973.
Flanagan, T.E., President, Ketchikan Pulp Company. Letter to the Honorable
Nelson A. Rockefeller, re: National Commission on Water Quality,
February 20, 1975.
Flanagan, T.E., President, Ketchikan Pulp Company. Speech to Ketchikan
Chamber of Commerce. February 26, 1975.
Human Resources Planning Institute. The Growth of Population, Employment
and Bank Deposits in the City of Ketchikan, Alaska. Ketchikan,
Alaska, February, 1974.
Ketchikan Daily News. Various Issues.
Ketchikan Pulp Company. Ketchikan Pulp Company...Our First 20 Years.
Ketchikan, Alaska, 1973.
Ketchikan Pulp Company. News Release. Ketchikan, Alaska, February
26, 1975.
Motley, Anthony, Alaska State Commissioner of Revenue. Impact of Possible
Mill Closure, Ketchikan Pulp Company. Juneau, Alaska, March
10, 1975.
Rogers, Dr. George W. Preliminary Analysis of Economic Impact of Changes
in Ketchikan Pulp Mill Operations. Juneau, Alaska, March 1975.
State of Alaska, Department of Economic Development, Division of Economic
Enterprise. A Community Profile; Ketchikan, Alaska. Juneau,
Alaska, July, 1973.
United States Environmental Protection Agency. Amended NPDES Permit.
Ketchikan Pulp Company. Clifford V. Smith, Jr., Region X
Administrator, Seattle, Washington, November, 15, 1974.
KA-31
-------
Dixon Entrance
-------
onsEKVi.u/TnoBAni.K snciAi. ni'Aci'i DY LOCAL SOC.IAI, ououfs.
KXTCIIIKA'I, AI.ASKA
Probable Imjwi is of riant Closure-
SOCIAL IMPACTS
I xpi IK! 1 1 ui i.'» on I'uhlit-
^1-tvii.cs and I'xoiocf.
Pioi'tty 1' ix Pi voinu's
sMc • 'jav I1 vi-nuo*.
rconrn-nc Pivor'.rficniioii iCTons
Fio-Kition of lour) SRI
""iploymcnt
..-Migration of Labor TOLCC
Poj>ul iLion
Triro •*, Salt,', Prodi.'-
Bui1 IJTJ HI* i Li* and I*oans
TiiTiVif i-F*« IhiLrd Capita]
Ii.vcr.Ln' iits
lltiiru- F>ui3di n
fl
5
- V.
« r
u O
1 Civic Cro
Organ i zat
++
-
"w
r
c
o
b
6
+
--
n-
1.1 1 risVrrcn
t,
.1
a:
+
----
++
V)
u
o
o1
• 1
f,'
r
"d
d
-
-
-
O
O
IU
0
0
—
—
-
++
+
—
—
-
—
-
-
+
rj
J(
i, i
C
4 •'
C
—
- —
-
n-
+
—
—
-
, —
-
-
+
H
1
._._
+
+
-
V
I
,
L-
•
"J
0
o
-
-
cdefghijklmnopqr s t u v w
1
2
3
A
5
6
7
8
9
10
I I
1 2
13
14
15
16
\7
18
19
?0
'.' 1
KA-12
-------
NOTES
ON OBSERVED/PROBABLE SOCIAL IMPACTS BY LOCAL SOCIAL GROUPS:
KETCHIKAN, ALASKA
Probable Impacts of Plant Closure
It lu 2t 2u 4t 4u
Expenditures by the Borough and the City on the social infrastruc-
ture will be drastically reduced for the foreseeable future. The pulp
mill is the single largest source of property tax revenue. The reasoning
linking these entries is that the Borough and the City will not in the fore-
seeable future be able to recoup the loss of revenue by diversifying, even
though their efforts to diversify will be intensified. Diversification will
take considerable time. With the impending loss of population, it is unlikely
that the federal/state governments will make up for the loss of social invest-
ment capital, the need for which will have declined.
[ 4e 4h 4j 4t 4u 5g 5i 5k ]
Although diversification will take considerable time, the City and
the Borough show every sign of a determination to maintain their quality of
life. Planners especially are taking the lead on this. Efforts at diversifi-
cation will involve especially the fishing industry, the banks, airlines,
community groups and retailers servicing the tourist industry. As tourism
grows, in part because of such efforts, the tourism-related sector and air-
lines and luxury goods retailers will benefit disproportionately. It is
assumed also that the stimulus to fishing and processing can be translated
into a stronger economic base. While these improvements are taking place,
losses in these sectors will occur from the shock of the closing.
[ 6a 6b 6c 6s 6t 6u 9a 9b 9c 9d 9e 9f 9i 9n 9t 9u 16k ]
The shock is shown in these entries, which are self explanatory,
except for the Borough and the City, where a significant multiplier is
assumed. The entries here take no account of probable later gains from div-
ersification. They reflect especially the Motley and Rogers studies.
[ 12d 12e 12f 13d 13e ]
Housing starts and improvements are a well known signal of the onset
and continuation of changes in business conditions.
KA-33
-------
[ 15b 15c ]
These entries assume what may not turn out to be true. It may be
that, if the pulp mill closes, the sawmills will find that their dependence
on it was not vital, and that other pulp mills may take the timber. In
such a case , these negative entries would become " * "
[ 19a 19s ]
These reflect the considered judgment of a social worker with a
lifetime's experience in S.E. Alaska.
[ -21g 21j 21q 21r ]
It is assumed here that the closing will significantly improve water
quality in the Cove and in salmon-spawning streams where timbering will not
now take place, that this will improve commercial fishing, and that as and
when the community recovers, the relative standing of these company opponents
will improve .
KA-34
-------
OUSEKVtD/PKOhMJI.h iOCIAL IMPACTS) BY LOCAL SGCIM, GHOUPS
KLTCIIIKAH, ALASKA
Jnp.icts of PKmt Closure
bOCJAl. IMPACTS
I xperuli Liu i"» on Public
SGI vices anfl I'rojit-Ls
Prop^i ly lax K».VI nuor.
so in-, lux Kev..mu =
tconnmic ni voisi f. it. 1 1 ion Lflorts
Pioinotion of louri'.Ti
1 nploymrnt
Out-Mifjiation of Lihor Foicn
Population
one. Sains, Proiits
ik Deposits and I.oans
Tjnljor-Rplali-J Capital
Investment '.
MO-IL Kuildimj .md Purchase
Invpsmpiiis in llurio Iinfroxomi'iit '
Pioporty \Mlufi
Tjmbcr Cuttinq Activity
Sales R Invpntory of Luxury Goods
Sales. & Inventory of. rtaplc Go-it's
Donations to Cli.iiiti.cs, Civic C.roupn
Fanily Cohesion
K.ntal llu.ilih
Kiti1- ^ullitv T*
o
i
w
7
W
B
W
?
?
Airli- e Uiplojoos
W
I
w
7
7
c:
r
s
V,
n
u
i
£
u
w
?
7
W
(fl
S
,J
1
ri
W
I
I
I
I
I
w
?
7
7
y. -.nlors - sta. lc Coods
I
I
I
I
I
7
?
p
O
7
r-4
r
— »
?
7
7
Ct™. .iry CVr.^rs/S'iarol'oldcrs
W
?
7
V)
v<
o
t
'o
I
I
7
7
o
41
5
- in
tr c
c.. c
li Z
O '
-i
0 f
4 <3
:. 2
11 O
I
7
7
1 Conservationists'
I
7
?
W
C
rj
C1
.r
V
r
o
o
u
o
u.
I
7
7
W
(0
u
f.l
:-
o
"r.
u
b-i
U
(/i
O
r
w
i
w
I
r
?v
S
o
Ci
3
C
u
r
rj
"c>
W
W
I
w
I
w
I
I
w
I
I
?
7
I
r
"u
u-
O
4J
W
w
I
w
I
w
I
I
w
I
I
?
7
I
tf
I
I
I
I
--
_.
I
- -
1
~
1
1
7
7
_I
I
abcdefghijklmnopqr s t u v w
6
X
8
9
10
1 1
1 ?
1 3
14
15
16
17
IS
19
20
Key to Chart Notations:
E = Rough estimate based on judgment of case study researchers.
A = Anecdotal information from local residents.
I = Interview data gathered from multiple local respondents.
IA = Informed anecdotal information from knowledgeable local resident.
W = Written response.
? = Unknown - insufficient information available for judgment.
KA-35
-------
OBSERVED/PROBABLE SOCIAL IMPACTS BY LOCAL SOCIAL GROUPS:
KETCHIKAN, ALASKA
Impacts of Uncertainty Regarding Plant Closure
SOCIAL IMPACTS
ocal Perceptions of National
Water Quality Goals
Political Consolidation of
"Water Quality Interest Groups"
Government-Sponsored Studies
of Economic Impacts
Planning for Economic
Diversification
Implementation of Planned Public
Projects (Recreational 6 Cultural)
Investments in Home
Improvements
Home Building S Purchase
Property Values
Sales and Inventory of
Luxury Consumer Goods
Timber-Related Capital
Investments
Community Cohesion
SOCIAL GROUPS
en
0)
01
fr
1
!
i
-
in
I)
O
JJ
0
2
jj
c.
o
u
•§
. 01
O JJ
.H 10
ti-H
cn
-
in
H
i
o
rH
Qj
§
•0
01
4-1
10
fH
£
rism-
?
+
+
—
Q
O
>,
H
3
X
3
i
in
ailcr
JJ
S
-
~
in
'a
0
o
u
o
•H
OH
rt)
JJ
U)
1
IH
0
TJ
iH
O
.c
01
u
13
j=
03
\
in
u
a>
>.
c
ra
a
§
-
,
ro
g
JJ
<3
U
C
10
• .*
M
J=
u
JJ
0)
*:
+A
'
+
-
-
~
-
c
10
X
r-l
s:
2
0)
*:
u-t
0
>,
jj
-H
U
+/-
+
+
-
-
~
-
10
a
r4
0
c
o
?
rH
1C
C
O
H
cn
§
0
JJ
u
0
c c-
U <
+
10
11
a b
de f ghijklmnopq r
KA-36
-------
NOTES
ON OBSERVED/PROBABLE SOCIAL IMPACTS BY LOCAL SOCIAL GROUPS:
KETCHIKAN, ALASKA
Impacts of Uncertainty Regarding Plant Closure
[ 1m In ]
The fishermen and conservationists are joined in opposing the com-
pany. Their reasons are several, ranging from integrity of the Act to
preservation of their livelihood as to preservation of an aesthetic experi-
ence .(untimbered.wilderness) for generations to come. In all this, the water
quality goals are seen as an important tool and test case.
KA-37
-------
OBSERVED/PROBABLE SOCIAL IMPACTS BY LOCAL SOCIAL GROUPS:
KETCHIKAN, ALASKA
Impacts of Uncertainty Regarding Plant Closure
SOCIAL IMPACTS
Local Peri-i-ptions of National
Water Quality Goals
Political Consolidation of
"Wei tor Quality Interest Groups"
Government-Sponsored Studies
.f Ec-onomic Impacts
Planning for Economic
Diversification
Implementation of Planned Public
Projects (Recreational s Cultural)
Investments in Home
Improvements
Home Building S Purchase
Property Values
Sales and Invpntory of
Luxury Consumer Goods
Timber-Related Capital
Investments
Community Cohesion
SOCIAL GROUPS
in
o
01
^,
rH
04
H
c
u
1
?
-,
E
I
E
E
E
E
?
in
rj
u
IB
H
jj
c
o
u
£1
a
in
c
>3
a
u
1
?
r>
E
E
E
E
E
I
p
01 in
e in
-H in
H 01
c
C -H
H in
s
in ca
a
01 -a
>i 0)
0 JJ
rH IB
ft rH
u a:
I
?
,
E
I
I
E
E
E
?
Cl
X
o
J5
c
0
H
JJ
{J
14
JJ
in
c
o
CJ
1
p
•5
E
1
I
E
E
I
?
rH
01
C
c
01
0<
1 ^
LS
U)
K
^4
01
c
IB
Oj
I
?
,
E
E
E
E
E
E
7
a
c
01
6
C
01
X in
in r4
H O
in
•H 0)
IB U
•H p
U (4
01
t in
O H
CJ lu
I
P
•P
E
E
I
I
E
E
?
in
0
rH
16
•a
c
IB
in
u
01
o
rH
III
01
o
I
p
'
,
I
E
E
E
E
E
p
in
01
u
>,
0
rH
Ol
U
13
(U
4-1
10
rH
Q«
i f
CO
r4
3
O
EH
I
?
,
E
E
E
E
E
E
p
in
•o
O
O
u
x
3
i
in
rH
H
01
I
?
"
,
E
E
E
E
I
E
7
in
Q
Q
01
rH
a,
ID
w
i
in
rH
H
"
,
E
I
E
I
E
E
?
c
01
_£••
in
H
rH
IB
Q
H
13
01
O
01
a:
T
?
•
_,
E
E
E
E
E
E
7
in
jj
in
H
c
O
jj
IB
>
r4
Cl
in
c
o
u
W
EA
IA
'
.,
E
E
E
E
E
E
7
JC
u>
3
O
V4
^
13
Cl
J-l
13
U
C
13
H
U
JJ
(U
W
IA
IA
•'
^
I
I
E
I
I
E
?
C
(3
y
H
,C
CJ
^
U-l
O
4->
O
I
7
?
T
I
E
I
I
E
?
in
O
U
c
•*A
rH
a
c
o
o
0
JJ
n
jj
o:
I
?
•
^
E
E
E
E
E
E
7
c
o
H
,J
U
01
jj
o
.4
2,
13
JJ
a
E=
d
O >-
I* U
H C-
> C
<
10
11
a b
def ghijklmnopq
Key to Chart Notations:
E = Rough estimate based on judgment of case study researchers.
A = Anecdotal information from local residents.
I = Interview data gathered from multiple local respondents.
IA = Informed anecdotal information from knowledgeable local residents.
W = Written response.
? = Unknown - insufficient information available for judgment.
KA-38
-------
DEMOGRAPHIC AND ECONOMIC COMPOSITION OF LOCAL SOCIAL GROUPS
KETCHIKAN, ALASKA
SOCIAL GROUPS
Company Employees
Company Subcontractors
Employees in Timber-
Related Businesses
Construction Workers
Bankers, SSL Personnel
Developers and Realtors
Tourism - Related Employees
Fish Processors
Airline Employees
Commercial Fishermen
Retailers - Luxury Goods
Retailers - Staple Goods
Unskilled Labor
Company Owners/Shareholders
Homeowners
Civic Groups, Charitable
Organi zations
Conservationists
Recreationists/Tourists
DEMOGRAPHIC AND ECONOMIC GROUPS
Female
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
0)
i-l
£
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
o
n
V
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
o
<£>
t
w-l
n
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
o
VO
A
X
X
X
X
X
Majority |
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
Minority - Black
X
Minority - Natives
X
X
X
X
X
X
High School Graduate
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
College Graduate
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
Post Graduate
X
X
X
M
•
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
Moderate Income
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
High Income
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
KA-39
-------
ESCAMBIA BAY, FLORIDA
TABLE OF CONTENTS
1.0 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
2.0 SOCIO-ECONOMIC SETTING
2.1 Industrial Development
2.2 Land and Water Use
3.0 WATER QUALITY AND RELATED EVENTS
4.0 SOCIAL IMPACTS OF WATER QUALITY CHANGE
4.1 Commercial Fishing
4.2 Recreation
4.2.1 Tourism
4.2.2 Fishing
4.2.3 Swimming
4.2.4 Parks
4.3 Property Values
4.4 Citizen Participation and Government Planning and
Decision Making
5.0 BIBLIOGRAPHY
-------
1.0 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
In 1969, the sight of thousands of dead fish floating in Escambia Bay
brought local water quality problems to the attention of the community of
Pensacola, Florida, and to conservationists throughout the U.S. The massive
fish kills, which continued through 1973, resulted in a great mobilization
of community groups affected by the pollution — the commercial fisheries,
local industrial plants, city officials, waterfront property owners, and
residents who had for years enjoyed sports fishing in Escambia Bay. Citizen
efforts resulted in the setting of new waste disposal standards by the Envi-
ronmental Protection Agency. Chemical and power plants located along
Escambia Bay and Escambia River complied by upgrading their own waste treat-
ment facilities or by joining the municipal system.
By 1975, significant steps had been taken toward restoring the Bay
to its original purity. Analysis of the social impacts of the water pollution
and the cleanup process, first legislated in the Federal Water Quality Act of
1965 and strengthened in the Federal Water Quality Act Amendments of 1972
(PL 92-500), reveals major impacts in the areas of recreation, property
values, commercial fishing, planning and governmental involvement and citizen
participation.
The situation is a dynamic one, complicated by current lack of know-
ledge of the full physical effects of water pollution. However, the following
conclusions and projections may be made:
Commercial Fishing
• The commercial fishing industry experienced a severe economic
decline from 1962-1973. Total direct and indirect economic
losses for the period are estimated to be larger than $10
million, or the equivalent of 380 jobs in the Pensacola area.
• By 1973-74, the commercial fishing industry had regained its
1968 levels of dollar output, through drastic changes in
production processes, inputs, and species harvested.
• Commercial shellfishing (oystering and shrimping) fell to
zero production levels during the period of pollution problems,
and have not recovered.
o Fish prices to local consumers have doubled, about twice the
rise in the consumer price index for the period 1968-1972.
EB-1
-------
Marginal (part-time) fishermen have almost ceased to exist. In 1968,
about 300 persons (and families) derived considerable supplemental in-
come from fishing; about 10 to 15 now do.
Many commercial fishermen (approximately 50 families) have moved to
other areas of the U.S.
Many commercial fishermen have had to obtain jobs in other industries
(manufacturing, civil service, construction and building trades).
The fishermen that have stayed in the industry have had to switch to
higher technology/more capital-intensive methods and have had to com-
bine into larger operating units. Many social impacts followed from
the process of retraining and from attempts to finance the needed new
investments.
Commercial fishermen, both fishers and wholesalers, have become better
organized as a result of the water quality problems and have gained
some measure of sophistication in dealing with state and federal tech-
nical assistance and regulatory agencies. (The fishermen have tradi-
tionally been very independent and resistant to organization and govern-
ment support.)
This sophistication has largely resulted from their involvement in re-
training programs and financing (local, SBA, other), new production
methods, and also because of need to document economic impacts to force
cleanup and to qualify for the above aid.
The federal/state efforts at retraining and financing were largely in-
effectual due to structural and procedural problems; the fish wholesale
companies conducted a more successful retraining program.
In the future, commercial fishing will be increasingly dominated by
larger operators who can afford advanced technology and who are not as
vulnerable to water pollution problems in a specific fishing spot.
The shellfish industry is expected to recover. Estimates for the return
of the oysters vary from 3 to 10 years; shrimp have already begun to re-
turn to a small extent.
Recreation
For the area as a whole, there has been little impact on the level of
recreation participation, due to the abundance of other fishing, boating
and swimming opportunities in the region. The Escambia Bay is largely
used for recreation by local people rather than by tourists, therefore
tourism was not heavily impacted by pollution or subsequent improvements
in water quality.
Many sport fishermen must now travel outside the area (Alabama, Louisiana,
Texas, Southern Florida) to fish.
EB-2
-------
• Numerous small fishing camps (about 20) once located around the Bay to
provide fishermen with bait and supplies have gone out of business.
• Severe water quality problems have caused sport fishermen to switch
species and angling methods and to accomodate to new species and new
fishing areas.
• Lower income/lower mobility groups have had their swimming opportunities
reduced by water quality decline and must now travel to the Gulf for
swimming.
• The City of Pensacola spends about $10,000 a year to transport
children to Gulf beaches from Bay parks formerly open to bathing.
• Affluent homeowners on Bayou Texar area of the Bay have experienced
drastic decreases in "back door" recreational opportunities, and very
severe but temporary aesthetic impacts. These opportunities are ex-
pected to be regained as a result of planning and sewage construction
activities under PL 92-500.
e With improvements in water quality, one area on the Bay is'being consi-
dered for a new extensive site for non-contact recreation.
• As catches improve (and the 1974 creel census conducted by the Bream
Fishermen's Association indicates some improvement over 1970), fisher-
men should return to the area.
• More fishing camps will appear or return to support increased recreational
fishing.
• Residents will again be able to use the Bay for swimming.
Property Values
Overall changes in property values due to water quality are very small
and hard to estimate. This lack of impact occurred because the pollu-
tion (fish kills) wiped out the market for Bay-influenced property from
1969-1971, but property owners were stable residents oC the community
who held on to property.
When water quality improvements were felt (1972 or so), the housing
market quickly returned to normal. Property appreciated at a higher
rate to make up for the slump in the market, and property values may
be roughly estimated to have doubled between 1961 and 1971.
Bay-influenced land use is mostly high priced residential and was about
80% developed at the onset of pollution problems. The wider opportunities
provided by high income levels plus the low supply/high demand for Bay-
influenced property in the area has kept property values stable in the
long run, except for two cases.
EB-3
-------
Development of a residential area on the Bay (East Side, Mulatto
Bayou) was abruptly stopped due to pollution. Social impacts on
the community from this pollution were small because development
had just begun, and the majority of owners of land are absentee,
from midwest U.S.
A sewer moratorium in the Carpenter•s Creek and Bayou Texar area
has been in effect since 1972. This moratorium has caused a de-
cline in business for 3 or 4 realtors in the city, has contributed
to the closing of 5 to 10 home builders, and has created a
temporary increase in the unemployment rate of construction workers.
A large portion of the land in the moratorium area is owned by one
realtor, who was able to bear the delay in construction.
Property values will continue to rise rapidly because of the demand for
attractive waterfrort property.
Areas such as Mulatto Bayou which are not fully developed will be
developed and will command relatively high prices because of the demand
for waterfront property.
There may be pressure for dredging of further channels to create more
waterfront property.
Planning and Government Involvement
Recreation planning has been virtually unaffected by water quality prob-
lems or improvements.
There has been a high level of government activity in Pensacola area
due to water quality problems, including EPA Conferences and study,
state studies, federal grants to University of West Florida to study
Escambia Bay, and National Commission on Water Quality studies (bio-
logical and social impacts).
With PL 92-500 assistance, the City of Pensacola is making extensive
efforts to upgrade sewage treatment works — 3(c) planning effort,
phasing out of four present treatment plants, upgrading one plant by
500%.
Water quality problems led to the formation of the West Florida
Regional Planning* Council.
City of Pensacola public utilities staff now make extensive, serious
efforts to involve community in the planning and decision making pro-
cess about treatment works. They make 2 to 5 presentations a month
informing community groups about their work.
Present sewage planning and treatment works construction will cause
higher water and natural gas rates, to repay sewage indebtedness.
This impact will peak about 10 to 15 years in the future, due to
structure of bonds.
EB-4
-------
Domestic sewage treatment will be increasingly centralized, and the
Main Street sewage treatment plant (STP) will take over the area for-
merly served by the Northeast STP. Future discharge problems will
relate to the Gulf of Mexico rather than to inland water bodies.
Septic tanks will be gradually replaced, as homes throughout the city
are hooked into the city sewage system.
Citizen Participation
e Citizen participation became very high in 1968-69 and forced action on
the part of responsible government (state, federal) agencies.
e Present participation process is less controversy oriented, lower than
'68-'69 levels, but still very high.
• A wide range of diverse elements in the Pensacola community were in-
volved, including all income levels, property owners and homeowners,
sports fishermen, commercial fishermen, conservation groups, and local
media, especially the newspaper.
• All groups most actively involved in citizen participation were directly
impacted by water quality problems. Conservation groups who had a more
removed interest played only a supportive role.
• Black/low income groups are conspicuous because of their non-involvement
in the whole process.
• Sport fishermen in the area have become extremely well organized through
the Bream Fishermen Association (established around 1969), who played a
major role in forcing cleanup efforts.
• There have been two major homeowners' groups organized to get involved
in water quality decision process, from the two residential areas most
severely affected by water quality decline. These groups have declined
in influence.
• Citizen participation has turned to more conservation project orienta-
tion (restocking fish, grasses, etc.) as water quality improvements
have been forthcoming.
• In the future, the city, county, and state governments will involve
citizens more closely in the planning process.
9 The planners will be more cognizant of the importance of integrating
environmental considerations into the planning process, particularly
where recreational opportunities and the attractiveness of the area
are concerned.
• Citizens may be expected to become even more active in environmental
and other issues following their successes over the last six years.
EB-5
-------
2.0 SOCIO-ECONOMIC SETTING
The study area is defined as the region influenced by the waters of
Escambia Bay (see Figure 1) and includes portions of two counties, Escambia
and Santa Rosa ("Escarosa"), and most of the Pensacola, Florida SMSA. The
area is located in the northwest region of Florida and differs from southern
Florida both in climate and in social character. Residents jokingly call the
area "southern Alabama," for it resembles Alabama in its conservative political
climate and southern traditions. The Pensacola area is one of great natural
beauty, with white beaches, miles of unspoiled coastline on the Gulf of
Mexico, and numerous inland bays. Unlike southern Florida, Pensacola exper-
iences some seasonal variation in weather, with an average temperature of 55
degrees in January and 82 degrees in July.
The population of the Pensacola area has a relatively youthful median
age of 24.3, and is much less dense than in other parts of Florida. The
area experienced a 19.5% growth rate between 1960 and 1970 (as opposed to
37.1% for the State of Florida and 13.3% for the United States as a whole).
The pleasant climate and scenic beauty of the area attracts retirees and
others, and an increased rate of population growth is projected. The pop-
ulation is also characterized by diversity in racial composition; the city
of Pensacola has approximately one-third non-whites in its population, and
non-whites comprise 18.4% of the Pensacola SMSA.
Military installations (Naval and Air Force) are a major economic
support of the community, although military personnel typically remain some-
what separate from the mainstream of community life. Military retirees com-
prise a significant proportion of the community, as well as retirees from other
fields.
The location of the city of Pensacola on the Pensacola Bay (a continua-
tion of the Escambia Bay) was a prime factor in its initial development, because
the Bay was easy to defend and had ready access to the Gulf of Mexico.
Pensacola, the first white settlement in North America, was settled by Spaniards
in 1559. Its suitability as a military base and harbor was responsible for its
development during the 18th and 19th centuries. During the twentieth century,
and particularly since World War II, industrial development has overshadowed
agriculture and fishing as the economic activity of the area.
EB-6
-------
Figure 1 - STUDY AREA
SANTA ROSA COUNTY
Escambia Bay
ESCAMBJ A COUNTY
Pensacola Bay
GULF OF MEXICO
EB-7
-------
The beautiful physical environment is expected to be among the
area's most valuable resources in future development. Residents in general
favor growth for the area, believing that growth will bring economic benefits
and more prosperity to the area.
2.1 Industrial Development
During the late nineteenth century, the timber trade was very impor-
tant in the Pensacola area, due to large forests and accessibility to water.
The supply of timber was diminished without a reforestation program, however,
thus creating the first clash of economic interest and environmental main-
tenance. Subsequent reforestation has solved this problem to some extent,
and large, regionally important paper companies are now operating in the
area.
In addition to paper companies, power and chemical industries are the
major industries in the local economy. The Monsanto Chemical Company is
the largest private employer with nearly 7,000 employees. One-third of
Florida's chemical products are manufactured in the area. The majority of
local industries are situated on the margins of local waterways. Manufacturing
has experienced rapid growth in recent years, increasing 255% between 1954
and 1967. Manufacturing is the largest source of employment in the area, with
the military as the second largest employer. The total non-agriculture employ-
ment population is 65,500; of these, 14,300 people are employed in manufac-
turing. The Escambia-Santa Rosa Regional Planning Council projects that by
1980 more than 26,000 persons will be employed in manufacturing, an increase
of 82% in the 1970's.
Local industry is not highly diversified and represents only four of
the nineteen standard industrial classifications: food products, lumber and
wood products, chemicals, and stone/clay/glass products. Chemical manufacturing
dominates and is expected to expand due to increases in industrial and house-
hold consumption of chemical products and Pensacola's advantageous location.
The chart on the following page ranks these industries according to their
importance in the Pensacola area economy.
EB-8
-------
MANUFACTURING IN ESCAMBIA AND SANTA ROSA COUNTIES, 1967
Industry
Establishments Employees
Value Added to
Manufacturing
Chemicals
Lumber and Wood Products
Food Products
Stone, Clay and Glass
10
67
28
13
7,200
2,400
1,000
800
$153,800,000
17,700,000
9,100,000
19,800,000
The Pensacola Naval Air Station is a center for aviation training,
aeronautical research, and aircraft maintenance. The Pensacola Naval complex
payroll exceeded $220 million in 1973 for 22,000 military civilian employees.
The Navy also contributes importantly to the local economy's retail, housing,
and service sectors.
The discovery of oil in June, 1970, near Jay in Santa Rosa county has"
added revenues to the area from the petroleum extraction. Numerous companies
have begun extraction operations with more than 60 oil-producing wells. The
total impact of this new industry on the economy and on the environment has
not yet been determined.
Tourism in the Pensacola area is expanding rapidly and is expected to
grow still further. The growth of tourism was 70% between 1970 and 1975.
Since most tourism is related to the area's water bodies, preservation of water
quality is closely linked to the industry. Areas that are adjacent to water are
expected to experience much more rapid development in the future than they have
previously. The beaches tend to be the main attractions to tourists, with the
city and the bays as secondary factors. A portion of the Gulf beach area
is being preserved as National Seashore. The bays provide an opportunity
for boating, fishing and related recreational activities both for tourists
and local residents. The historic tradition of the area is another magnet,
and the current restoration of the historic area of the city is expected to
increase the area's drawing power.
1967 Census of Manufacturing, pp. 10-15.
EB-9
-------
2.2 Land and Water Use
Escambia and Santa Rosa Counties cover approximately 1,071,000 acres
of land, of which some 204,000 acres (19%) are developed or included in
military reservations. (The portion of Eglin Air Force Base within the
study area is not included in this estimate of developed land, as it is
largely forest.) About 50,000 acres of this 204,000 acres is developed
in residential, commercial, industrial, and other urban usages. Of the
total undeveloped and agricultural land, close to 188,000 acres are used for
agriculture. Of this land, about 65,000 acres are in row or broadcast crops,
and the rest is mainly pastured woodlands or permanent pasture. Forest
industries own much of the undeveloped forested land, which will be used by
them for timber and thus will not be available for development. These
companies are expected to practice a program of reforestation.
The natural vegetation in Escambia and Santa Rosa Counties is dominated
by long-leaf and slash pine forests on the uplands with cypress and assorted
hardwoods occupying the river floodplains and low areas. About three-quarters
of the area is classified as commercial forest, consisting of roughly 41 per-
cent hardwoods and cypress and 59 percent pine.
Industrial development has generally been located near waterfronts,
either on the bays and bayous or along the rivers. Location of the Monsanto
Chemical Company, Gulf Power, Air Products Company, American Cyanimid, and
the American Container Corp. (Brewton, Alabama) along the Escambia River was
the major cause of the pollution problems which developed. Due to the in-
creasingly high values of waterfront land, it is expected that future industrial
development will occur in suburban or rural areas.
Portions of the islands along the Gulf of Mexico such as Pensacola
Beach, Navarre Beach, and Perdido Keys currently have rather low population
density; however, development is expected to become denser in the future.
Open space will be maintained in the Gulf Islands National Seashore. The
Pensacola Beach has already experienced some high-density development in the
form of townhouses, condominiums, motels, and other commercial uses, although
in comparison with southern Florida or resort areas in other parts of the United
States, development is still fairly limited.
EB-10
-------
The area's estuaries have traditionally supported a large fishing
industry. The low salinities and natural fertility of these waters has in
the past made them a natural spawning and nursery area for many commercially
valuable species, including oysters, crabs, scallops, and shrimp, as well as
red snapper, speckled trout, members of the drum family, and gulf menhaden.
Sport fishing is a favorite pastime in the area. The effect of pollution on
commercial fishing and sport fishing will be discussed in detail later in
this report. It is sufficient to note here that the commercial fishing industry
has suffered a serious decline and that sports fishing has also diminished.
The Escambia Bay supports some ornithological wildlife, although few
aquatic birds winter on the bay. Approximately 500 coots and 200 red-breasted
mergansers are in the bay and bayous from October to April, along with common
loons, horned grebes and lesser scaup. Terns dominate the bay in the summer.
These terns fish for menhaden.
EB-11
-------
3.0 WATER QUALITY AND RELATED EVENTS
The issue of water pollution in Escambia Bay appears to have been
recognized as early as 1955, but it was not until the late 60's that the
problem became severe enough to arouse community concern. In 1968, sports
fishers in the area first officially registered complaints about the condi-
tion of the waters and the appearance of damaged fish, a situation which
had been noticed by commercial fishers even earlier. Observation alone
revealed that water quality in Escambia Bay was poor, and that the
Escambia River was aesthetically objectionable. Fish were dying in large
numbers and were described as having "fins burned off by pollution."
Public hearings on the problem were held in 1969, the first year
year of the massive fish kills that attracted national publicity. From the
beginning, community members and an active press were responsible for most
of the activity which took place to clean up the waters of Escambia Bay.
Industries and domestic sewage treatment plants were suspected to
be the main cause of pollution. Table 1 on the following page lists all
significant point source wastewater dischargers in the study area, and Figure 2
shows the location of all major domestic and industrial discharges. Within
the study area, industrial wastes are either treated at their point of genera-
tion or transported to domestic facilities for treatment. Most smaller indus-
tries are tied in to the city of Pensacola's waste treatment system. Major
dischargers Armstrong Cork Co., Ashland Chemical Co., and Tennaco Chemicals, Inc.,
share a common pumping plant and other facilities by which their waste is trans-
ported to the Pensacola system after suitable pre-treatment at the plant site,
making the wastes compatible with the domestic system.
The wastes from operations at Monsanto, American Cyanimid, and Air
Products Co. are not suitable for treatment by the domestic treatment system,
and all have treatment facilities on site. The effluents from these facilities
in 1968 constituted the major portion of BOD and nutrient loadings in Escambia
Bay. Gulf Power is a major source of thermal pollution and suspended solids
loadings.
Point sources are usually flows from single dischargers in a known loca-
tion. Point sources are ordinarily monitored and are subject to regulation by
EPA, Florida Department of Pollution Control (FDPC), etc. Non-point sources con-
sist basically of run-off from rainfall, from agricultural land uses, urban areas
or septic tank flows. These flows are extremely difficult to regulate or monitor.
EB-12
-------
The northeast sewage treatment plant of the City of Pensacola is the
major domestic discharger, and its effluents are major contributors to nutrient
loadings and bacterial levels in the Bay.
Non-point source discharges are results of rainfall runoff. These dis-
charges reach the rivers and streams through storm drainage systems and by
overland runoff. The impacts of non-point discharges have not been well
examined or monitored in the region. Point and non-point source discharges
in the area are summarized along with contributions from outside the area in
the Table below. A major point source contributor outside the area is the
American Container Corp., located on the Escambia River in Brewton, Alabama.
SUMMARY OF DISCHARGES
ESCAMBIA RIVER AND BAY, PENSACOLA BAY
Source
Pollutant (pounds per day)
BOD COD N
Point Sources
Non-Point Sources
Outside Contributions
Total
9,226
11,379
31,732
52,337
21,738
103,573
635,841
761,152
7,536
3,271
17,485
28,292
1,023
811
954
2,788
NOTE: BOD is Biochemical Oxygen Demand
COD is Chemical Oxygen Demand
N is Nitrogen, P is Phosphorus, both nutrients
EB-13
-------
TABLE 1
MAJOR WATER DISCHARGES:
ESCAMBIA AND SANTA ROSA COUNTIES
INDUSTRIAL;
Monsanto
American Cyanamid
Air Products
St. Regis
Gulf Power Company
Pensacola Naval Air Station
MUNICIPAL - DOMESTIC;
Mainstreet Sewage Treatment Plant (STP)
Montelair STP
Northeast STP
Lincoln
Park STP
Scenic
Hills STP
Florida Department of
Transportation (interstate-10 Rent Area)
EB-14
-------
Figure 2 - MAJOR INDUSTRIAL AND DOMESTIC DISCHARGES
SANTA ROSA COUNTY
AIR PRODUCTS
• AMERICAN CYANAMID
GULF POWER COMPANY*
NORTH EAST S.T.P.
Escambia Bay
ESCAMBIA COUNTY
MAINSTREI rS.T.P.
Pensacola Bay
PENSACOLA N.A.S.
GULF OF MEXICO
SB-15
-------
The Philadelphia Academy of Sciences conducted a study on
the Escambia River near the present Monsanto Plant in 1952, when little develop-
ment had taken place in the Escambia River basin and prior to the industriali-
zation of the upper Escambia Bay and lower Escambia River. The report con-
cluded: "As a result of these studies it is evident that the Escambia River
in the vicinity of the Chemstrand Plant is a healthy river free from any
adverse effects of pollution."
Pollution in the Escambia River first came to public attention around
1968. Fish kills were being reported, and the Escambia River had become
aesthetically objectionable. During 1968, Escambia River flows were the lowest
they had been in a three-year drought that prevailed in Northwest Florida.
The drought brought the problem to a head. EPA studies have documented that
drastic changes in water quality did occur from 1953-1969. Color and COD
levels in the river showed enormous increases; BOD and nutrient levels like-
wise rose. There were also several documented cases of near zero levels of
dissolved oxygen in the river. During the summer of 1969, observed conditions
indicated that a stagnant anaerobic layer of water extended along the bottom
of the river as far up stream as the Monsanto outfall. With the advent of
deep well injection of certain kinds of highly toxic wastes in 1964, water
quality in the Escambia River south of the Monsanto outfall gradually improved.
The upper Escambia Bay (the portion of the bay and the bayous north of
the railroad bridge) has been subjected to numerous water quality analyses
by the EPA, the Department of Water Pollution Control of the state of Florida,
and the University of West Florida. It is the general consensus of these
studies that the water quality in the upper bay has been extremely poor,
resulting in massive fish kills. In the years 1970, '71 and '72, there were
41, 32, and 5 documented fish kills in this portion of the bay. The majority
of the fish killed were menhaden, a food fish for larger commercial and
sport species, which are extremely sensitive to changes in water quality. In
1971, there was also a massive outbreak of a parasite which destroyed all
oysters in the upper bay.
Patrick, R. "Stream Survey Report — Escambia River," Unpublished
Report for the Dupont Company, Philadelphia Academy of Science, 1952.
EB-16
-------
The poor water quality of this portion of the bay is mainly caused
by the extremely poor water circulation and the pollutant load entering the bay
from industrial and domestic discharges. The poor water circulation lowers
the assimilative capacity of the area, due to a lack of "flushing action" from
the exchange of water between the upper and lower bays. One major contributor
to this lack of flushing was the practice of cutting off the old pilings on
the railroad bridge across the bay at water level when new pilings where in-
stalled. This led to the slow formation of an impenetrable wall. Even with
the removal of the old pilings, pockets of dead water exhibiting very low levels
of dissolved oxygen and generally degraded water quality are frequently found.
These conditions are caused by the physical character of the shallow bay and
the river inflow, which in themselves would lead to low circulation in the bay.
Two major industrial dischargers, Air Products and American Cyanimid,
are located in this portion of the bay, with three outfalls located in areas
of extremely poor flushing action. These discharges contribute large amounts
of nutrients, primarily phosphorus and nitrogen to the Upper Bay, and these
nutrients combined with abundant organic materials create ideal conditions for
algal blooms. Together with the high levels of BOD and COD discharges from
these two sources and non-point sources, these blooms can create extremely
poor water quality conditions in the bay which may persist for long periods
and be exacerbated by the poor water circulation. These conditions were
primarily responsible for the fish kills experienced in the area since 1968.
The discharges have also created layers of sludge along the bottom of this
portion of the bay, which have created adverse conditions for bottom organisms
including shellfish such as oysters and shrimp.
The water quality in Lower Escambia Bay (south of the railroad bridge)
is somewhat better than in the Upper Bay. The major discharges into this por-
tion of the bay include the city of Pensacola's Northeast sewage treatment plant
and several large storm drains which channel non-point inputs, and frequent vio-
lations of Florida State water quality standards in the western area adjacent
to the city of Pensacola. Poor circulation conditions are still prevalent
(to a lesser degree) in the lower Escambia Bay, and "dead" water pockets and
areas of nutrient concentration are observed. Improvement of the water ex-
EB-17
-------
change between the lower and upper bays through work on the railroad bridge
has led to the suspected migration of some bottom sludges into this portion
of the Bay. The extent of this movement has not been precisely determined.
This portion of the Bay has been reopened to shellfish harvest by the State
of Florida, but production from this area is minimal.
There are two specific localities in the Escambia Bay system which
have exhibited frequent and severe degradations in water quality; Bayou
Texar and the Mulatto Bayou. Bayou Texar and its tributary Carpenters
Creek were the site of 12, 21, and 7 documented fish kills in the years
1970, '71 and '72. No significant point discharges are located on Bayou
Texar or Carpenters Creek. However, there have been various sewer line
and pumping station failures which, when combined with the high levels of
non-point discharges from urban run-off, have caused severely degraded water
quality conditions. The general water quality is very low, with high levels
of nutrients, organic materials, and bacterial counts. For these reasons,
body contact recreation (i.e. swimming, water skiing) has been banned in the
area. As a result of these pollution problems, the property owners in the
area have organized. (The social impacts are discussed in the sections on
property values, recreation, and citizen participation.)
Mulatto Bayou is located in the eastern portion of Escambia Bay and
has been the site of numerous fish kills since 1968. These kills are the result
of dredging and fill activities that occurred during the construction of Inter-
state-10 from Pensacola to the Mulatto Bayou area. These activities greatly
changed the circulation patterns in the Bayou, and this combined with run-off
and sedimentation from the residential construction caused the fish kills. This
problem was exacerbated by prevailing currents in the Bay itself. (Social
impacts resulting from the changes in water quality are discussed in the pro-
perty value section of this report).
The prime actors in the initial investigations into the pollution prob-
lem were sports fishing organizations, the press, and biologists from the
University of West Florida. The Bream Fishermen Association (BFA), and, to a
limited extent, the Northwest Florida Sports-fishing Association, made early
attempts to lobby against pollution of the Escambia Bay by industries. The
EB-18
-------
BFA undertook a creel census, which provided documentation of the damage to
from the polluted waters. The group also began to monitor the industries
suspected of discharging waste into the river and to collect data at bioassay
stations.
The BFA was aided in its efforts by citizens' groups such as the
Sierra Club, the Audubon Society, and the League of Women Voters. These orga-
nizations played a supportive role and acted as pressure groups, while the
BFA functioned as both a pressure group and as a source of technical data on the
pollution situation.
Members of the University of West Florida faculty were active in
criticizing industry as the cause of the pollution, and in some cases even
endangered their own jobs through outspokenness. Faculty also contributed
technical information. They were supported by the Pensacola News-Journal
where one reporter in particular kept the community supplied with current data
on the controversy. Television and radio covered the story, so that during this
period, even citizens of Pensacola area who were not directly involved were
informed about the pollution issue.
In 1970, '71, and '72, enforcement conferences were held by the
Environmental Protection Agency (as provided for in Section 10 of the Federal
Water Pollution Control Act of 1965). Community members and city officials
testified to the poor water quality in the Escambia River and Bay. As a result
of these conferences, waste treatment standards for the industrial plants and
the city sewage treatment plants were established. In addition, further con-
struction dredging in certain areas was prohibited, and a study was instituted
to examine the effects of the construction of a major highway (Interstate 10)
which had recently been built. The problem of the decreasing number of menhaden
was singled out for further investigation.
The Environmental Protection Agency also established the Escambia Bay
Recovery Study, sending a team of specialists to Pensacola to discover how to
revitalize the bay. The EPA team has both studied the situation and participated
in recovery operations such as a re-planting of marine grasses in areas of the
bay where the grass beds had been destroyed by pollution. They were aided in
this project and in monitoring the water quality by the Bream Fisherman Association.
EB-19
-------
4.0 SOCIAL IMPACTS OF WATER QUALITY CHANGE
During these years/ the citizens of the Escambia Bay area experienced
a number of direct and indirect negative consequences of water pollution.
Fish kills continued through 1972, creating an unattractive environment,
health hazards, and decreasing the water-related recreational opportunities
for the residents. The Pensacola area began to receive national publicity
on its pollution problems. Homes located on or near polluted waters
became undesirable. Sport fishers experienced substantial reductions in
the amount and varieties of fish they could catch, and most fishing camps
located around the bay went out of business. Commercial fishers suffered
severe financial losses, particularly with the total loss of the shellfish
harvests. Many of the commercial fishers relocated to other areas, and
some found employment in other fields. Programs to retrain small independent
operators in other types of fishing were instituted by the federal government
and the commercial fishing companies.
City, county, and regional planning processes were affected by the
community concern about water pollution, and a 3(c) plan is currently in pre-
paration to address these concerns. The city's sewage system came under
particular scrutiny from the community—one sewage treatment plant which
discharges into Escambia Bay is being phased out because of pressure from
the community, led by the Bream Fishermen Association. A moratorium on
sewage hookups in the Carpenter's Creek/Bayou Texar area was imposed in Novem-
ber, 1972, because of a need to upgrade the already overloaded sewage system
in that area. The Bayou Texar Citizens' Association was instumental in insti-
tuting this sewer moratorium. The moratorium has been opposed by the home
building and construction industries, who feel that they have been more ne-
gatively affected by the moratorium than by water pollution.
The Mulatto Bayou, which feeds into Escambia Bay, has experienced
particular problems. When the new Highway 1-10 was constructed a
channel giving Mulatto Bayou southern access to the Bay was cut off. A new
boat channel, which citizens persuaded the Department of Transportation to
dredge, apparently resulted in unanticipated siltation. It is reported that
certain real estate interests were instrumental in achieving this dredging.
Section 3(c) of the Federal Water Quality Act of 1965 authorized
federal grants to planning agencies for development of comprehensive water
quality control and pollution abatement plan.
EB-20
-------
From 1973 to the present, no major fish kills have occurred in
Escambia Bay, a sign to the community that water quality is improving.
Industries along the Escambia River and Bay appear to be complying satisfact-
orily with the new waste treatment standards. Both community members and
technical experts are now pointing out, however, that the bay will take years
to recover from the damage. Although pollution has been reduced, the ecolo-
gical balance has been disturbed, the bottom has not been restored to its
original state, the marine grass beds have largely disappeared, and the
shellfish and some finfish have not returned to the waters. Certain bodies
of water near the bay, such as the Mulatto Bayou and Bayou Texar have ex-
perienced more complex water quality problems which remain to be resolved.
4.1 Commercial Fishing
Before 1968, Escambia Bay's harvests of oysters, shrimp, red snapper,
speckled trout, and other fish were caught by independent fishermen
operating their own boats and selling their catch to one of the four whole-
sale fish companies in Pensacola. The wholesale companies provide dock space
and other support services to the fishermen. The fishermen are described as
hard working, independent men who work long hours and are not cohesive as a
group. The fishing business runs in families; some families have become
wealthy and powerful, while others stay at a level of one-boat ownership
generation after generation. The commercial fishing business began in the
19th century, when many Swedish, Danish, and Italian immigrants came to the
area and taught the local people the fishing techniques used abroad. Fishing
and agriculture formed the economic base of the area until the mid-twentieth
century, when the U. S. Navy and various industries became more economically
dominant. At present, the fishing industry only accounts for 3.7% of the
economic base of the area. However, it is important not to underestimate the
value of the local color provided by the Pensacola fishing tradition which
enriches the community culturally and greatly benefits tourism. (See Section
4.2.1, Table 3 which indicates the importance of fishing to tourism in the
Pensacola area.)
Since the 1950's when several industries located themselves on the
Escambia River, fishermen in Escambia Bay have noted changes in the species
caught and in magnitude of catches, but no formal complaint was lodged until
1968. The independence of the commercial fishermen and their lack of orga-
nization contributed to this lag in reporting of initial pollution-related
EB-21
-------
fishing problems. (See Section 4.4 on Citizen Participation.)
The situation did not become severe until 1968, when the first major fish
kills began. In 1969, the shellfish harvests began to suffer, and by 1971,
the shrimp harvest had gone from one million pounds to zero. The oyster
harvest in Escambia Bay disappeared entirely at this time (a loss of about
half a million pounds), and finfishing was also severely affected. Menhaden,
a small species on which many of the large fish feed, were killed in large
quantities, creating a serious disruption of the food chain. The suddenness
of these massive fish kills in 1968 can probably be related to the fact that
there had been low river flows in the Escambia River for the preceding three
years. This caused a buildup of waste materials and a profusion of algae
growth. In addition, an attempt to increase the circulation of the upper
Escambia Bay by removing some unnecessary pilings from the trestle of the
railroad bridge that bisects the bay resulted in the release of large amounts
of trapped sludge and sediment to the lower bay.
Wholesale fish companies became involved in the community uproar
provoked by the fish kills. Unlike the fishermen, the wholesalers were
organized to some extent. The Southeastern Fisheries Association (SEFA) had
been established by fish-related businesses in response to problems in the
fishing industry during the Korean War when shortages hurt fish sales. SEFA
had been active at that time in helping fishermen obtain long-term loans
to help them over the slump. In 1968, SEFA again became involved in testify-
ing at public hearings and in finding employment for fishermen.
The majority of economic losses occurred in the shrimp and oyster
fisheries dependent on the estuarine waters of the area. Reliable, precise
estimates of the employment loss impacts in these two sectors of the commer-
cial fishing industry are not available, due to the lack of baseline employ-
ment data in these sectors before the effects of pollution. (There are still
no good employment or participation statistics available.) Table 2 presents
the estimated loss of income and employment in the Pensacola area resulting
from declines in the shrimp fishery due to pollution in the period 1969-
EB-22
-------
1972.
The loss of income and employment in other sectors of the fishing
industry, oystering and finfishing are more difficult to estimate than for
the shrimp fishery, due to the large historical fluctuations in these
industries because of natural factors. The extreme independence of the
fishermen and their ability to adapt their fishing techniques and locations
quickly to accommodate conditions outside the Pensacola area make such esti-
mates problematic. From our field investigation, a reasonable overall esti-
mate of a maximum direct and indirect income loss to the Pensacola area is
about $10 million. Translated into employment equivalent, this means about
380 jobs lost.
Social Impacts
The reaction of the fishing industry to the fish kills and the sub-
sequent cleanup process may best be described as one of adaptation. Because
the community was quick to act on pollution problems, those affected regarded
the problem as temporary in nature. A certain resource level was required to
wait out the cleanup process, however, and some fishermen (approximately 50
families) chose to relocate to better fishing areas. Others obtained employ-
ment in fields such as manufacturing, civil service, and the construction and
building trades. Roughly one to two hundred fishermen were able to stay
in the business.
Around 1970, the fishing industry embarked upon a program of adaptation
to the new fishing conditions. Although steps were being taken to reduce
industrial discharges into the bay, it was clear that rebuilding the ecosystem
These estimates were obtained based on estimates of the loss of
potential shrimp landings, which were determined by subtracting the actual
yield of shrimp from waters in the Pensacola area from the maximum sustain-
able yield, calculated as the average of the yield for the period 1962-1968.
(The estimates of value-added in the shrimp processing and merchandising
process, plus the determinations of non-basic income loss and employment
equivalents were based on a detailed economic base study of the Pensacola
SMSA.) For details of the shrimp yield loss calculations, see Chapter 4
The Costs of Water Pollution in the Pensacola Area, R. Peter Terrebone,
(Florida State University, 1973). For an analysis of the economic structure
of the area based on economic base principles, see Chapters 1, 2, and 3.
EB-23
-------
Table 2
LOSS OF INCOME AND EMPLOYMENT DUE TO
THE EFFECT OF WATER POLLUTION ON THE SHRIMP FISHERY
PENSACOLA SMSA1
1969 1970 1971 1972
Loss of landings (pounds) 460,134 786,848 822,965 825,000
Ex-vessel price (cents/pound) 56C 60
-------
to support forms of marine life which had formerly flourished there would
take a long time. Therefore, the industry looked for new sites for shell-
fish harvesting and began to concentrate on different species of finfish
such as the croaker, which seemed to be more resistant to changes in water
quality. Shrimp fishermen began to go to Louisiana on freezer boats,
which stayed out 30 to 60 days and froze shrimp as they were caught. Many
fishermen were able to obtain government loans to finance the freezer boats
and necessary equipment. Rising energy costs created new financial problems
for the freezer boats. Retraining fishermen to work on freezer boats and in
other new kinds of fishing became a major task.
Federal funds were obtained to establish a retraining program in
1970, but lack of sophistication on the part of fishermen in dealing with
governmental agencies resulted in a program which did not really meet the needs
of the community. The funds were designated for "hard core unemployed;" thus
the fishermen who had been hurt most by the changes in fishing conditions did not
really qualify, and the program was terminated after six months of limited success.
Another program organized by the wholesalers was more successful
in retraining fishermen, particularly to work on large fishing boats rather
than as small independent operators. The early days of the fishing
industry's attempt to recover from the pollution damage were full of problems
in dealing with the governmental bureaucracy. SEFA at one time made an
unsuccessful attempt to have Escambia Bay declared a natural disaster area
in order to become eligible for federal grants and loans. A major impact
of this process for the fishing industry is an increase in sophistication
and ability to deal with outside funding sources. Especially good
relationships were developed between SEFA and Marine Fisheries Service,
the Sea Grant program, and the Small Business Administration.
The cost to consumers of the new fishing methods have been high:
fish prices have doubled, about double the rise in the consumer price index
for the period of 1968-1972.
In addition to the professional fishermen, there were a number of
"casual fishermen" in the Pensacola area before the appearance of severe
water quality problems in 1967-1968. The catch of these casual fishermen
(who usually hold other full-time jobs, and fish part-time) typically represents
a substantial portion of their family income. They may use the catch to
EB-25
-------
generate money income through selling their catch to local fish whole-
salers and retailers, or they may consume some portion themselves. In
1968, an estimated 300 persons (and families) derived considerable supple-
mental income from this source. The investment of these casual fishermen
in gear and equipment is minimal, as they are generally from low income
groups in low wage full-time jobs. As a result, their range of adaptability
in fishing locations and techniques is very limited, and as a group, they
were particularly susceptible to the decline 'in fishing opportunities
caused by local water pollution. At present, it is estimated that only
10 to 15 families in the Pensacola area have maintained casual fishing
as a source of money income through selling to wholesale and retail dealers.
By 1973-74, the commercial fishing industry had regained its 1968
level of production through changes in production process, inputs and
species harvested. The richness of the surrounding waters in the study
area contributed greatly to allowing the industry to adapt to the
changing water quality situation.
Projected Impacts
Much speculation exists about the amount of time required for
recovery of the oyster harvest in Escambia Bay. One representative of the
fish wholesalers estimated that the oysters might return in 3 to 4 years,
while some local biologists gave more conservative estimates of possibly
10 to 15 years. The return of the oysters is dependent upon the condition
of the bay bottom, which will be slower to recover than the waters. There
is widespread optimism, however, about the eventual recovery of the oyster
harvest as the cleanup and conservation efforts continue.
Clyde Richbourg, President, American Seafood Co., Personal
Interview, April 1975.
EB-26
-------
Members of the fishing industry and others have also suggested plans
to open oyster beds which are now closed or to transport healthy oysters
from other waters to Escambia Bay. Adjacent to the city's Northeast sewage
treatment plant, there are some oyster beds which are closed for harvest
because of the threat of pollution from this plant. After the projected
phasing out of this plant is accomplished in the next three to four years,
it may be feasible to harvest these oyster beds. The plan of transporting
oysters from East Bay or other waters to Escambia Bay has been implemented
to a small extent; as yet, there is no indication of the success of these
attempts. In addition, the State of Florida has constructed 14,000 yards
of reef out of old oyster and clam shells which are hoped to provide clean
places of attachment for young oysters. The results of these efforts will
not be clear for another 2-3 years.
The eventual recovery of the oyster and shrimp harvests in Escambia
Bay will provide an opportunity for growth to the fishing industry and will
diversify the products. The industry might be expected to be stronger and
to have greater dollar output because of new species which were harvested
as a result of the disappearance of shrimp and oysters. The recovery of
these harvests will make the industry stronger than it was prior to the
water pollution problems, since diversification serves to protect the
industry from further severe losses due to some change in the ecosystem.
The system of larger fishing operations and larger boats rather
than many small independent operators will probably continue in the future.
The larger fishing operations are more efficient and incur less risk from
changes in water quality. More advanced technologies such as freezer boats,
however, will probably not be retained except where absolutely necessary.
A major problem with higher technology is the cost of fuel; the energy
crisis has made the technology much less attractive and feasible, even for
larger fishing operation.
The fishing industry in general is expected to become more cohesive
and to work more closely with agencies such as the National Marine Fisheries
Service, as well as state and local agencies. The experience of a crisis
within the industry has made a number of its members more aware of the
value of cooperation with these groups.
EB-27
-------
4.2 Recreation
The preservation and development of recreational opportunities is
considered very important by the residents of the Pensacola area. The area
is one of great geographic beauty and extensive resources for water-related
recreation, both salt and freshwater. Many of the residents were originally
attracted here because of recreation opportunities and the beauty of the area
and its waters. The city also has a history of concern for recreation
resources; it was originally planned under Andrew Jackson with mini-parks
every six city blocks. Concern for the natural environment is reflected in
the high level of citizen involvement in issues related to water pollution
and general conservation of the area.
Residents use Escambia Bay primarily for fishing, and secondarily
for swimming. The surrounding land is used for hiking and picnicking to
some extent, and the high bluffs on the west side of the bay are an important
scenic site.
4.2.1 Tourism
The Escambia Bay is used mainly by local residents for recreation
and is not at present a tourist attraction. The major impact of pollution
on tourism is that national publicity about the fish kills may have
discouraged visitors from coming to the area. This claim was made in an
Associated Press news report in November, 1971. Tourist activities in the
Pensacola area are concentrated mainly on the superior Gulf Beaches of Santa
Rosa Island. Results of a survey on the major tourist attractions in the
Pensacola area (shown in Table 3 ) suggest that amenities offered by Escambia
Bay — such as scenery and fishing — are relatively less important in attract-
ing tourists than beaches, which are mostly located on the Gulf. However,
Escambia Bay lies along the route to Gulf areas, and prior to 1965, it at-
tracted many winter sport fishing tourists because of excellent speckled
trout fishing in the Escambia River delta region and Upper Escambia Bay.
Water quality in the Escambia Bay and River thus plays some role in the
attractiveness of the area as a tourist center.
The World Today, Trenton, N.J., November 28, 1971.
EB-28
-------
Fluctuations in tourist demand do, however, roughly correspond to
the appearance of water pollution problems, and it would seem that at least
some fluctuations in tourist demand have been caused by water pollution in
the Escambia River and Escambia Bay. Local motel owners complain of immedi-
ate declines in business following news stories concerning water pollution
in the Pensacola area. Estimates of the total number of automobile tourists
who travel to the Pensacola area are made annually by the Florida Department
of Commerce (Figure 3). In the period 1961-1970, tourist visits to the
Pensacola area declined, while the number of tourists visiting Florida rose.
The sharp drop in tourism in 1967 and 1968 corresponds to the first
appearance of massive fish kills and attendant publicity.
Another study has estimated the loss of income to the Pensacola SMSA
. 2
from declines in tourism in the period 1961-1970, as shown in Table 4.
We believe that this study overestimates the loss due to water pollution-
The relative attractiveness of Florida vis-a-vis the Pensacola area was
increasing for other reasons in this period while the decline in tourist
visits between 1961 and 1968 corresponds with the increasing incidence of
water pollution problems since the early 1960's. Increases in tourism
from 1969 on appear incongruent with continued serious water pollution
problems, massive fish kills, and national publicity received by the Pensacola
area in the years 1969-1971. Also, the study's estimates of total economic
losses are high in relation to local tourist agencies' recent estimates of
the economic impact of tourism. Effects of the magnitude reported in the
study would be expected to have caused more visible disruption and controver-
sy than seems to have been the case.
These are the Florida Tourist Studies, Florida Department of
Commerce, 1961-1970. This estimate of automobile tourists having the Pensa-
cola SMSA as their final destination provides a good approximation of the
total number of tourists in the same time period, since the number arriving
by plane, boat or bus is relatively small, as documented in Terrebone, op.cit.,
p. 101.
2Terrebone, op.cit., Chapter VII, pp. 90-105. This estimation was
based on typical expenditures of tourists in Florida, and does not in any
rigorous way attempt to relate the declines in tourism to water pol-
lution.
As determined from examination of newspaper and government records
from this period and a study of the tourist industry of the area prepared in
1970, Milo Smith & Associates, op.cit.
EB-29
-------
Table 3
DOMINANT TOURIST ATTRACTIONS IN THE
PENSACOLA AREA1
Type of Attraction
JIf Percent
Beaches
Scenery
Fishing
Camping
Historic Areas
State Parks
Night Life
Boating
Hunting
Source: Milo
Pensacola Area Tourist
34.2
13.9
10.1
8.2
7.5
6.6
5.1
4.0
0.5
Smith and Associates, Inc.,
Market. (Tampa: Milo Smith
and Associates, 1970) .
EB-30
-------
Figure 3
NUMBER OF AUTOMOBILE TOURISTS VISITING
PENSACOLA, PENSACOLA BEACH, PENSACOLA SMSA, AND FLORIDA
Pensacola
500,000
400,000
300,000
200,000
100,000
Pens
Pens
acola SMS\
acola
Penfeacola
/
Beich
Florida-
Florida
20,000,000
. . 10,000,000
1962 1964 1966 1968 1970
Terrebone, op.cit.
EB-31
-------
Table 4
LOSS OF INCOME AND EMPLOYMENT DUE TO
THE EFFECT OF WATER POLLUTION ON TOURISM
PENSACOLA SMSA1
Year
1962
1963
1964
1965
1966
1967
1968
1969
1970
1971
1972
Loss of
Basic Income
$ 7,063,965
$15,967,262
*$26,819,809
$37,672,356
$43,492,967
$47,429,672
$67,831,830
$69,637,960
$68,676,904
Loss of
Non-Basic Income
$ 6,922,686
$15,647,917
$26,283,413
$36,918,909
$42,623,108
$46,481,079
$66,475,193
$68,245,201
$67,303,366
Total Loss Equivalent Loss
of Income of Employment
$ 13,986,651
$ 31,615,179
$ 53,103,222
$ 74,591,265
$ 86,116,075
$ 93,910,751
$134,307,023
$137,883,161
$135,980,270
$135,980,270
$135,980,270
1,508
3,409
5,725
8,042
9,285
10,125
14,480
14,866
14,660
14,660
14,660
Ibid.
* Since data for 1964 was not available, the loss of tourism in
1964 was estimated by averaging the losses for 1963 and 1965.
EB-32
-------
Perhaps the most tangible evidence of pollution impacts on certain
tourist sectors in the Pensacola area is the drastic decline and abandon-
ment of most of the private "fish camps" that once thrived on the Escambia
River and Bay. These fish camps provided docking space, boat ramps, boat
rental, bait and other services to fishermen near well-known fishing spots
in the area. These camps carried on business throughout the year, but
received their heaviest business in winter months, the season for speckled
trout. The clientele consisted primarily of tourist sport fishers from
southeastern states, as well as local residents. Of some 20 fish camps
once located here, only one, Smith's Fish Camp, near the mouth of the
Escambia River, remains in business today. Mr. Smith reports that he used
to rent 55 boats continuously during trout season, and in good years, to
sell more than $10,000 worth of bait shrimp annually. Now shrimp is
unobtainable and Mr. Smith can barely keep 10 boats in rental use.
4.2.2 Fishing
Background
By far the dominant recreational use of the Escambia Bay is sport
fishing by local residents, and it is on this activity that water pollution
problems and subsequent cleanup have had the greatest social impact. The
increase of 29.5% in the number of freshwater fishing licenses (to 21,897
licenses) issued in the Escarosa area between the years of 1965 and 1970
illustrates the growing popularity of sport fishing. One report estimates
that Pensacola residents spent 161,296 hours in freshwater fishing boats in
1970, and that 200 to 300 people were commonly observed fishing off the rail-
road bridge across Escambia Bay in this period. Freshwater fishing is
mainly confined to local residents rather than tourists and appears to in-
volve a cross-section of age and socio-economic groups in the community.
The sport fishers were the first group in the community to take an
active interest in the problem of pollution in the Bay; it was they who
initiated actions leading to the public hearings in 1968. The large role
played by sport fishers in documenting, publicizing, and moving to solve
pollution problems has been discussed above. The lead was taken by the
Bream Fishermen Association (BFA), a group of 120 men of all ages and eco-
R. Peter Terrebone, op. cit., pp. 118-123.
EB-33
-------
nomic levels who share an interest in sport fishing. The group was organ-
ized in 1969 in the interest of estuarine preservation. While circulating
a petition to preserve parts of the Santa Rosa Island as national seashore,
BFA members had their first taste of political activism, which was new for a
group that described itself as "conservative" or "right-wing". The
BFA from the outset did not confine its activities to lobbying, but also
gathered data to support its contention that industries located on the
Escambia River were responsible for pollution of the Bay.
The BFA established a Night Pollution Control program, in which they
patrolled areas where they suspected industrial discharges to occur. This
patrol was responsible for early detection of a break in a flyash holding
pond at a local coal burning electric power plant in December, 1970. The
group has been instrumental in discovering many fish kills in various parts
of the Bay. Their monitoring program provided valuable service to the state
agency, which lacked the personnel to do all the necessary monitoring of dis-
charges. The BFA also established bioassay stations near the industrial out-
falls, recorded data, and supplied it to the responsible agencies. A third
contribution made by the BFA was a fish feeding program, aimed at supplying
the young fish, or "fry", with sufficient food to grow. Over 2,000 pounds of
commercial fish food was bought by the BFA and distributed over the spawning
beds. In 1974, the BFA also aided EPA in a program of replanting marine grass
beds which had been destroyed by pollution. This program is part of the long-
term conservation effort necessary to restore the former ecological balance of
Escambia Bay. The BFA has been active as well in projects involving the
Yellow River and the Perdido River and Bay.
Precise analysis of the impact of pollution on fishing is not possible
because no statistics are available on the numbers of fish caught. The BFA
made the first attempt to gather data on this subject when they conducted a
"creel census" in 1970, counting the catch of 1,234 different fishing trips by
a total of 2,558 fishermen. Their census, which was taken after the ma^or
pollution problems had appeared, revealed that the average fisher caught one fish
every two hours, at an average weight of less than a quarter pound. Although
there are no pre-pollution statistics to compare with this data, common sense
and experience suggested to the fishers that fishing had deteriorated signi-
ficantly in Escambia Bay.
EB-34
-------
A 1974 follow-up creel census does, however, indicate some improve-
ment in fishing. (The results have not been officially published.) The most
important indicator to the community that water quality has improved is the
cessation of fish kills in the Bay. Fishers now look for the return of the
speckled trout and porpoises as evidence that the Bay has been restored.
Social Impacts on Sport Fishers
Through their participation in the cleanup process, a significant
number of sport fishers have increased their political leverage in the com-
munity. As a group, they have become recognized as the bargaining agent re-
presenting all the sport fishers in the area. They have also acquired greater
sophistication in dealing with government and industry. The BFA, along with
other groups such as the Audubon Society, have widened their interests beyond
simply fishing and birds, to include general conservation issues. BFA has
tended to take the lead in conservation efforts involving such organizations
as the Audubon Society, Sierra Club, League of Women Voters, and others.
Local sport fishers have had to bear the social and economic costs of
adapting their fishing habits to water quality conditions in the Escambia
River and Bay. Pollution of local waters reportedly caused a number of sport
fishers to go farther from home — to Louisiana, Alabama, and even Texas —
to fish. Some also apparently turned to saltwater fishing in the Gulf of
Mexico.
Estimates of the decrease in participation in sport fishing, of the
time and travel costs of going elsewhere to fish and of the quality of the
fishing opportunity are likely to be unreliable due to the paucity of data on
sport fishing in the Pensacola area. The only estimates available are those
based on a study conducted by R. Peter Terrebone, who computed the participation
and economic losses from water pollution in the Escambia Bay and River since
1962. (See Table 4.) Our interviews with local fishermen and Fish and
Game authorities were unable to shed light on the reasonableness of Terrebone's
estimates. Residents and sport fishers reported that water quality degrada-
tion forced drastic changes in their sporting habits and greatly increased the
costs and inconvenience of fishing. This led the study team to regard the
Terrebone estimates as reflecting the lower boundary on impacts.
People who have continued to fish locally have adapted to the situa-
tion by concentrating on species such as croakers, which are more resistant to
EB-35
-------
pollution. Also, EPA and the Bream Fishermen have been stocking the Bay with
species such as striped bass to improve fishing opportunity.
Community awareness of the problems caused by pollution is still high,
although activism has subsided since the years of fish kills. Residents are
wary of over-confidence that pollution problems are solved, but in general
appear to be satisfied with the pace of the cleanup and the efforts of the
industries to comply. Since 1973, local participation in fishing has in-
creased somewhat.
As noted above, it is extremely difficult to estimate the impacts of
water pollution problems on tourism, and thus to assess the associated social
impacts. Data on employment and economic structure in the tourism industry in
Pensacola are lacking, and there exists no clear picture of the relationship
between water quality and the attractiveness of the area to tourists. For
these reasons, we are not able to make quantitative estimates of the social
impacts in these sectors except in the case of fish camps.
Economic studies of fish camps in nearby areas of Florida have es-
timated average gross income for a single camp to be in the range of $11,000
to $35,000, depending on fishing conditions. Fish camps in the Pensacola
area are mostly family businesses employing two to three persons. Applying
these figures to Escambia Bay, we can estimate that the closing of 18 fish
camps has resulted in the loss of a total of approximately 40 jobs and $130,000
worth of primary income in the Pensacola economy in the period 1965-70. No
assessment of the timing of these losses is possible. Many of the fish camp
operators were able to find employment in other sectors, although they may
have been hampered somewhat by generally low educational levels. Several
were nearing retirement age and were forced to retire prematurely.
Projected Future Impacts
Finfish are expected by local biologists to be quicker to return to
Escambia Bay than shellfish. Conservation efforts such as the planting of
marine grasses and restocking of fish should help to speed the return of
good fishing in the Bay. With the restoration of desirable fish species to
the Bay, participation in fishing should increase over the next few years,
particularly with the expected population growth. Community members who do
not have the resources to travel elsewhere will again have the opportunity
to fish close to home.
EB-36
-------
As fishing improves, demand for fish camps can be expected to rise,
and new fish camps will likely open. The one major fish camp remaining is
now renting 18 boats as opposed to 55 boats prior to the fish kills; some
recovery of the former level of business may be anticipated there. Opening
of fish camps by their former owners is also a possibility, although a number
of the owners reportedly sold their land at a substantial loss during the time
of the fish kills.
The Bream Fishermen Association and other groups which have become
involved in the pollution issue through their interest in fishing may be
expected to continue to play a prominent role in community affairs, inclu-
ding areas outside of fishing.
4.2.3 Swimming
Background
The Pensacola area differs from southern Florida in that swimming is
seasonal due to cool water and air temperatures from October to April.
Swimming in the Gulf of Mexico is more popular than in the Bays, particularly
among tourists, although there was some swimming in Escambia Bay prior to
the onset of pollution. Water skiing has never been a significant activity
in the Bay.
Certain areas of Escambia Bay have been closed to swimming since
the 1950s for health reasons, although regulations are sometimes violated.
The fish kills in 1968-1972 drastically reduced swimming in the Bay and in
Bayou Texar. Residents turned to the Gulf of Mexico or other bays in the area
for swimming. In Bayou Texar, pollution problems stemmed from the overloaded
sewage system rather than from industrial discharges. A city-sponsored swim-
ming program at Bayou Texar has been closed down since 1969. The expansion
and upgrading of the sewer facilities should contribute toward making the
area again suitable for swimming and other water sports.
No data are available for estimating more precisely the impact of
pollution in Escambia Bay and Bayou Texar on swimming opportunities, actual
swimming participation, or increased costs to swimmers in the Pensacola area.
Bayview Park of Bayou Texar was once a major swimming and water skiing re-
source for the city. Its closing has particularly affected swimming opportun-
ities for low income and minority groups, a large number of whom live in the
EB-37
-------
vicinity of the Park. There are very few free swimming pools in the area, and
travel to the Gulf Beach areas involves, among other costs, crossing a toll
bridge.
Future Social Impacts
Opening of Escambia Bay and Bayou Texar for swimming will provide
local residents with convenient swimming facilities and will particularly
benefit those who cannot afford the travel to other swimming areas. At present,
the City of Pensacola spends approximately $10,000 per year busing children
to the Gulf of Mexico to swim. Swimming instruction programs for children are
offered by the City as an important safety precaution because the area has so
many accessible bodies of water. Expenditures on transport will be eliminated
by water quality improvement.
4.2.4 Parks
Background
Water pollution forced parks with access to water to close beginning
in the early 1960s. Wayside Park, which formerly had lifeguards and a fish-
ing pier, was closed to the public, and has not yet reopened. Bayview Park,
located on the west side of the Bay, within Pensacola city limits, has not
been developed for recreation as planned, pending solution of water quality
problems. Several picnic areas near the city have also been closed since
the mid 1960s.
Future Social Impacts
At present, certain city funds which might have been spent on re-
creational development are being applied to improving water quality. The
City Department of Parks and Recreation is monitoring water quality in areas
with potential for swimming, but as yet has not approved their opening.
Development of Bayview Park to include boat ramps, a swimming area, a board-
walk, and other facilities will commence when water quality is adequately
improved.
The City, with the cooperation of the State of Florida, would also
like to develop the bluff area overlooking the Bay as a "passive" recreation
site when funds and water quality permit. The only water quality criterion
for this project is aesthetic attractiveness.
EB-38
-------
4.3 Property Values
Property owners in Escambia Bay area were not greatly affected by
degradation and the subsequent improvements of water quality. Several fac-
tors contributed to this rather low level of property value response.
Patterns of land ownership and the general social structure of the
Pensacola area are the major causes for the relative stability of land values.
A large portion of the Bay-influenced property suitable for development has
been owned and developed by one family in the area who, through inheritance,
controls about one-third of the total land area in the metropolitan region.
When pollution problems were manifested in the late 1960s, the market for most
Bay-influenced property disappeared; no buyers were to be found at any price
for this property. The response of the owner when faced with this situation
was to regard the pollution as a temporary phenomenon, hold onto the property,
and organize other residents through homeowners associations to pressure
the responsible local, state, and federal agencies to solve the problems.
Smaller property owners in the areas most severely affected by pollution also
followed this behavior pattern. They were, in general, long-time residents
of the area, "founding fathers" and community leaders. When the market for
their property disappeared, they were only marginally affected as they had no
plans to sell. Some homeowners used this opportunity to petition for lower
assessed valuations of their property, but were unsuccessful.
The second major factor which mitigated property value decreases was
the short supply of Bay-influenced property. A scenic highway runs along the
Bay about ^/4 mile inland, immediately adjacent to the Pensacola metropoli-
tan area, and a railroad skirts the Bay very near the shore. The thin strip
of land left along the shoreline contains a series of high bluffs and other
features that make it unsuitable for most development without substantial
and costly site improvements. The relatively few bayside sites suited for
residential development are in great demand and bring high prices. About
80% of these sites were developed by the early 1960s. When demand fell off
in the late 1960s as a result of Bay pollution, land owners remained confi-
dent that the pollution problem would be solved and the market would return
to its historic levels.
Most other Bay-influenced development is limited to areas inland from
the scenic highway, on a high plateau overlooking the Bay. These areas are
much less influenced by water quality than are Bay margin properties, and
EB-39
-------
even visual impacts of the Bay are lessened by the screening effect of a
dense pine woodland immediately adjacent to the highway on the Bay side. Bay
pollution is reported to have had some minor effect on the market for these
properties, but the changes are difficult to estimate. Two subdivisions were
completed in this area, about one-half mile from the Bay, in the period of
severe pollution problems; the developers reported only minimal effects on
the market for these houses.
There were two neighborhoods, however, where serious impacts from
water pollution problems prompted home and land owners to organize to protest
the situation and press for a speedy resolution of water quality problems.
The neighborhoods are both located on bayous, or large shallow coves off of
the Bay, where there exists a mixed salt and fresh water environment.
These areas were directly affected not only by water quality problems in the
Bay, but also by runoff and sewage discharge problems in both the bayous and
the watersheds drained by freshwater streams feeding into the bayous.
The first area, Mulatto Bayou, is located on the eastern portion of
the Bay across from the Metropolitan Pensacola area and south of Interstate-10.
(See Figure 4.) The majority of land in this area is held by absentee
owners, generally in the Midwest who purchased small lots by mail and
various other means in the late 1950s and early 1960s, purportedly for in-
vestment purposes. Due to their absentee situation and mechanics of the
market which made it very hard to sell their land, these owners experienced
only very minor effects from the local water quality problems. The remaining
land parcels held locally (about 200 acres) are handled by a single real
estate agent in Pensacola. This agent had plans to develop the area for
higher priced residences ($30,000 and above). As an influential businessman
and chairman of the Santa Rosa County Chamber of Commerce's Highway and
Bridge committee, the agent secured advantageous positioning of Interstate-10 to
provide easy access to his planned development from the Pensacola metropoli-
tan area. The highway was completed in the late 1960s, but progress on the
development was soon brought to a halt by water quality problems, first silta-
tion, then fish kills.
Construction of the interstate highway, together with development
activities, caused a rapid increase in runoff and siltation in the Bayou and
almost fully blocked the water access to the development from the Bay. The
developer and the resident home owners in the area, numbering about twenty,
EB-40
-------
Figure 4 - MULATTO BAYOU AND BAYOU TEXAR
SANTA ROSA COUNTY
MULATTO BAYOU
Escambia Bay
BAYOU TEXAR
ESCAMBIA COUNTY
Pensacola Bay
GULF OF MEXICO
EB-41
-------
organized and applied political pressure on the State Department of Transpor-
tation to correct the problem. They were able to get another channel dredged
to connect the Bayou with the Bay. However, ecological studies of the area
made in 1972 indicated that the dredging caused major damage to resident
biota.
Closely following the controversy over siltation of the Bayou came
the massive fish kills in 1968-1971. Some of the 10 to 15 fish kills per year
originated in the Mulatto Bayou. Residents here also felt the impacts of
fish kills in the Bay, as prevailing current patterns carried the dead fish
into the Bayou. Dead fish would pile up two feet deep in some places on the
Bayou, with attendant odor and aesthetic problems. Removal of the dead fish
by tidal action and other currents was hindered by poor water exchange from
the Bay as the result of physical characteristics of the Bayou, silting prob-
lems, and changes in the Bayou caused by dredging. While they lasted, re-
current fish kills ruined demand for property in the area. The market has
begun to show some improvement since 1973, and there are now about 30-35 homes
in the area. The real estate agent is still handling the property in the
area, although he has expanded his listings into other localities in the
Pensacola area. He believes that property around Mulatto Bayou has, in the
last three years, appreciated at a rate large enough to offset losses that
may have occurred because of pollution problems.
The second area that received substantial impact from the degradation
and cleanup of water quality is the Bayou Texar area, also shown in Figure 4.
The fringes of this Bayou contain some of the most exclusive residential
property in the City of Pensacola and were almost completely developed by the
middle 1960s with large-lot, higher priced homes. Many community leaders,
industrial executives and other influential citizens of long standing reside
in the area. Bayou Texar receives its primary fresh water input from
Carpenters Creek, whose headwaters, outside the city limits, have been se-
verely degraded by channelization and urban development. The Creek and the
Bayou as a whole are the major repositories for urban runoff from developed
areas, construction runoff, septic tank seepage, sewage lift station
overflow, and storm sewer effluent for a major portion of the city. This
tremendous residual load combined with the extremely poor water circulation
and the physical character of the Bayou combined to cause massive fish kills
in the Bayou in 1969 and subsequent years. Fish kills here were not directly
EB-42
-------
connected to problems in Escambia Bay itself. The fish kills destroyed
the market for residential property in the immediate vicinity of the Bayou
for a period of about three years, until 1972. According to realtors,
properties in the area, through rapid appreciation since 1972, have regained
any value losses that may have occurred during the period of water quality
problems. Furthermore, whatever losses owners might have incurred in this
period were only hypothetical because the neighborhood is a stable one,
and residents, seeing the problems as temporary, did not try to sell their
property.
When the fish kills began, residents organized the Bayou
Texar Association to lobby the appropriate city and state authorities for
relief from their problems. They could expect a reasonable degree of success
given the influential position that many members held in the City. This
Association has indeed been successful in forcing the study and solution of
problems for the Bayou area. By threatening a court suit, they moved the
State of Florida's Division of Water Pollution Control to order the City of
Pensacola to place a moratorium on new sewer connections in the Carpenters
Creek drainage area in 1972. The moratorium is still in effect.
The sewer moratorium itself has caused substantial social impacts, as
the City's most suitable land for new residential development is situated in
the Carpenters Creek drainage area. In the opinion of real estate interests,
the West Florida Homebuilders Association, and the City of Pensacola Public
Utilities Department, impacts of the moratorium, although difficult to quanti-
fy, have been substantial on two large groups: (1) the moratorium has se-
verely limited the amount of new home construction possible in the area, causing
adverse impacts on realtors and building/construction industries; and (2)
the moratorium has hurt home buyers by limiting their range of choice in terms
of both supply and location of available housing.
It is difficult to estimate the magnitude of impacts in either of these
two categories, given the limited scope of this study and exogenous effects of
the national economy in causing a slump in housing starts since 1973. Real
estate and construction people interviewed in the area say that the mora-
torium may have caused the failure of two home construction companies and was
definitely a factor in the sharp rise in unemployment in the local building and
construction trades. Three or four realtors were also hurt by the decrease in
listings caused by the moratorium. However, the agency most seriously affected
EB-43
-------
is owned by a family which also holds a large portion of the land affected by
the moratorium, and which was active in the Bayou Texar Association. This
continuity of interest has apparently allowed a trade-off of short-term for
the longer-term benefits to be gained through both the cleanup of Bayou
Texar and the increased development that will be permitted with the expansion
of sewage treatment capacity in the Carpenters Creek area. According to real
estate developers, land affected by the present moratorium is expected to
appreciate very rapidly once the sewer moratorium is lifted, sometime in the
latter part of 1975; and any losses suffered during the moratorium will pro-
bably be recouped.
In 1972, an attempt was made to estimate the loss in property values
around the Bay fringes and in the Bayou Texar area through a survey of real
estate appraisers in the Pensacola metropolitan area. Appraisers were asked
to report on the value of bay front property at certain locations at the time
of the survey, and then to estimate how much the property would have appre-
ciated had there been no water pollution problems. Opinion was mixed, with
some respondents estimating no impact and others substantial impact.
Evidence discussed above, however, suggests that owners of bay front
and Bayou Texar property indeed perceived an impact on their property values,
as indicated by their efforts at political organization to improve the water
quality situation and attempts by some to have their property reassessed
downward. However, very few of these impacts were ever realized because of
the stability of the higher income social groups in the area and the fact
that few of the owners entered the market. The advantageous position held
by bay-influenced property in the higher-priced real estate market in
Pensacola allowed these owners to recoup any losses they may have suffered in
the period of water pollution problems.
EB-44
-------
SUMMARY OF REAL ESTATE APPRAISERS
CONCERNING THE IMPACT OF WATER POLLUTION
ON RESIDENTIAL WATERFRONT PROPERTY VALUES
.1
Property Bordering
Body of Water
PENSACOLA SMSA
Reported Actual
Value of Property, 1972
(per waterfront foot)
Reported Estimate of
Appreciated Value 1972,
Assuming No Pollution
Problems
Bayou Texar
Escambia Bay
$200
$120-125
$220-400
$138-200
The table above shows the results of the survey for those 80% of the respon-
dents who estimated an impact of water polution on property values. From
this survey, Terrebone estimated that total property value losses for Bayou
Texar and Escambia Bay for the period 1965-1972 were approximately $3,405,000.'
4.4 Citizen Participation and Government Planning and
Decision Making
Citizen participation has radically altered the process of water
quality and coastal zone planning in the Pensacola area, and in some cases,
has even led to the creation of new governmental entities to address the
problems of the area.
One of the most significant social impacts of water quality problems
and the subsequent improvement of many areas has been the political mobiliza-
tion of many divergent social groups in the Pensacola community as they came
to recognize the influence they could wield through organization. By banding
together, they were able to stimulate local, state, and federal agencies re-
sponsible for water quality and coastal zone planning to find and enforce
solutions to water pollution problems.
This table was fashioned after Table LIX, p. 149 in Terrebone, op.
cit. The original data were gathered from an exhaustive survey of certified
real estate appraisers in the Pensacola area, undertaken in June, 1972.
2
This estimate was obtained by assuming an average loss for property
in each area, and combining this with an estimate of the amount of residen-
tially suitable land bordering each body of water. The estimate of the loss
was analyzed as the capitalized value of the lost future stream of recrea-
tional and amenity values. A discussion of the precise estimation techniques
and the theoretical foundations of this type of analysis can be found in
Terrebone, above.
EB-45
-------
The efforts and vigilance of the citizen organizations, led by the
Bream Fishermen and other sport fishing groups, commercial fishing interests,
and various homeowners associations, were crucial factors in (1) bringing the
water quality problems to the forefront of public awareness; (2) prompting
their consideration by regulatory agencies; and (3) ensuring adequate compli-
ance with the solutions on the part of major polluters, chiefly the City of
Pensacola and the large industries in the area.
The most obvious change in the process of water quality management in
the Pensacola area is the extremely high level of federal participation and
the much increased formal and informal coordination among the various govern-
mental actors. The Florida Department of Pollution Control, which maintains
a regional office in Pensacola, the State Health Department, the Florida
Marine Patrol, and City of Pensacola Public Utilities officials are all well
known to each other and to the public. The federal government has maintained
high visibility in the area through a series of three regional Enforcement
Conferences which set treatment standards for major dischargers, and the EPA
Bay Recovery Program, which has had a local staff of some 40 employees for
four years to monitor water quality changes in the Bay.
Other manifestations of federal involvement are the 3(c) Water Quality
Management Program for the Pensacola metropolitan area. This plan was recently
completed in conjunction with the West Florida Regional Planning Council,
under the provisions of the 1965 Federal Water Pollution Control Act.
A 208 Areawide Wastewater Management Plan in the region has also been ini-
tiated. The State of Florida has commissioned numerous studies of local
environmental problems, including those conducted for the Coastal Coordina-
ting Council, and the Department of Natural Resources, which have focused
on general water quality, ground water, restoration of the oyster and shrimp
fishery in the Escambia Bay, and pollution in specific areas of the Bay.
Pensacola has received federal grants from several sources including
the National Science Foundation (Research Applied to National Needs),
the Office of Water Resources Research (Department of the Interior),
EPA and its predecessor agency, the Federal Water Pollution Control Adminis-
tration. Others, which have mostly gone to support research at the Universi-
ty of West Florida, concern specific biological, physical, and chemical
processes in the Escambia Bay. Most recent are the studies of the National
EB-46
-------
Commission on Water Quality, three of which {biological and property values
studies and the present social impacts study) are looking at Pensacola. As
a result of this federal involvement, most decisions and questions about
water quality management are checked, at least informally, with EPA represen-
tatives, either the Bay Recovery team or the Region IV staff in Atlanta.
Local and regional officials have acquired new sophistication in both the
technical and procedural aspects of water quality decision-making as a re-
sult of this contact and appear to be making excellent use of the federal
assistance available to them under both sections 201 and 208 of the 1972
FWPCA Amendments (PL 92-500).
The most noticeable changes in planning and decision-making have
occurred in the Public Utilities Department (PUD) of the City of Pensacola.
This agency is responsible for planning and implementing the City of
Pensacola's domestic sewage system, as well as its water and natural gas
distribution to residential and commercial consumers. In response to the high
level of citizen interest in water quality problems, PUD staff now make up to
five presentations a month to civic and professional groups in Pensacola,
and have conducted public seminars at Pensacola Junior College. These semin-
ars and talks are designed to inform the public about the City's progress in
solving its share of pollution problems in the Bayou Texar and the Escambia
Bay areas.
At the second Enforcement Conference held by EPA in Pensacola in
1971, the City was ordered to stop all discharges into Escambia Bay. One
of its five treatment plants, the Northeast plant, now has its outfall into
the Bay. The 3{c) plan for the city and the 201 facilities plan for the Main
Street plant call for four of the City's five plants, including the Northeast
plant, to be phased out by 1979 and replaced by the Main Street plant which is
currently being expanded and upgraded to advanced waste treatment. The PUD
and other City representatives have had to negotiate a complicated technical
and political path to achieve progress to date; and the effects on the City
in terms of economic costs and land use implications are not yet fully under-
stood .
The third EPA Enforcement Conference in January, 1972, cited the City
for failure to make sufficient progress toward mandated effluent limitations
at the Northeast plant. This citation was followed shortly by threatened
court action by the Bayou Texar Citizen's Association against the City. The
EB-47
-------
Florida Department of Water Pollution Control (DWPC) also charged that in-
adequate treatment capacity at the Main Street plant and problems with col-
lection systems were the main cause of pollution problems in Bayou Texar.
In 1972, the DWPC followed up this action by ordering the City to impose a
moratorium on all further sewer connections in the Carpenters Creek - Bayou
Texar area, which comprises a major portion of the Main Street plant service
area. Working with the technical advisory group of the 3(c) plan, the City
Council and other interested parties, including real estate and construction
interests in the City, devised an interim solution aimed at allowing the mora-
torium to be lifted while meeting EPA and state discharge requirements. They
proposed a temporary expansion of the Northeast plant and collection system
improvements to relieve the domestic sewage portion of the pollution problem
in the Carpenters Creek - Bayou Texar area. This solution was opposed by many
interests, led by the Bream Fishermen Association, who charged that the City
Council's plan did not comply with EPA requirements to halt discharges into
Escambia Bay from the Northeast plant. At present, the Bream Fishermen and
other citizen's groups appear to be satisfied that the City does indeed plan
to phase out the Northeast plant as soon as improvements to the Main Street
plant are completed and that the City is making progress toward acquiring the
construction grant for these improvements. The city has completed steps 1
and 2 of the grant process and is awaiting approval of Step 3 construction
funding, now that the City's matching share has been secured through the
sale of combined utilities revenue bonds.
Both the Director of the Public Utilities Department and the Sewer
Works Director now consider it their task to find the most efficient engin-
eering solution to the City's domestic wastewater treatment needs. The
directors have come to see that the needs and viewpoints of citizens are a
crucial ingredient in the planning process (as evidenced by efforts to pub-
licize City work) and they also recognize broader land use, political and
growth implications of the City's policies. PUD officials seem to be more
aware than citizens of impacts with respect to the need for additional re-
venues to repay the bonded indebtedness recently incurred to implement pol-
lution control projects. Since late 1973, the City has sold approximately
$12 million worth of 20-year combined utilities revenue bonds to finance
wastewater system improvements. These bond issues have already caused sig-
EB-48
-------
nifleant increases in charges to city sewer system users. A rate increase
enacted in early 1974 made the following changes:
VOLUME USE MONTHLY CHARGES
(gal./mo.) Old Rate New Rate
3,000 $ 0.99 $ 1.99
10,000 3.30 4.30
30,000 5.94 10.90
100,000 19.80 34.00
City officials anticipate further increases in sewer rates as the city expends
the revenues from the bond sales for improvements to the Main Street plant and
collection system. Water and natural gas rates, too, will be increased to
finance these bonds (since they encumber the combined revenues of all utilities
sectors) and also to finance improvements to these systems, that were post-
poned in order to meet sewage treatment needs. Officials are hesitant to
estimate the magnitude of the increases, saying that levels are still subject
to further study and comment by the elected city officials and rate consul-
tants.
Other aspects of the City's planning efforts have not been affected
to nearly the same extent as the PUD. Recreation planners for the city have
had to transfer some park activities to other sections of the city and
the Gulf, and make associated transportation and staffing arrangements. There
is little long-range planning for recreation, by either the City or Escambia
County. Both say they regard the water pollution/fish kill situation as tem-
porary and thus have made no adjustments in their plans to install boat ramps,
bayside parks or other facilities.
Water pollution problems in the Escambia Bay area had substantial
impacts on governmental entities at the county and regional levels in the
period 1968-1972, mostly as a result of the increasing social mobilization
of the citizenry around the water quality issue and the need to address prob-
lems by directing this energy into formal channels. One of the first efforts
in this direction was the June, 1969, creation by executive order of the Gov-
ernor of Florida of the West Florida Natural Resources Council. The Council
had a three part charter which empowered it (1) to establish task forces to
study pollution problems, (2) to establish a data bank on pollution at the
EB-49
-------
University of West Florida and to provide for an information program, and
(3) to develop an interagency and interstate effort to investigate and solve
these problems. The Council members were chosen from a select group of sci-
entists, politicians and community leaders. Council meetings were open to
the public and were well-received by the citizenry. Meetings were at-
tended by agency officials, and Pensacola Congressman R.L.F. Sikes supported
the Council, acting on its behalf in Washington, D.C.
By August, 1969, the Council had approved a budget of $150,000 to
combat pollution in the Escambia Bay area without, however, having identified
a secure funding source. The Escambia-Santa Rosa Water Pollution Task force,
an arm of the Council, reported in October, 1969, to a "standing room only"
crowd at the Council meeting that the Escambia River and Bay were extremely
polluted and that the major polluters were local manufacturing firms
and the local power generating plant (Monsanto Chemicals, Air Products, and
Gulf Power Company). This meeting galvanized public and governmental opinion
on the water quality problems in the area and set the stage for the first of
the EPA Enforcement Conferences in January, 1970. Although the council re-
ceived local praise and achieved a large measure of credibility for its ef-
forts, further substantive work by the Council was hampered by budgetary
problems, as by July, 1970, only $18,000 had been raised from the Department
of Water Pollution Control to investigate the area's water quality problems.
Late in 1970, the Council was a forum for public discussions on the plight
of the commercial fishing industry in the area. The director of the Council
implored the governor of Florida to declare Escambda Bay a natural disaster
area so that the region would become eligible for federal grants and loans
to help fishermen and shrimpers stay in business. Subsequently it was de-
termined that the area was not eligible under any existing aid programs; at
the same time, the State of Florida was forming a Coastal Coordinating Council
(CCC) to prepare a uniform statewide plan for management of the coastal areas
of the state. These developments sounded the death knell for the Council.
The CCC chose the two county Escambia-Santa Rosa area as the first pilot study
site. According to CCC officials, the study was not successfully completed
or implemented because of insufficient participation and declining interest
on the part of local officials. It appears that the Council was created
1970.
Letter from J.A. Edmisten to Governor Claude Kirk, Jr. September 4,
EB-50
-------
quickly to fill a need which existed at the time to harness social activism
generated by the water qualxty problems in the Bay; once other agencies, in
particular the EPA and the Florida DWPC, began to exercise responsibility,
the Council relinquished its role to these agencies.
The West Florida Regional Planning Council (WFRPC) has participated
actively in the many planning efforts that have grown out of attempts to at-
tack pollution problems in the Escambia Bay area. The WFRPC was designated
the state entity to participate in the preparation of the 3(c) water quality
management plan for the Pensacola metropolitan area. The grant application
was filed in June, 1972, and the plan has ]ust been completed. It provides
cost-effective solutions to the collection and treatment of domestic and
some commercial and industrial wastes, from all but the largest dischargers,
and reduces the effluent loadings in the bay considerably (including elimi-
nation of the effluent from the City's Northeast treatment plant). The
council has also acted as the coordinating body for resolving problems in
the Bayou Texar area. It has developed, in conjunction with a consulting
engineering firm, a plan for restoration of this area, which takes into ac-
count both point source sewage discharges and the problems of runoff and
non-point sources.
In the fall of 1970, the Commissioners of Escambia County also became
involved in water quality issues with the creation of a Pollution Advisory
Committee and the retention of the services of a local attorney. The committee
was chosen to represent all sides of the issue — industry, agriculture, sport
fishing, commercial fishing, the legal sector, and the University of West
Florida — and was charged with the responsibility of seeking solutions to the
pollution problems in Escambia County and advising the County Commissioners
on an appropriate course of action. The committee quickly developed a set
of recommendations, but these have not been implemented by the Commissioners.
The contribution of the committee has rather been to act as a sounding board
for all parties to the problem, and to exert pressure on other agencies with
more clear-cut responsibilities for pollution control.
The high level of citizen participation in Pensacola's water cleanup
process is directly associated with the characteristics of the population and
their vested interests. Citizen participation in this case study is notable
because citizens tended to be involved where the issues related directly to
their economic self-interest. The preservation of valuable aspects of commu-
EB-51
-------
nity life was also an important motivation. The Bream Fisherman Association,
leaders of citizen activism, began their participation out of a desire to
protect fishing, and later their interest broadened to include general con-
servation issues. There is no indication that this group had any financial
interest to protect, and in fact, it appears that the BFA has donated signi-
ficant amounts of free labor to the cause of water cleanup. Members view
their role as one of preserving an aspect of the community which is important
to them, and they also see themselves as champions of "right," protecting the
environment against the onslaughts of business interests and poor government
planning.
The homeowners' associations which have been involved in issues such
as the sewer moratoria and decisions on dredging of bayous are another example
of citizens with interests to protect, in this case, largely financial. With
respect to cleaning up water bordering on privates-owned property, the issues
of recreational use of the water and aesthetic quality are directly related
to financial value. But water cleanup relates to quality of life for these
homeowners as well, and this was an incentive to action.
The nature of the population is another factor in the high level of
citizen participation. The relatively high level of education of many resi-
dents is suggested as one significant characteristic, as is the large number
of military and other retirees who have the time and knowledge to address
community issues. The fact that many people move to Pensacola to enjoy the
climate and the opportunity for' outdoor activities suggests that the community
would be more than usually concerned with issues of environmental cleanup and
protection.
The Pensacola area has a wide-ranging income and age distribution,
and this diversity is reflected among citizens participating in water cleanup
issues. While the homeowners' groups tended to represent a more affluent
section of the community, the sport fishers represent a cross-section in age
and socio-economic status.
Although Pensacola has a larger percentage of minority group members
in its population than other parts of Florida (19% of the Pensacola SMSA),
black and low-income group members are conspicuous by their absence in the
political process. The reasons for their non-involvement are not clear, but
may be assumed to be related to traditional causes for minority non-involve-
ment in the community.
EB-52
-------
Citizen participation at present is less controversy-oriented than
it was in the period 1968-1972, when water pollution problems were more severe.
Today the citizens act in a watchdog capacity to assure that the pollution
control measures enacted will be properly enforced, but they are no longer
in an attack position. Most citizens seemed to be relatively satisfied with
the efforts made by industry and the city thus far, but many were quick to
point out that the water pollution problems are far from solved and that
continued vigilance is required from community members.
EB-53
-------
5.0 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Atlantis Scientific. Interim Report Escambia River and Bay (Florida), for
the National Commission on Water Quality, February 1, 1975.
Coastal Coordinating Council. "Recreational Problems and Opportunities in
Excarosa's Coastal Zone." Tallahassee, Florida, November, 1971.
Environmental Protection Agency. "Proceedings, Third Session of Conference
in the Matter of Pollution of the Interstate Waters of Escambia River
Basin and the Intrastate Portions of the Escambia Basin and Bay
within the State of Florida." Gulf Breeze, Florida, January 24-26,
1972.
Flood and Associates, Inc. Metropolitan Pensacola Five-Year Sewer Plans.
Jacksonville, Florida, April, 1971.
Florida Department of Commerce. Florida Tourist Studies. 1961-1970.
Henningson, Durham and Richardson. Bayou Texar Restoration Study,
prepared for Intergovernmental Program Office, Pensacola, Florida.
Henningson, Durham, Richardson and Hart. Presentation of Alternatives for
Water Quality Management Plan, Escambia and Santa Rosa Counties,
prepared for Escambia-Santa Rosa Regional Planning Council, Pensacola,
Florida, November, 1973.
Henningson, Durham, Richardson and Hart, and West Florida Regional Planning
Counci1. Storm Water Management Plan for Escambia and Santa Rosa
Counties. May, 1974.
Hopkins, Thomas S., "Citizen Involvement in Estuarine Preservation,"
University of West Florida, Pensacola, Fla., 1975.
Milo Smith and Associates, Inc. Pensacola Area Tourist Market. Tampa,
Florida, 1970.
Milo Smith and Associates, Inc. Regional Economic Analysis, Pensacola Standard
Metropolitan Statistical Area. Tampa, Florida, February 1, 1973.
Patrick, R. "Stream Survey Report — Escambia River". Unpublished report
for the Dupont Company, Philadelphia Academy of Sciences, 1952.
Pensacola Area Chamber of Commerce and Pensacola Escambia Development
Commission. Pensacola-Escambia County Economic Analysis. January,
1975.
EB-54
-------
Terrebone, R. Peter. The Costs of Water Pollution in the Pensacola Area.
Florida State University, 1973.
208 Areawide Wastewater Management Planning Area; Designation Information.
Escambia, Santa Rosa and Okaloosa Counties, Florida.
EB-55
-------
OBSLKVEU/PI'OBABLE SOCIAL IMl'ALTJ, lit LOCAL SOCIAL UKUjI'S
L,'A'IUIA BAY, FLOKIDA
SOCIAL IMPACTS
COMMERCIAL FISHING
Employment
Secondary economic Effects
Local Fish Prices
"hange in Structure of Industry
-CREATION
Geographical Redistribution of Fishing
Bay Influenced Swimming Sites
Recreation Cost to City
Employment in Recreation Industry
Fishing Habits/Techniques
PROPERTY VALUES
Housing Market (1968-'71>
Sewer Moratorium (1971-'7S)
Non-Development of Mulatto Ba^ou
Property Appreciation 1972- '75
CITIZEN PARTICIPATION/GOVERNMENT DECISION MAKING
Participation by Directly Impacted Groups
Black/Low Income Participation
Organization of "Water Quality Interest Groups"
Government-Sponsored Studies/Public Meetings & Hearings
OTHER
Decline in Aosthctic Quality of Bay & River
HiqhiM Future Utility Kites
Tourists
Low Income Recreators
Middle/High Income Recreators
-
.
(0
1
<0
£
1
a
k*
u
fl
2
-
+
Home Developers
-
Residential Construction Workers
-
f
Water Adjacent Property Owners
+
+
-
+
.
n. \t
Consumers in <$30K Housing Market
-
-
r i.i
Spoits Fishermen
—
„.
.
• .1,1'-,
Cfl
I*
0
I
1
U
.c
Ul
_
—
—
+
+
.
(A
0)
3
Cl
1
-------
NOTES
ON OBSERVED/PROBABLE SOCIAL IMPACTS BY LOCAL SOCIAL GROUPS
ESCAMBIA BAY, FLORIDA
[ Ik ]
Employment in the commercial fishing industry was reduced but not
eliminated. See section 4.1.
[ 11 1
See section 4.1.
[ 1m ]
Part-time fishing was reduced from approximately 300 persons to
between 10 and 15 persons. See pages EB 25-26.
[ 2j ]
Part-time commercial fishermen utilized fish camp services, and com-
mercial fishers also supplied fish camps with bait fish. Therefore, although
sports fishers comprised the majority of the fish camp's business, an inter-
relationship existed with commercial fishers.
[ 2k ]
See section 4.1.
[ 3n ]
Information from president of fish wholesale and retail company.
See page EB 25.
[ 4k ]
Diversification will tend to strengthen the commercial fishing in-
dustry. See page EB 27.
[ 4m ]
Part-time fishers are less able to integrate their efforts with the
larger fishing operations. See pages EB 25-26.
[ 51 3
Sports fishers must travel further to fish, thus incurring greater
though generally not prohibitive costs. See pages EB 35-36.
EB-57
-------
6b
Low-income recreators living around the Bay lost access to their only
available swimming sites. See pages EB 37-38.
6c
Middle to high income recreators suffered inconvenience in the loss
of certain swimming sites, although they were more able to travel to new
sites than low-income recreators. See pages EB 37-38.
7r
Pensacola taxpayers bore the burden of roughly $10,000 spent on a
program to bus school children to the Gulf of Mexico to swim. See pages
EB 37-38.
[ 8j ]
Fish camp owners were virtually wiped out: from 20 fish camps to
one. See pages EB 33 and 37.
[ 9i ]
Sports fishers changed habits and techniques dramatically. See
section 4.2.2.
[ 9j ]
Change of location of sports fishers eliminated business for fish
camps around Escambia Bay. See pages EB 33 and 37.
[ 10e ]
See section 4.3.
[ 10g ]
See section 4.3.
[ Hd ]
See pages EB 43-35.
[ He ]
Discussions with home developers, plus written analysis from Home
Builder's Association of West Florida, Inc. (prepared especially for the
EB-58
-------
present study) indicate that the sewer moratorium has had a ma]or effect
on building. See pages EB 43-45.
[ Hf 1
See pages EB 43-44.
[ llh ]
See pages EB 43-45.
[ 12e ]
Interview with the prime developer of Mulatto Bayou indicated that,
while development was delayed, the costs will be recovered as pollution
problems are solved. See pages EB 40-42.
[ 12h ]
See pages EB 40-42.
[ 13d ]
See page EB 45.
[ 13g ]
See section 4.3.
[ 14g ]
See pages EB 40-45.
Participation by the Bream Fishermen Association was the leading
factor in arousing public and governmental interest in water pollution, as
is discussed in pages 18-19 and 33-37 and documented in numerous newspaper
articles. The BFA also participated in reformation with the EPA (Bay
Recovery Team, see pages 34-35) . They were the primary pressure group on the
Public Utilities Department advocating the plan which was later adopted to
close the Northeast Sewage treatment plant, according to authorities of the
PUD and representatives of the BFA (see page 48) .
Fish camp owners documented water quality changes and effects on
fishing, according to newspaper accounts.
EB-59
-------
[ 14k ]
Fish wholesale and retail companies participated in publicizing
pollution and retraining of fishermen, according to newspaper reports and
industry representatives.
[ 141 ]
Commercial fishermen participated in government retraining programs
to adapt to new fishing conditions.
I 15g ]
No mention is made of minority/low-income group participation in
any reports; this was confirmed by local planners.
[ 15o ]
Conservationist groups have little or no minority/low-income group
participation, reported by local citizens.
[ 15p ]
Minority/low-income groups are not represented in government, from
observation of study team.
I 16o ]
Conservation groups played a supportive role to interest groups
in water clean-up.
[ 17g 3
Water adjacent property owners influenced Department of Transporta-
tion planning. See pages 40-43.
Transcripts of public hearings and EPA enforcement conferences show
that the BFA testified on water quality and fishing, giving results from
their creel census and personal observations.
[ 17k ]
Transcripts of public hearings and EPA enforcement conferences show
testimony from Clyde Richbourg, President of American Seafood Co., and Joe
Patti, President of Patti's Seafood Co. on the effects of pollution on the
EB-60
-------
commercial fishing industry.
[ 17o ]
The Sierra Club, League of Women Voters, and Audubon Society are
recorded on public record as attending public hearings in 1969-1970 on water
quality.
[ 17p ]
Government employees, particularly from the Public Utilities Depart-
ment and the City of Pensacola Public Health Department testified at public
hearings and for the EPA enforcement conferences, according to transcripts.
[ 18a ]
See pages EB 28-33.
[ 18b 18c ]
The unattractiveness of the Bay, particularly during fish kills,
made it undesirable for recreation.
[ 18d ]
Decline in water quality made water-front property less attractive
to buyers for a limited period. See section 4.3.
[ 18g ]
Unattractiveness of the Bay and bayous made water-adjacent properties
less pleasant, according to property owners.
Decline in aesthetic quality of water made sports fishing less
pleasant, according to comments by sports fishers; however, decline in fish
caught was a worse problem.
Fish camp owners were adversely affected by lessening attractiveness
of the waters; again, however, decline in fish caught was the dominant
problem.
EB-61
-------
[ 181 ]
Commercial fishermen, who spent the most time on the water of any
group, suffered a loss of pleasantness of fishing, according to comments
made to the study team. The loss of fish catches was by far a predominating
concern, however.
[ 19q ]
Consumers of municipal gas, water, and sewer services will experience
rate increases in the future (see pages EB 48-49) . This impact is not a
major one because these payments still will not constitute a large portion
of the family budget for the average consumer.
EB-62
-------
DEMOGRAPHIC AND ECONOMIC COMPOSITION OF LOCAL SOCIAL GROUPS:
ESCAMBIA BAY, FLORIDA
SOCIAL GROUPS
Tourists
Low Income Recreators
Middle/High Income Re Creators
Sports Fishermen
Fish Company Owners
Commercial Fish Wholesalers & Retailers
Commercial Fishermen
Marginal ("part-time") Fishermen
Local Fish Consumers
Realtors (Bay Influenced Property)
Home Developers
Residential Construction Workers
Property Owners (Bay Influenced Property)
Consumers in — $30K Housing Market
Sports Fishing Interest Groups
Conservation Interest Groups
Water Quality Sector Government Employees
0)
i-l
E
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
DEMOGRAPHIC AND
E
O
I-l
(0
g
b
X
X
X
X
c o
CD
Q
Q
c
I-H
5
2
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
N O
e
§
y
C
H
^4
01
•O
£
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
M I
fl)
U
c
H
£•
en
•H
X
X
X
X
X
X
c
^
O
a
iH
CQ
X
X
X
G R
0>
4J
•H
ll
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
0 U
l<
19
1-1
o
V
01
r-l
m
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
P S
^J
IB
l-l
1-1
{J
0)
4J
•rt
^
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
en
4J
c
01
T)
01
0)
0)
e
•H
£4
1
en
c
a
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
c
01
•o
f-H
•H
U
X
X
X
EB-63
-------
BLOCK ISLAND
TABLE OF CONTENTS
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
1.0 COMMUNITY VIGNETTE
1.1 Profile
1.2 Community Groups
Residents
Merchants: The Commercial Group
Cottagers
The islanders
The Vacationers
2.0 THE PROPOSED SEWER PROJECT
2.1 Historical Overview of Proposed Sewer Project
2.2 Sequence of Events
3.0 SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC IMPACTS
3.1 Introduction
3.2 Potential Social and Economic Impacts Under Alternative X (No Project)
3.2.1 Those Who Would Benefit Under Alternative X
3.2.2 Those Who Would Suffer Adverse Consequences Under Alternative X
3.2.3 Impacts on the Community
3.3 Potential Social and Economic Impacts Under Alternative Y
(Project for Old Harbor Only)
3.3.1 Those Who Would Benefit Under Alternative Y
3.3.2 Those Who Would Suffer Adverse Consequences Under Alternative Y
3.4 Potential Social and Economic Impacts Under Alternative Z
(Project for Old and New Harbor Areas)
3.4.1 Those Who Would Benefit Under Alternative Z
3.4.2 Those Who Would Suffer Adverse Consequences Under Alternative Z
4.0 BIBLIOGRAPHY
-------
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
It is difficult to draw hard and fast conclusions about the potential
impacts of installing a sewer system on Block Island, given the lack of
objective data available, and the strong opinions voiced by proponents and
opponents of the various alternatives. The basic differences underlying
both sides of the issue are fairly simple, however: those who are in favor
of a sewer system for the island (whether for Old Harbor or for both Old
and New Harbors) feel that without such a system, both the economy and ecology
of the island are in danger. Those who oppose the system base their stand
on the threat of over-development which would destroy the unique rural
character of the island, and on the increase in taxes which construction
and operation of the system will incur. The extent to which these various
assumptions are valid remains subject to question. Furthermore, there is
no way of discerning the degree to which the projected events (death of
the island's commercial interests and tourist trade, over-development of
the island) are likely to occur. Without the system, it is probable that
at least some of the island's hotels and restaurants will be forced to close;
however, whether they will all be forced to close, and whether the island
will be able to survive economically with only a limited number of hotels,
both remain unclear. With the system, it is probable that some increase
in development will occur; however, whether zoning and subdivision ordinances
will be unable to control this development is likewise unclear. In fact,
the very nature of development most feared is vague: some residents and
cottagers seem apprehensive about commercial development, while others
object more to the prospect of increased residential construction.
The lack of agreed upon, objective data or findings about the current
situation of the island in relation to solid wastes and pollution, as well
as the dearth of "provable" facts relating to what the impact of the sewer
system is likely to be, point up a very important question. That is, who is
to make the final decision regarding the sewer for Block Island, and upon
what will this decision be based? The Environmental Protection Agency,
for reasons detailed in its Environmental Impact Statement, was, as of
April 14, 1975, in favor of the alternative in which the system would be
built' for the Old Harbor area of the island only (Alternative D). As the
preliminary hearing held in Providence on that date, which was attended
BI-1
-------
by EPA personnel and proponents of the various alternatives, EPA made it
clear that once a final alternative had been selected by the EPA, they
would lend financial support to no other. However, it was pointed out at
the meeting that the draft EIS clearly states on page 61, paragraph 3:
The question of development in New Harbor, however, is not
really a decision to be made by EPA, but a decision for the
Town. In EPA's opinion, Alternative D, has the least adverse
environmental impact. On the other hand, the people of Block
Island may feel that their Town's existence is predicated on
the stimulus for development that will be provided by sewers
in New Harbor. And if this is the case, Alternative B is
acceptable with the recommendation made in Chapter 4.
EPA called for formal (e.g., written) statements of opinion regarding the
project from all concerned parties, but stated that selection of an alterna-
tive would not be based on "numbers." That is to say, the final count of
"pro" and "con" statements received by the Agency would not determine its
final decision.
Perhaps even more important, however, is the lack of clarity as
to what definition of "Town" is implied in the above statement — i.e.,
whom the EPA views as the representative for Block Island — the Sewer
Commission, the Town Council, the Residents' Association, or some other
group. Individuals within all of these factions have highly variant opinions
as to what is best for Block Island, and the weight to be given to these
opinions is a vital, and seemingly unresolved, issue. The final acceptance
of the EPA ruling by the groups and individuals involved rests to a great
extent on the degree to which the Agency can provide adequate justification
for its ruling. If the parties concerned remain unsatisfied with the ruling,
it is likely that the issue will drag on indefinitely, to the ultimate
disadvantage of all.
It is also possible that vacillation on the part of EPA is one
reason that the controversy over the sewer system has become so heated.
The reversal of the negative declaration on the subject by EPA made an
Environmental Impact Statement and the related time-consuming research
necessary. Another example of fluctuation in decision-making related to
the regulations on boat effluent holding tanks. Such inconsistencies
create opportunities for criticism and disagreement on both sides. Thus
it seems imperative that an acknowledged decision-making process be
created and firmly adhered to if public facility projects are not to
become increasingly vulnerable to contention and opposition.
BI-2
-------
Within this morass of uncertainty, some facts are clear. The first
of these is that the longer the issue remains in question, the higher the
costs of the potential system will be. The original cost of the system
was estimated at some $600,000; this was probably somewhat of an underestima-
tion, since it was essentially made without the benefit of the Fenton Keyes
study, and long before the bids were let for construction of the proposed
project. However, the ensuing delay, from the time of the negative declara-
tion by EPA to the present, has seen the costs of the project increase sub-
stantially, not only due to inflation, but also due to the additional studies
on the matter. As things stand now, the final decision from EPA is to be made
public in the final Environmental Impact Statement, which will appear in mid-
July of this year. Assuming that things go "according to schedule", construc-
tion on the new system will still not begin until the fall of 1975, since
construction before this time would seriously disrupt the tourist season on
the Island. This delay in itself will represent not only further costs to
hoteliers who must deal with frequent necessary repairs of their septic sys-
tems during the coming summer, but also possible additional inflationary
costs.
The sewer issue had polarized Block Island. This once relatively
peaceful community, where islanders, businessmen and cottagers knew each
other, attended social and political activities together, and worked in
unison for the good of the community, has now become the scene of surprisingly
bitter feelings and disputes. Issues which previously had not even been
considered — who should be able to vote on the island, who should have the
final "say" as to the island's welfare, etc. — have now been raised. Accu-
suations against each side have been made by the other, lawsuits and counter-
suits have been filed. The Sewer Commission and the Town Council have been
accused of secrecy and dissimulation, and proponents of both sides have accused
each other of selfishness and lack of concern for their neighbors. Several
residents have resigned from the Block Island Residents' Association (whose
original purpose was to bring residents and cottagers together) and from
its Board of Directors, and the president of the Association has been sued
by the Town Council for "false, libelous and misleading statements."
BI-3
-------
One resident noted that, when he goes "to town" (i.e., to the Old Harbor
area) to conduct business, people he formerly considered friends refuse
to speak to him, or even to acknowledge his presence. "Secondary" social
impacts such as this are of considerable importance.
The socio-political polarization produced by the uncertain outcome
of the sewer issue and its correlate of no growth vs. growth, is itself a
major social cost suffered by the community. Whether this cost will, be com-
pensated by a better decision for the community on the sewer issue remains to
be seen
BI-4
-------
1.0 COMMUNITY VIGNETTE
1.1 Profile
Block Island, known officially as the Town of New Shoreham, is a
tear-drop shaped island 12 miles from the Rhode Island mainland. People who
live on this three by six mile, wind-swept bit of land demonstrate the indepen-
dence necessary to survive year-round in an environment which is attractive
in summer but often hostile in winter. The very hospitable environment of
the summer months has made it a place where people vacation — whether for
an entire summer or a week-end. During the relatively short summer season,
the island population increases to an estimated high of 5,000, especially
on week-ends. During the winter season the population stabilizes at slight-
ly less than 500. This dramatic swing in population size is a critical fac-
tor in the provision of sewer facilities, especially on the part of the
island where hotels are located.
Block Island residents have not always relied on summer visitors for
their livelihood. Until 1874, when the U.S. Government constructed the break-
water and formed an area for larger boats to dock, it was impossible for
people to come to the Island in significant numbers. Prior to the emergence
of tourism as the leading industry, the principal means of livelihood were
fishing and farming, with export of most products to the mainland. These
occupations continued until "the 1938 hurricane blew in and left in its wake
a demolished fishing fleet and a shattered economy."
Tourism, which now constitutes the major segment of the Island's
economy, can be traced back to 1842, when Alfred Card opened the Island's
first hostelry. In 1852, the original Spring House Hotel was opened to the
public. The popular Ocean View Hotel also opened in 1874 and became a land-
mark over the century of its existence; it was recently levelled by fire.
The growth of the early tourist trade can be seen in the records of
the steamer, "Canonicus"; in 1875 it carried over 10,000 passengers to the
Island, including President Grant. In 1895 a "new harbor" was created by
cutting a 24 foot deep, 150 foot wide channel through the sand barrier on
the west side of the Island, thus making Great Salt Pond accessible to ocean
boats and vessels.
p. 39.
Deborah Stone, "Last Chance for Block Island," Yankee. March 1975.
BI-5
-------
The area known as New Harbor is served currently by three marinas.
The New London ferry also docks there. Today, New Harbor is the site of one
hotel from the Victorian era plus several small structures which have been
built more recently. In contrast, Victorian structures dominate the skyline
and line the water at Old Harbor. Old Harbor is the center of the year-
round resident population, although some live scattered throughout the Island.
The tourist trade of the Island has fluctuated with the economy of
the nation. During World War I, the trade collapsed, due to the outflow of
young people and wartime limitations on boat travel to the Island. During
the Depression, the Island developed a small trade as a point of entrance
for illegal liquors. Several radar posts were built as part of the World
War II defense effort, but the population continued to dwindle. This
decrease can be seen from U.S. Census Data.
POPULATION OF NEW SHOREHAM, R.I., AND TOTAL RHODE ISLAND
1900
New Shoreham 1,396
R.I. Total 428,556
1910
1,314
542,610
1920
1,038
604,397
1930
1,029
687,497
1940
848
713,346
1950
732
791,896
1960
486
859,488
1970
489
949,723
While the population of Rhode Island has increased 121.6% since 1900, the
population of Block Island has decreased 65.0% during this same 70-year period.
The resident population steadily decreased each year from 1900 to 1960; be-
tween 1960 and 1970 it appears to have leveled off. Preliminary projections
for New Shoreham indicate that population will remain at the current level
through 1990, even though the population of Rhode Island as a whole continues
to increase.
Block Island, with an official total of 117 families (1970) has a
median family income of $8,289, the lowest in Washington County and the
second lowest in the State of Rhode Island, which in 1969 had a median income
of $9,736. However, the median family income on the Island increased over
Rhode Island Basic Economic Statistics, Rhode Island Department of
Economic Development, Providence R.I., 1975. p. 41, 43.
2Ibid. p. 68.
BI-6
-------
the prior 10-year period at a very high rate — 110.6% — which is the second
highest in the State. Family income is relative to its purchasing power.
Although there are no available cost of living indices for individual towns
in Rhode Island, it is characteristic of island communities for cost of
transportation, whether air or water, to add significantly to the purchase
price of goods. Estimates obtained ranged from $5.00 per ton of bulk to
$1.50 per 80-pound bag of cement. One indication of the cost of food on
the Island is that vacationers consistently bring their own staples from the
mainland rather than buy them on Tsland. Grocery stores fly in stock from
the mainland during the summer season to provide goods when carried-on sup-
plies are depleted. The large differential between the cost of goods on the
Island and on the mainland, in conjunction with the extreme seasonal fluctua-
tion in demand for these goods, makes it difficult for the Island to have a
self-sustaining economy. Even so, the yearly pattern of New Shoreham's retail
activity peaks in the summer as the following chart shows.
Percent
Distribution
of Yearly
Retail Sales
50%
45
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
July Aug Sept Oct Nov Dec Jan Feb March April May June
Interim Basin Plan, New Shoreham Sub-Basin, Rhode Island Statewide
Planning Program, Providence, R.I., December 1972.
BI-7
-------
While Block Island's economy is seasonal, and vulnerable ror cnat
reason, Rhode Island tax figures show that during the period from 1968-73,
the rate of retail sales increased at 84%, about double the 41.32% rate pre-
vailing for the State as a whole. Total taxable retail sales in fiscal 1962-
63 amounted to $873,000. Ten years later, the Island recorded $3,002,000 in
sales. Block Island's contribution to the State in taxable retail sales
jumped from .09% in '62-'63 to .16% in 172-'73.1
1.2 Community Groups
1.2.1 Residents
Because of drastic seasonal population shifts on Block Island, a con-
troversy arises over who is a "resident" and what criteria should be employed
to determine residency. Voting in Island elections could be one criterion.
The official U.S. Census lists 489 residents, 20% of whom are under 18, but
the legal voting list is greater than 900 persons. This can be explained by
the fact that some of the summer residents claim permanent residency on the
Island. Summerers may list themselves as permanent residents for a variety of
reasons — some feel quite strongly about the interests of the community and
wish to provide themselves with a voice in Island decisions, while others seek
the Island's lower taxes and cheaper car registration and insurance rates.
The effect is that over half the voters are not on the Island during the
winter season when decisions are made. One person commented that "of the 685
people who voted in the last election, only 200 were local."
The term "resident" commonly refers to a person who lives on the
Island year-round, sometimes includes members of the "commercial group," (see
below), but most often is applied to those who earn income from working for
one of the other groups. The profile of this population is not that of a
typical stable community, for a large number of persons in the 25-55 age cate-
gories are absent. The following table, "Population Characteristics, New
Shoreham, R.I., 1970" shows that:
. . .an unusually large portion of New Shoreham's residents
are in the older age groups: nearly 43 percent of the 1970
population was 55 years old or older; 60 percent was over 45,
and only 20 percent was under 18. An island with relatively
small land area and small population cannot provide suffi-
cient employment or cultural opportunities to hold the bulk
of the youthful population, and it is expected that many
young people will go elsewhere to seek educational and
employment opportunities.
Rhode Island City and Town Monographs — New Shoreham, Rhode Island
Development Council, Providence, R.I. December 1973, p. 7
Comprehensive Community Plan, New Shoreham, Rhode Island, Rhode
Island Department of Community Affairs, Providence, R.I. April 1972.
BI-8
-------
POPULATION CHARACTERISTICS
NEW SHOREHA/V, R.I. 1970
M
w
H
1
TT7\
"'A
M
'• 'A
•\\
•
,
1 0
I v/
M
PERSONS
AGE
M
S *s
SjfS
: :::
':-.
* t '
F
1777*
y/4
v/t
'X '/
'.'.
» «
* / *
* .* »*
..;•
/ j *
x/x
/*'
/''*"
' "" •
X * Xu i
x:' :J:
•x • •
'. ?
;• ?
•( r
-; ;
*. .
* . .
*
* ?
•
•
%%
'S •* tf
y$
'.•<••'.-,
-/'/•
y/\
/ ' * ' '
j **
'''/'''
F
F
/Jj$
* ^.^Cy
' j'.y
-//
tf ' ,' i* /' s '
/'X. xx£
-*?s T/'/-
fy
^
'*/
it *' '
//.•
*'•*•'
S' "'•
'•*//.
'•'//.
,r *• f
'%
•:•:<•*
'.'V.V.'.'J
'&.
%
J / r
'//,
S f
ss*
' f
s -.•
f * a
• • »
' f •
s's**'.
/i ?f s*
• • .
• ** *'
*•/,'.••
'. •.*•.'.•,
'.•'/.$''•'•'
•:'•:'• r'-:'-:'-
M
v>9 yy;-
s'J 'Xw\'v
X ''"«*.*'
:': 1 ::-:-y
* •*•*«*
'V'»^
* f
*h ^
> ^
_ ' *'
\ '\
, " ^
• «
*B
• •" .
• , " m "^
::;:::«.x J y":::jx.y
>
\
•
.
-
•.
.
\
i
I
\
\
i
v
•
1
"
i ':
1 :
LJ
\ «v*
xX
• » •
* • *•
"• <\
* * »
* * *"
• *»v *
F
•Xvjxx
1 - « .
."•*•"•
;x.'.-
• * •
* . .
.''.'•"• 5 •"•'•'
."•ysx-:
mm
••:•:••
- . V
r " t \ *
* »"•"
• * • " *
'XX
• . ". "
•::-::-::
','*•''.}
:'•:••']
* * • •"•"•". "i
;•;.;.'
"•*•".'
.'•!•"
•*• • $ *»*.".
X-!-
• c •
•*•". "
«".*.'
* • .
".*.'.
:xx|x:::
* .' •
• * ^* . '
§ * •«
'•*•"•'
.'.*.•
'',''.•'.
'•:'•:'•:
>;.;-
'•*.*.*
'•".*.*
•",".'.
* * . *
Xv
M
^^ *
•^ x***
<*>^
v"^\
• * »
»">""-
• *
. •
« -
• * •
• / •
'.'.'.
*" * • *
*• **•
• ." •
.".".*
F
y>-
X;\
x ^ >
\X-v
•';\v
«"•*»"
«*«"•'
»*«*•'
" " *,
i •//'
.*•*•" •
!•"•!•'
• / •
•*•*•*
"."»*.
« ^ *
."*.*.'
. • • <
;•>;-;
:"X-|-!v!'
•X.'i'X.*!'
F
M
vv
« •
V •
- .*
/!"
. *
• * , •
*."
<
>.-i
.",
X .
« • ^
« » »
\v.
" • *
• • .
ft • •
* N ^
• > •
• *.*•*'
'.-'.•'.-.
\*X»'
• « •
i'X,'.'
• • A
r.''l\'
•."•X
*•*•*»'
"•"•"•
.'.".',
Xv'
*•*«*.*
.".'.*.
0-5 6-14 • 15-24 25-34 35-44 45-54 55-M 65-75 75 ' OV
-------
1.2.2 Merchants; The Commercial Group
The commercial group is defined as those who make a living on thp
Island by catering to the tourist trade. Although the category could be
broken into those who provide room facilities and those who engage in retail
sales, the common distinction on the Island appears to be related to whether
a person "belongs" to (i.e., lives full time on) the Island, or just arrives
there in season to carry on the summer trade.
Weighted by size, half the commercial establishments were owned by
residents and half were owned by non-residents.
1.2.3 Cottagers
"Cottager" is the term applied to summer residents who live in
"cottages" scattered over the Island. The cottager, characteristically, is a
professional person. The cottage is where the family comes during the summer,
with the husband commuting to the Island on the week-ends and during his
summer vacation. Most cottagers intend to retire to the Island; some already
have become year-round residents.
The cottages are built in a variety of architectural styles, although
most are finished in natural or stained woods. The single characteristic
which all have in common is the high cost of the land and construction:
land costs at least $10,000 per acre, with a minimum zoning of two acres, and
construction costs are estimated to be double those on the mainland. In
essence, this means that the cottage represents a minimum outlay of approxi-
mately $60,000, often more. Although this cost may appear high, people
believe that the increasing value of the land and rising building costs make
it a sound investment. Moreover, there exists the chance to make an immediate
return through the rental of the cottage during the prime summer months.
Owners reserve the houses for their own use during the earlier and later
summer months. The effect of this rental arrangement has been to extend the
season.
Cottagers seek out Block Island for a number of reasons. Besides
having a home to which they can retire, the cottagers want to get away from
the trials and tribulations of urban living; they look forward to a rural,
bucolic way of life. Although Block Island is relatively near New York and
Connecticut, its seclusion has made it the nearest "rural" place to which
the urban professional can retreat on week-ends. Since it is the plan
BI-10
-------
of many cottagers to invest earnings in their homes on the Island and to
retire to these homes, any facility "improvements" are threatening and are
seen as the key to undesired urbanization.
1.2.4 The Islanders
The Islanders a're present residents who can trace their family heri-
tage back to the early settlers of Block Island. They enjoy continuing re-
spect and exert considerable influence. In a small community which values
its historic past, Islanders have a recognized if unrequested leadership
role.
1.2.5 The Vacationers
The vacationers are people who visit the Island during the summer for
a limited period of time, the cottagers are not considered under this rubric
because they own property on the Island, and many have registered to vote
there also.
The vacationers may be divided into two groups: the "daytrippers
and weekenders" and the "family group". The daytrippers are mainlanders who
come by ferry and engage in recreational activities (swimming, biking,
walking) on the Island as part of a total leisure day-trip. The weekenders
are those who stay in one of the hotels catering primarily to short-term
clientele. The weekenders were characterized sympathetically by one inter-
viewee as people "from the mainland who come to the Island to have a good
time and do things they could not do at home." Another interviewee called
weekenders drunk and licentious. The other group of vacationers come as
families and have become loyal and regular customers of the Island's hotels.
Many of the cottagers, before acquiring property and building their own
residences, were vacationers themselves. Islanders, residents, cottagers,
vacationers and weekenders/daytrippers all value Block Island's unique rural
atmosphere, and many fear that the Island's pastoral charm would be destroyed
by the growth they feel will be the inevitable result of a proposed sewage
system.
BI-11
-------
The most wonderful thing about Block Island is that it has
preserved its original New England atmosphere. Outwardly,
it is little changed since the early part of this century.
We like it that way. Naturally, creature comforts have
kept pace with the times, but the buildings, the rustic
background remain the same. All the things that have
made this Island a favorite Resort for so many are still
here: unpolluted air; the clean ocean; the sandy beaches;
the miles of shoreline for surf fishing; the quiet, green
hills; the colorful birdlife; the two fine harbors;....
The residents like to share this uniqueness, which they have
succeeded in preserving, with the Island's visitors.^
Source: Block Island Chamber of Commerce map.
BI-12
-------
2.0 THE PROPOSED SEWER PROJECT
Sewage waste from residences and commercial establishments are now
handled by septic systems. The Rhode Island Department of Public Health has become
quite concerned about the failure of septic systems on the island, particularly
in the areas of Old Harbor and New Harbor.
The State Department of Health has indicated that many warnings
have been issued to establishments on Block Island which are in
violation of the State sanitary code. However, sources from that
Department say that they have been hesitant to close establishments
because the Town has exhibited in good faith their intentions to
improve conditions with proposals to build waste water collection
and treatment facilities. However, if no affirmative action is
taken, the State will have no course but to condemn these establish-
ments which continually violate sanitary regulations. ^
Island dwellers appear unanimous in their agreement that homes and
commercial establishments in the Old Harbor area have inadequate septic
systems. Some establishments cannot operate at full capacity, due to the
limitations on the systems; others had to have their septic tanks pumped
out as often as twice a week during peak tourist seasons. The "honey wagons"
have become a crucial part of accommodations for summer tourists.
The septic systems in the immediate vicinity of New Harbor are also
prone to failures. However, there is serious disagreement on whether the
failure of these systems is due to 1) inadequate land area of suitable quality
for septic drainage, 2) the lowness\of the area and the impossibility of
providing adequate drainage, or 3) the failure to install proper leaching
material (such as crushed stone from the mainland) in the construction of
the systems.
Additional sewage in New Harbor comes from boats occupying the pond.
An estimated 400 small boats can be anchored in this area. Handling wastes
from these boats is a problem. Under Section 312, PL92-500, EPA is authorized
to promulgate effluent standards for marine sanitation devices and the Coast
Guard is authorized to promulgate criteria on design, construction and certi-
fication. Section 312 also provides for the States to apply for no discharge
zones, based on water quality protection and on the availability of pump-out
facilities. No guidelines have yet been promulgated for the application of no
discharge zones. The proposed sewer system was to be extended to New Harbor to
handle the pump-out of the boats. Since the design of the facilities, the
deadline for installation of the boat holding tanks has been extended. It is
questionable whether the septic holdings, which are contaminated with chemi-
cals, can be discharged directly into a sewage system utilizing aerobic
treatment.
2
Environmental Impact Statement — Wastewater Collection and Treat-
ment Facilities, New Shoreham, Rhode Island, U.S. Environmental Protection
Agency, Region X, Boston, Mass., March 21, 1975; p. 38.
BI-13
-------
2.1 Historical Overview of Proposed Sewer Project
The ocean has always played a role in the lives of Block island in-
habitants. In the early part of the 18th Century it enabled pirate and warships
to plunder the meager stores of the inhabitants. Up until the first quarter
of the 20th Century it was the source of fish which served as a major means
of livelihood for a large number of residents. Since the middle of the 19th
Century the ocean has been an attraction drawing vacationers from the mainland.
The ocean has been thought of as a vast body of water over which one could
have little influence, even through the discharge of wastes into it. The
ocean does have a tremendous assimilative capacity. However, sewage dis-
charge into the ocean has the potential of destroying the beach area, an
event which would be environmentally as well as economically tragic. The
septic systems of the Island's commercial establishments, installed to
prevent direct discharge of wastes into the ocean, have become ineffective.
The owners of the commercial establishments have several alternatives:
(1) to continue the almost daily pumping-out of the septic tanks and hope
that the State Department of Public Health will not close them down; (2)
to reconstruct the septic system each year and hope it will work more effec-
tively; (3) to participate in the construction of a sewer system for Block
There are three very practical questions pertinent to the proposed
sewer plant itself:
1. Should there be a sewer system?
2. How large an area should be served?
3. Who should pay for it?
To sewer or not to sewer - this conundrum raises other, perhaps more'
theoretical problems:
• By what means or democratic process does society protect
a fragile environmental system?
e Will a utility (sewage) system encourage, direct, permit, or
follow growth?
o Who benefits from and who should pay for utilities in a growth
society?
o Who should decide the future of a particular area: the
taxpayer? the resident? the vested interests? and/or
a higher level of government?
BI-14
-------
Debate over these issues polarizes the Island community with interest groups
exerting pressure for growth or no-growth according to benefits perceived for
themselves and the Island. (See Section 3.0 for analyses in detail.)
2.2 Sequence of Events
The early history of the sewer proposal is similar to that found in
many communities where growth has occurred over an extended period of time in
a comparatively small area. Initially, there is adequate water supply and
local waste disposal area to handle immediate needs. As growth occurs and
densities increase, and as the standard of living rises, it becomes impossi-
ble for each individual or family to have a personal system. To have indi-
vidual water supply systems requires an abundance of water, surface or ground;
otherwise, there will be withdrawals from other people's supplies. To have
individual sewage systems also requires adequate space for the disposal of
waste. To have both systems operating in the same area can result in contam-
ination of drinking water by disposed wastes.
In Block Island, many people who live in Old Harbor are served by
the local, privately owned water supply system. This system is adequate
to handle winter residents, but, during the tourist season its supply is taxed
and the quality of water reflects the age and condition of the system. The
water supply system is not up for sale. The new Drinking Water Standards
would require a considerable investment in the facility to bring it up to
standard.
"Perched" water bodies are the source of ground water supply for the
Island's water system and private wells. The best recharge to this source is
in the southern part of the Island. The yield obtainable from the system by
normal development methods is estimated to be on the order of 1 million
gallons per day (mgd). Assuming an average use of 100 gallons per day per
person, this would mean that the source could support 10,000 persons.
Block Island has initiated steps to protect contamination of its
underground water supply. Thirty-seven acres of Rodman's Hollow, a critical
recharge area, have been condemned. This is only a small portion of the total
area through which the perched water body is replenished. A basic, but un-
answered question, is whether the minimum lot development of two acres will
reduce or eliminate sufficient development in the recharge area to prevent
future contamination of the water supply system.
BI-15
-------
The Town itself has already begun initial efforts to prohibit con-
tamination of the ground water through the adoption of an ordinance (April
1, 1971) "forbidding the use, transport, sale, exchange or disposal of
detergents on Block Island."
The Comprehensive Community Plan for the Island recognizes the
interrelationship between water supply and waste disposal and states the follow-
ing:
New Shoreham has sufficient sources of ground water to serve
its population. However, if large volumes of sewage are allowed
to infiltrate into the ground during the summer tourist season,
ground water pollution would result. To prevent such pollution,
a sanitary sewer system is necessary in areas of dense population.
At present, water is supplied to the central area of the
town by a small private water works. Abundant, high-quality
water is required to support an active tourist economy. Expansion
and improvement of the water system is needed. In view of these
needs, it is recommended that the town purchase the water works,
after study and recommendations by appropriate professionals.
The study should consider the entire island and its future needs,
and offer long-range as well as short-range recommendations for
supplying water to the town. The major areas requiring town water
and sewer systems are shown on the "Community Facilities Plan."
Prior to 1972 there were several publications which suggested problem
areas on the Island and potential solutions. In 1968, the Rhode Island
Department of Community Affairs did the land use analysis part of a "701"
program financed by HUD. The underlying theme of the proposal was in accord
with the general feeling of the time — that planned economic growth and
development, especially in the area of community facilities, was necessary.
Also prior to 1972, The Block Island Report was prepared by the Depart-
ment of Landscape Architecture of the Rhode Island School of Design. This
study was an attempt to illustrate a relatively new method of environmental
planning that reorders priorities and places the needs of man into the
context of natural systems. The Report illustrates that long-range planning
decisions for a very fragile environment require in-depth study. It should also
be noted that in the early 1960's the Block Island Planning Board suggested
to the Town Council that serious consideration be given to providing a sewer
system to serve the commercial areas. However, upon application for financial
aid, the Town was told that it would have to adopt a master plan before it
could receive the requested aid.
The Block Island Newsletter, Block Island Residents Association,
March 3, 1973.
2
See map next page. Source: Comprehensive Community Plan, p. 10.
BI-16
-------
COMMUNITY FACILITIES PLAN
SEWER AND V/ATER
ARIA WITH IMMEDIATE NCCO
»Ot UIUITICS
A«IA WIIH IOMC-EANCE
Nt(D fOB UtlllTIES
BI-17
-------
Early in 1972, the Rhode Island Department of Community Affairs pro-
vided the Town of New Shoreham with the Comprehensive Community Plan, which
was adopted by the Town in April of that year. This plan recommended a water
system and a sewer system for parts of Block Island. The map of the "Commun-
ity Facilities Plan" (see preceding page) identified both New Harbor and Old
Harbor as areas "with immediate need for utilities."
In May, 1972, the Town of New Shoreham updated its zoning ordinance
by amending its zoning map. This map shows areas zoned "business" to be Old
Harbor and New Harbor and the area in between. The areas zoned for single-
family dwelling units on 40,000 square foot lots are also in the New Harbor
and Old Harbor areas. Special exception for authorized uses such as hotels,
motels, boatels and rental cottages were made providing they followed speci-
fic restrictions. Single-family dwelling units, professional use, and home
production with additional special exceptions were authorized on minimum lot
sizes in 20,000 square feet. The remainder of the Island is designated as
minimum "two area" lots for residences, except for that part designated as
"Beach Area" which does not permit any habitation. Also in May 1972, the
Town of New Shoreham adopted a new set of "Subdivision Regulations," which
apply to any tract or parcel of land divided into three or more lots.
The Town of New Shoreham has been working openly and publicly toward
a plan which incorporates a future dependence upon a sewer system. In Febru-
ary, 1972, the consulting firm of Fenton G. Keyes Associates submitted to the
Town a report entitled, Preliminary Engineering Survey and Report on the
Control of Water Pollution for the Town of New Shoreham, Rhode Island. In
June, 1972, the Town Council filed a notice of intent to apply for Federal
aid for a municipal collection and treatment system.
An editorial entitled, "The Sewer Project and How it Will Affect You"
in The Block Island Times (June 22, 1972) concluded:
A sewage system will go far to prevent pollution of our
water, to provide for low cost housing, to keep the people
whose presence brings prosperity coming to the Island to
enjoy the type of life it offers.
On July 8, 1972, the Block Island Residents' Association(BIRA) held its
annual meeting, which provided the stage for airing views on the proposed
sewer plan. At this meeting, a Fenton Keyes Associates consultant testified
to the need for a sewage system. He estimated the system would cost $1,600,000,
which could be financed by a "general assessment of $2.45 per thousand dollars
BI-18
-------
of Assessment value for residents," with the remainder paid by "those who
used and benefited from the sewer line."
Objections to this proposal as stated at the BIRA meeting can be
summed up as follows:
A. Only the commercial interests benefit, and therefore they
should pay the costs;
B. The sewage project should be part of a larger total
improvement plan (water, zoning and planning, streets, etc.);
C. The people living in the rural parts of the Island are either
retired or work on the mainland and do not want any increase
in commercial interests or improvements;
D. The sewer project would mean an increase in population and
therefore more looting and vandalism;
E. There was a conflict of interest on the Sewer Commission,
for most of the members would benefit from the sewer project.
On July 11, the bulk of the Chamber of Commerce meeting was devoted
to the consideration of the sewer project. At this meeting the Sewer Commis-
sion stated that the figures it had were only estimates. Also raised at this
meeting were the issues of whether those who would not directly benefit should
have to pay a portion of the proposed sewage system, and whether the proposed
o
system would stimulate growth.
On July 27, 1972, there was a special election to vote on "authorizing
the Town of New Shoreham to plan, construct, operate and maintain a sewerage
disposal system and authorizing the financing thereof, including the issue of
not more than $1,750,000 bonds therefore." Of the 765 registered voters, 414
persons voted; 292 persons voted in favor and 121 opposed (with one void vote).
In December, 1972, the R.I. Statewide Planning Program issued the
Interim Basic Plan, New Shoreham Sub-Basin. This plan reinforced the need for
a sewage project by identifying as the sources of pollution those recognized
by officials of the State Department of Health as discharging into the ocean.
or a body of water on the Island.
The Block Island Times, July 20, 1972.
2Ibid.
3Ibid, August 3, 1972.
BI-19
-------
IDENTIFIED POLLUTION SOURCES
LOCATION
Old Harbor
Old Harbor
Old Harbor
Old Harbor
New Harbor
New Harbor
New Harbor
New Harbor
New Harbor
New Harbor
New Harbor
NAME VOLUME (gallons
Hotel
Restaurant
Motel and Restaurant
Hotel
Restaurant
Restaurant
Laundry
Marina
Hotel
Hotel
Dock
28,000
4,070
26,000
11,920
9,800
10,500
10,000
22,000
6,720
32,000
2,200
The report also noted that there was a recognized problem of boat
pollution in both the Old Harbor and New Harbor areas from pleasure boats in
the area. The proposed project was to help alleviate this problem by pro-
viding waste disposal facilities. The report stated that this could not be
accomplished without legal (state or federal) requirements that holding
tank facilities be on pleasure craft and other sea going vessels.
The same report estimated the total cost of the sewage system to be
$1,900,000, and concluded that:
The proposed project will abate pollution problems which
presently exist in the village areas and help preserve the
unique character of the island. This program will in essence
eliminate the existing and help prevent the potential pollu-
tion of surface and ground water caused by the present methods
of domestic waste disposal on the island.2
Source: Interim Basin Plan, p. 15.
2Ibid., pp. 20-21.
BI-20
-------
On April 2, 1973, the Town contracted with Fenton Keyes Associates
to design, supervise construction and start operation of the wastewater
treatment system recommended in their report.
On April 23, 1973, the Farmers Home Administration approved a loan
for $1,015,000 for the project, pending approval of the project by the
Environmental Protection Agency (EPA).
On August 17, 1973, EPA received an application for federal aid from
the Town of New Shoreham. The application, based on engineering estimates,
was for a total project cost of $1.8 million.
On May 6, 1974, Region I of EPA issued a "negative declaration" on
the proposed project. In a cover letter addressed "to all interested persons,"
it was stated that an environmental impact statement would not be prepared
because the project did not seem detrimental to the quality of the environment.
In the accompanying environmental impact appraisal, which summarized
the reasons why an impact statement was unnecessary, the following statement
was made:
The cumulative or long-term effects of the effluent discharge
is the major factor to be considered and weighed against the
merits of the project. As stated before, it does not appear
that the effluent discharge will adversely effect the environ-
ment. If, however, it becomes recognized in the future that
possible long-term degradation of the area adjacent to the
discharge point is a possibility, the outfall sewer can be ex-
tended further from the shoreline to alleviate such conditions.
Another consideration is the long-term effects on the develop-
ment on the island which may be stimulated by a project of this
type. As stated before, the limited area to be served by the
project will not drastically change the character of the island
or commit large amounts of the environment to development.
When measured against the merits of providing adequate waste-
water collection and treatment facilities for the areas of town
presently experiencing difficulties with their individual dis-
posal facilities to avoid nuisances and public health hazards
and possible contamination of beach areas, the project appears
sound. The short-term disruption to the environment due to
construction will be minimal with all areas not used for struc-
tures returned to their previous condition.
Environmental Impact Statement (BIS) — Wastewater Collection and
Treatment Facilities, New Shoreham, Rhode Island. U.S. Environmental
Protection Agency, Region I, Boston, Mass. March 21, 1975.
"Environmental Impact Appraisal," May 6, 1974.
BI-21
-------
Hearing no significant comment or controversy in response to the
negative declaration, EPA, in accordance with Title II, Section 201 (g)(1)
of the Federal Water Pollution Control Act of 1972 made a grant offer to
the Town of New Shoreham on May 21, 1974. The offer was accepted on June 7,
1974.*
On June 14, 1974 the final plans and specifications were approved
by EPA and the job was opened for bids. A lengthy description of the
proposed sewer project was provided in the July 11, 1974 issue of The
Block Island Times. Also in the article was the statement that "at least
one meeting has been held on the important question of the various factors
relating to assessment. Nothing has been decided on this as yet, nor will
it be decided for some time."
On July 13, 1974 the annual meeting of the BIRA was held. The
major part of the meeting was devoted to a discussion of the distribution
of costs of the sewage project. When the Chairman of the Sewer Commission
was asked about the final formula for assessing costs, he explained that
the Town Council was in charge of all matters pertaining to the sewer and
would continue to be so until the opening of the bids on the project, which
would take place on the 17th. The Sewer Commission had not therefore come
2
up with a plan.
At the same meeting, the First Warden of the Island, in reply to
a request to explain the cost of the sewer and how the money was raised,
stated that:
...there could be no definite answer as to the cost until
the bids were opened. He said that 15 construction firms
have submitted bids. He added that the whole project had been
held up a full year because of objections raised by certain
residents on the grounds of pollution of the beaches. Be-
cause of this delay the original figure of about $1,000,000
is now estimated to be over $2,000,000.
The Board members of the Residents' Association held a meeting the
next day, at which a new president was elected. On this occasion, BIRA stated
EIS, p. 2
Block Island Times, July 25, 1974.
3Ibid.
BI-22
-------
...that [the] principal objective [of] the organization [was to]
act as a catalyst between those who live on the Island all year
round, most of whom depend on it for their living, and those
who come only for part of the year and have an off-Island income,
by encouraging these factions to work together for the benefit
of the welfare of the Island and providing opportunities for
them to do so.
The confirmation of new Board members who were against the proposed
sewer project was apparently taken by many to indicate a vote by the Resi-
dents ' Association against the sewer issue. A split on the issue was
noticeable among members of the Board, although the majority were opposed
to the proposed sewer plan. Soon afterwards a group of members of the
Residents' Association began legal proceedings to unseat the officers of the
Board. The Superior Court of Rhode Island said that there had to be a
referendum on whether to confirm or unseat the members. This referendum
was held by the Court on October 26. Both proponents and opponents felt
that the referendum was in their favor. In fact, 539 of the 1,125 eligible BIRA
members voted on each Board member, and all challenged Board members, both
pro and con, retained their seats. Thereafter, the Board took a public
position against the proposed sewer project, as presented by Fenton Keyes
Associates.
Nevertheless, on July 17, 1974, bids from nine companies were
opened. Five of these bid on the treatment plant alone. Four companies
bid on the remainder of the project (sewers, interceptors, pumping stations,
etc.). The lowest bid in this was $2,238,795, the highest $2,264,871.
Taking the lowest figures, this brings the total cost of the sewer system
to $4,452,795. Of this the Town would have to pay $1,567,732.
On August 12, 1974 the Sewer Commission voted unanimously to accept
the plans of Fenton Keyes Associates for the projected sewerage system.
Upon the recommendation of the Commission, the plans were approved by the
New Shoreham Town Council.
The August 22, 1974 issue of The Block Island Times became a
forum for the opinions of various interest groups, and the following appeared:
•""Ibid.
BI-23
-------
The BIRA has...served notice on Town officials that they face
court action if any sewer contract is granted before taxpayers
have resolved the following questions: (a) the amount, or
percentage of the cost, if any, to be borne by the majority
of taxpayers who will not have use of the sewer; and (b) the
amount, or percentage of the cost to be borne by residential
taxpayers in the sewer area.
A letter from the editor of the paper, also a Board member of BIRA,
appeared on the same page. He was distressed "not only at the views it
expressed but at the fact that it [was] being sent out without the approval
of the Board of Directors assembled in regular or formally called meeting."
The editorial charged that the notice was fallacious and libelous. In the
same issue a letter from the Secretary-Treasurer of the BIRA contended that
...the association does not in fact represent the "Islanders,"
i.e., those people who live here year round. Of the total
membership of some 400 families, less than ten percent of
these are actual residents of the Island. The membership is
largely comprised of summer visitors to the Island, some of
whom own property but many who do not.
On August 29, 1974 the Block Island Sewer Commission held a public
meeting to explain the findings and recommendations of the Commission. A
summary report dated August 24, 1974 was sent out to those unable to attend.
This report included information on costs and intended apportionment of the
costs, accompanied by a list of abutters and an estimate of their maintenance
charges.
On September 17, 1974 a meeting was held in the EPA Regional Office
so that proponents and opponents of the project could air their views to
the Agency.
The next day, based on the issues brought to the attention of
EPA at this meeting, a decision was made to reverse the
initial determination and to proceed with an environmental
impact statement in accordance with the National Environmental
Policy Act (Section 102(2)(c)).
On October 21, 1974 the Farmers Home Administration approved funds
for an additional loan of $85,000 and a grant for $220,000 to New Shoreham,
conditional upon EPA's approval of the project.
EIS, p.2.
BI-24
-------
The December, 1974 issue of The Block Island Newsletter stated that
"An earlier suit brought by Town officials and later joined by the same
63 members charged [the President] with libel and slander." This apparently
was due to the August "notice."
The January-February, 1975 issue of the Block Island Newsletter
states that the reversal by the Environmental Protection Agency of its
1972 regulation requiring sewage holding tanks for the nation's estimated
500,000 toilet-equipped pleasure craft may well influence the size and cost
of Block Island community sewage system. The March, 1975 issue headlined
that "EPA Notified Island Sewer Plan Overcapacity is 'Tremendous Waste1."
Hard on the heels of recent disclosure that EPA has dropped
its boat holding tank regulations, legal counsel to BIRA
outlined in a letter to ... EPA's environmental engineer in
Boston the "excess" capacity engineered into the Town's
proposed sewer.
On March 21, 1975 the Region I EPA office issued a draft of the EIS
on the proposed sewer system for Block Island. In this document EPA evaluated
the following alternatives:
Alternative A. Construction of the project proposed by Fenton
Keyes Associates, which includes a treatment facility and collection
system to serve the Old and New Harbor sections of the Island
(Stage 1) with provisions to serve the area south of Old Harbor
in the future (Stage 2.)
Alternative B. Construction of the project (Stage 1) without
provisions for sewering the area south of Old Harbor in the
future.
Alternative C. No sewer construction, but a comprehensive
program for the rehabilitation of individual septic systems.
Alternative D. Construction of a treatment facility and
collection system for the Old Harbor area only, with re-
habilitation of individual dual septic systems in the
New Harbor area.
Also evaluated is the alternative of NO ACTION. Although the least
practical, it is presented to facilitate the reader's understanding of the
consequences of doing nothing.
EIS, p. 27.
BI-25
-------
SOCIAL IMPACT ANALYSIS
Alternative X
Alternative Y
Alternative Z
EIS ALTERNATIVES
"no project" alternative
Alternative C
Alternative D
Alternative B
Alternative A as variation
Of the five alternatives evaluated by EPA, the Agency found Alternatives
D and B the most environmentally acceptable solutions to the wastewater dis-
posal problem. EPA found that the primary impacts for alternatives D and
B were essentially equal since both require a treatment facility and a sewer
system. The major differences lay in the secondary impacts of each. EPA
made the following observations:
As Alternative D will provide sewers for Old Harbor only, it will con-
fine the pressures for major development to that area. This will re-
sult in the least amount of secondary growth on the Island as a whole,
thus enabling the Town to keep development in general conformance with
the objectives of its Master Plan, i.e., to maintain the Island's
rural character.
Alternative B will provide relief in the Old Harbor area and also
provide sewer services in the New Harbor area. Multiple unit
development could result in a transformation of the open character
of New Harbor.
The question of development in New Harbor, however, is not
really a decision to be made by EPA, but a decision for the
Town. In EPA's opinion, Alternative D has the least adverse
environmental impact. On the other hand, the people of Block
Island may feel that their Town's existence is predicated on
the stimulus for development that will be provided by sewers
in New Harbor. And if this is the case, Alternative B is
acceptable with [further] recommendations made [elsewhere.]
EIS, p. 61.
BI-26
-------
3.0 SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC IMPACTS
3.1 Introduction
Few objective data are available to actually document or "prove" that
any of the following projected impacts will in fact result under the various
sewer alternatives, nor is there any way of determining to what degree they
might occur. However, the consensus of respondents interviewed on these issues
was strong enough in relation to the likelihood of such impacts arising that we
feel justified in presenting them here as possibilities. In any event, we can
state with certainty that the anticipation of the various possible impacts on
the part of Islanders, summer residents, and businessmen has been both a
catalyst for the events which have occurred so far, and a polarizing force in
the community; both the impetus to action and the polarization can in the broad
sense be considered social impacts.
In this context, and before beginning the actual discussion of impacts
under the various alternatives, we must bring several caveats to the attention
of the reader. Because of the paucity of "objective" data, it is impossible to
either substantiate or negate many of the basic assumptions which underlie the
projected impacts.
One such assumption is that the introduction of a sewer system on the
island would serve as a stimulus to more rapid and/or increased development.
It should first be stated that the definition of "development" varied among
respondents: some felt that most development likely to occur after the construc-
tion of sewers under either Alternative Y or Z would be commercial; others
looked for increased residential development. Among the former, commercial
development was defined as construction of more hotels, expansion of existing
hotels, establishment of more businesses, restaurants, and shops, or all of
these kinds of development. Among the latter, residential development was
envisioned in one of two ways. Some respondents felt that it would involve
denser home construction (e.g., on one or one-half acre lots), leading to a
situation such as the one found on some parts of Cape Cod. Others foresaw the
construction of large condominiums, specifically the types of large high-rise
apartments found in many resort areas today. However, existing factors indicate
that the possibilities for large-scale development—either commercial or
residential—may be limited. One such factor is construction costs, which are
extraordinarily high on the Island (one resident estimated costs at 50% above
BI-27
-------
those on the mainland), due to the need to import both materials and (in some
cases) labor. Construction costs for relatively small "cottages" start at
approximately $40,000. Several residents also felt that large-scale commercial
construction — especially of hotels and restaurants — is likely to be at
least somewhat limited by the "saturation factor": with its relatively short
(ten-week) tourist season, the annual period of economic return is limited.
The Island already has almost as many hotels as it can support, although the
owners of many existing establishments would like to improve their facilities
by installing more private and semi-private baths. A third potential control
on both commercial and residential development is the town's zoning ordinance,
which has been in effect since June 5, 1967, and which is, according to one
town official, strictly enforced. The zoning ordinance includes, for example,
a 35-foot height limit on all new construction, which would effectively obviate
the possibility of high-rise condominium construction. However, Article VI,
Section 9, "Height Restriction Exceptions," states that " — church spires,
towers or belfries, flagpoles, chimneys, radio or television antennas, silos,
hotels or similar structures may be erected above the maximum height permitted
in each district" (emphasis added). Given such exceptions, residents may be
well justified in their fear that, once the sewer system is installed, pressure
from realtors and developers will be able to override or affect a change in the
ordinances.
Another area which is currently subject to question in association with
projected impacts relates to the degree to which the Island's commercial
interests are supported by the various summer visitors to the Island, including
cottagers, weekenders, daytrippers, and those families who come to spend a week
to a month at one of the "better" hotels. Weekenders and daytrippers (sailors
and yachtsmen who dock their crafts in the harbor areas might also be included
under this rubric) come to the Island for short periods of time and frequent
the restaurants, shops, and a few of the hotels in the Old and New Harbor areas.
However, since no economic/tourism studies have been conducted on the island, it
is impossible to tell how much the overall Island economy depends on these
people alone, or how much the economic base would suffer if the establishments
catering to these people in particular were to close. Likewise, it is difficult
to tell how much the economy would benefit if the Island were made more
attractive to day visitors through the installation of public "comfort stations"
which are now almost entirely lacking in the Old and New Harbor areas.
BI-28
-------
It is known that the cottagers contribute to the economic well-being
of the island through taxes, utility use, etc. They also hire residents for
odd jobs such as home repair, lawnmowing, etc. Aside from that, however, it
is unclear how much they contribute to other areas of the Island's economy.
For example, it was pointed out that most cottagers arrive for the summer
season with a "station wagon full of groceries." The suggestion here is that
most cottagers spend little if anything in the shops and stores; since most
bring their own cars over on the ferry, they probably do little to support the
Island taxi services. The degree to which they frequent restaurants on the
Island is also unclear.
A third area in question relates to EPA regulations concerning boat
holding tanks. The State of Rhode Island has no existing law regarding the
discharge of sanitary waste from watercraft; for two years, Block Island has
had an ordinance requiring chlorinators and macerators on pleasure boats in
its harbors, but has been unable to enforce this ordinance. Vessel pollution
control will theoretically be covered under Section 312 of PL 92-500, which
requires zero discharge after January 30, 1977 for new vessels, and after
January 30, 1980 for existing vessels. However, as was stated in the March,
1975 edition of the Block Island Newsletter,
Under the recent amendment to 40 CFR 140, certified flow-through
devices may now be installed on all vessels manufactured before
January 30, 1976....The stated reason for this amendment was the
probability of the imminent adoption of a recommended revision
of EPA's standard, which revision would permit flow-through
devices instead of no-discharge apparatus. A discussion of this
revision appears at page 4622 of Federal Register, Vol. 40, No. 21,
Thursday, January 30, 1975.
Under this revision, it is not clear that pump-out stations for boat holding
tanks will be required in the Island's harbors (and especially in New Harbor,
where most pleasure craft dock). There remains some question as to whether the
aerobic treatment plant designed by Fenton Keyes Associates would be able to
handle the discharge in any case, since waste from boat holding tanks is
highly toxic. If not, then the sewage from pleasure crafts in New Harbor would
have to be trucked to the Island's landfill site, and one of the primary argu-
ments for the implementation of Alternative Z would be negated.
Costs of the system are also a major source of contention. It is
unclear: (1) how much operation and maintenance of the system will cost, and who
BI-29
-------
will pay for it. (A relatively minor point of unclarity is who will eventually
be responsible for running the treatment plant, and whether this person will
have to be a trained sanitation engineer. Obviously, the cost of operations
would have to be considerably increased to support the salary of such a person.)
Although the first estimate of the cost of construction was approximately
$600,000, this was raised to $1.7 million when the design for Alternative Z was
completed by Fenton Keyes Associates. This was the amount approved in the
referendum on July 27, 1972. When bids for construction were let, the price
rose again to approximately $4.4 million, and although there are reports that
the bid price has not risen again during the delay, some people feel certain
that inflation will cause still another increase. According to EPA estimates
in the Environmental Impact Statement, the cost of Alternative Y would be some
$2.8 million, although this price might also increase due to inflation.
(Naturally, proponents of Alternative Z point out that, under Alternative Y,
the island would be getting "half the system at two-thirds the price.")
Originally, Block Island's share of the construction costs were to
represent 10% of the total, while the State was to pay 15%, and EPA would
take up the remaining 75%. However, Rhode Island failed to pass its sewer
bond issue (although the issue did pass on Block Island), and the question of
where the extra 15% will come from if the issue is not approved this fall is
unresolved. EPA cannot increase its percentage share of support for construc-
tion (although it can make prior "ineligible items" eligible if funds are
available). An anticipated grant of $220,000 from the Farmers Home Administra-
tion, which would reduce the town's share of construction costs, is contingent
on EPA approval of the system.
When the sewer system design and costs estimates were first presented
to the town, opponents of the system based their stand on the idea that taxes
would be increased ten-fold to pay for construction. This objection was refuted
by the Sewer Commission. In a 1974 report to the Town Council, the Commission
stated that the town's share of construction financing would be accomplished
via a 30-year 5% bond issue placed with the Farmers Home Administration.
Residents would then be assessed on the basis of total taxable property, with
abutters to the system paying four times as much as non-abutters; the increase
in tax rate to non-abutters would be $5.028/$1,000, and to abutters, $20.112/
$1,000. Thus, according to an example accompanying the report, a non-abutter
resident assessed at $3,100 would have his taxes raised $15.59 (from $94.55 to
BI-30
-------
$110.14), while an abutter assessed at $5,200 would have her tax on that
property raised $104.58 (from $158.60 to $263.18). The Commission's statement
would appear quite straightforward, and yet several opponents of the sewer
system claimed that they were not convinced, given what they viewed as the
Commission1s previous "penchant for secrecy." Moreover, the report's figures
were based on a total estimated construction cost of $3.7 million, as opposed
to $4.4 million. Another point of contention relates to the fact that, although
non-abutters will be paying only one-fourth the taxes of abutters, the non-
abutters as a group, because they are more numerous than the abutters, will be
paying approximately 45% of the sewer construction costs.
The costs of operation and maintenance of the system, once it is
installed, are also subject to question. The Sewer Commission's report
estimated annual maintenance costs at approximately $27,000. However, other
respondents' estimates ran as high as $88,000. Although the State Department
of Health recommended that charges be divided so that 60% would be paid by
users and 40% by the town, the Sewer Commission in its report to the Town
Council followed the recommendation of PL 92-500 that users pay the entire
cost of operation and maintenance, at the rate of $40 per residence,
on capacity. These use charges were based on the estimated cost of $27,000
for the entire system as proposed by Fenton Keyes Associates. However, indivi-
dual charges would obviously have to be raised in two cases: (1) if operation
and maintenance costs are in fact higher than estimated; and (2) if Alternative
Y rather than Alternative Z is implemented, in which case user charges would be
spread over a smaller number of people.
Another area of concern which is at present unresolvable due to a lack
of documentation or data relates to the degree of disruption caused by construc-
tion of the system. Although the majority of construction activities are
scheduled to occur during the fall and spring, the island could suffer consider-
able economic losses if the schedule overlapped the summer tourist season. In
addition, it is unclear where construction workers would be housed, since the
only year-round (i.e., heated) hotel on the island has a capacity of only 30-35
persons.
A final unanswerable question at this time concerns the odors which
the sewer treatment plant would emit. One of the arguments put forth in favor
of the sewer system is that it would eliminate the unpleasant odors which abound
in Old Harbor during the summer due to leakage from hotel leaching fields.
BI-31
-------
However, it is not certain that the treatment plant, to be located close to
the Spring House, one of the largest hotels in Old Harbor, would itself be
odor-free.
Obviously, numerous points of uncertainty intrude upon any positive
statement about what the social and economic impacts of the various alternatives
will be. It is therefore important to note that the following discussion of
impacts under the alternatives is drawn almost exclusively from subjective infor-
mation gathered during interviews with both opponents and proponents of the three
major alternatives.
3.2 Potential Social and Economic Impacts Under Alternative X (No Project)
Alternative X, as we have designated it, implies a continuation of
existing conditions and practices of wastewater disposal on Block Island, or a
rehabilitation program for existing septic systems. As has been mentioned
previously, it is unlikely that all (or even most) of the systems used by
commercial interests in the Old Harbor area can be rehabilitated sufficiently
to make them workable; the same is true of the restaurants in the New Harbor
area (Deadeye Dick's and Smuggler's Cove), although the Narragansett Hotel's
system is apparently functioning adequately for the moment. The probable bene-
ficiaries and sufferers under this alternative are discussed in the following
subsections.
3.2.1 Those Who Will Benefit Under Alternative X
According to interviews held with various respondents, people who
will benefit if no sewer system is installed and/or if attempts are made to
rehabilitate existing systems fall into three main groups: (1) those who
want no further development, either commercial or residential, on the Island;
(2) those who object to existing commercial activities on the Island; and
(3) those who object to the increased taxes implied by other alternatives.
Those persons who want no further residential or commercial develop-
ment on the Island include both some Islanders and summer cottage owners.
These are people who see the Island as unique and, to a considerable extent,
unspoiled in its rural character. This highly valued rustic atmosphere is
disappearing gradually as more and more summer homes are built on the Island,
and is considerably diminished during the summer months, when swarms of tour-
ists roam the Island on bikes, motorcycles, etc. Proponents of Alternative
X in this group see the lack of a sewer system as one of the best available
BI-32
-------
means of controlling growth and development on the island since many
doubt the efficacy of zoning and subdivision ordinances for this
purpose.
People in the second group also include some Islanders and a fair
number of summer residents. These people object primarily to the "weekenders"
and "daytrippers" who crowd the Island during the summer months, including
the yachtsmen and pleasure boaters who dock their craft in the New Harbor
area. (Families who come to stay on the Island for longer periods of time
— from one to three weeks during the summer — including "regulars" who
have been making Block Island their summer vacation spot for many years, ap-
parently are not such an anathema to these proponents of Alternative X.)
"Daytrippers" and "weekenders" frequent many of the hotels, restaurants and
shops along Water Street in the Old Harbor area, as well as the bars (or, as
one resident referred to them, "gin mills") in New Harbor and between the
two commercial sites. Some residents tend to think of tourists as noisy and
disruptive, and do not believe that they leave enough money on the Island to
justify their presence there. It is these people who would prefer to see
the commercial interests serving short-term visitors go out of business,
and they see the lack of a sewer system as a possible means of accomplishing
this.
A third group supporting Alternative X are those who object to the
increased taxes which would be brought about by Alternatives Y or Z. Since
no sewer system would require no corresponding tax hike, and since the re-
habilitation of existing septic systems would be charged on an individual
basis, Alternative X would involve no increases.
3.2.2 Those Who Will Suffer Adverse Consequences Under Alternative X
Respondents identified five groups who are likely to suffer some
adverse effects if no sewer system is constructed on Block Island. They
include: (1) commercial interests in both the Old and New Harbor areas;
(2) residents whose septic systems are inadequate; (3) potential users of
public facilities on the Island; (4) younger persons who cannot afford land
at current prices; and (5) possibly the whole Island; both environmentally
and economically.
BI-33
-------
Those who are most likely to suffer immediate adverse consequences
if the decision to adopt Alternative X is made are the commercial interests
— hotel and restaurant owners in particular — in the Old and New Harbor
areas. Septic systems in both of these areas are failing and, in some cases,
do not appear to be entirely repairable. The Surf Hotel in the Old Harbor
area, for example, must pump out its tanks at least once a week in the summer;
reports have also been heard of streams of raw sewage running past one of
the restaurants in that area, and another restaurant must close its bathroom
during the summer because of heavy demands from tourists on Water Street
(as a result, it must send its waitresses home to use their bathrooms). One
commercial baker in the Old Harbor area had to build a three-foot barrier in
front of his shop because of leaching field runoff from a nearby location.
In the New Harbor area, because some of the land is low and marshy, the leach-
ing fields of the two restaurants there usually overflow during the summer
and the overflow runs down the beach to the water. The larger of the island's
two commercial laundries (the one which served most of the tourists) has already
been forced to close. Because of these conditions, the Rhode Island Department
of Health has stated repeatedly that it will have to close some of the worst
offenders as public health hazards; however, the Department has held off on
such action because it believes in the Island's intent to build a sewer sys-
tem. If the system is not built, the Department will in all likelihood carry
out its threat. Given this situation, it is fairly clear that the commercial
establishments would, if they could, rehabilitate their septic systems to
conform to standards. However, in many cases, this is simply not possible;
the hotels and restaurants are located on fairly small plots of ground, and
there is no room for them to enlarge their leaching fields, which become
quickly saturated during the summer season. Several establishments have re-
placed their systems numerous times, only to see them fail again. For ex-
ample, the system for Ballard's restaurant and hotel, which is necessarily
lo'cated close to the ocean, washes out to sea every winter, and must be re-
placed again in the spring.
Some residents, in the Old Harbor area in particular, face similar
problems. Because the ground becomes quickly saturated during the summer
months, their systems are simply not, for all intents and purposes, opera-
tional. One respondent noted that a woman living near Water Street can only
flush her toilet once a day — at 4:00 a.m.!
Bl-34
-------
The lack of a sewer system has made it impossible to install public
facilities in the Old Harbor area, and has limited the number of facilities
in New Harbor as well. Visitors to the Island — particularly the daytrippers
— must walk several miles from New Harbor in order to find public toilets
or showers. The owner of the ferry line which serves the Island has promised
to install a "comfort station" on his dock if a sewer system is constructed,
but he is obviously unable to do so under present circumstances. It is clear
that this situation makes the Island somewhat less attractive for those
coming to spend the day at the beach, and has probably turned some away per-
manently.
Another group which will indirectly suffer negative effects is Al-
ternative X is chosen consists of younger people who want to make the
Island their permanent home, including the children of some residents and
the people who work in the construction industry on the Island, as well as
the younger school teachers there. Residential zoning in most parts of the
Island is two-acre, and at current prices of $10,000 per acre and over, few
of these people can afford to buy land and still have enough money for home
construction which, as has been mentioned previously, is quite costly. As
a result, most live in boarding houses and rented rooms during the spring,
winter and fall months. When summer arrives and seasonal prices come into
effect, most are forced to move off the Island to make way for tourists. If
a sewer system were to be constructed under either Alternatives Y or Z, it
is likely that at least some residential areas would be re-zoned for smaller
plots, thus enabling younger people to buy land and build their own homes.
Under Alternative X, this will be impossible, and such people will continue
to live a rather piecemeal existence, spending most of their lives on the
Island, and then being forced to move to the mainland during the summer months.
Finally, if Alternative X is accepted and no sewer system is construct-
ed, it is possible that the whole Island will suffer, both economically and
environmentally. The Island's economic base is almost solely dependent on
tourism. Although the summer cottagers do leave money on the Island in the
form of taxes and some employment for resident workers, electricians, plumbers,
etc., most of the residents of the Island make their living either directly
or indirectly as a result of summer tourists. Moreover, the hotels and res-
taurants are among the largest taxpayers on the Island and, during the summer
months, the most extensive users of such utilities as power and water.
BI-35
-------
Thus if all, or even some, of them are forced to close, the Island's economy
will be severely damaged. Moreover, it is probab]e that such utilities as
power and water — the latter of which is important to residents and cottagers
as well as to the commercial establishments — will be unable to remain in
operation without the support of the hotels and restaurants. (Interestingly
enough, however, the power company would apparently like to see less peak
— i.e., total weekend — demand.)
According to the Environmental Impact Statement, seepage from direct
outfalls and failing septic systems could eventually affect water contact
recreation in such areas as Old Harbor, Crescent Beach, and Great Salt Bay.
This would probably make the Island less attractive to those tourists who do
not stay at hotels, but rather rent cottages for the season from Islanders
and cottagers. If such tourists cease coming to Block Island for their
summer vacations, the economy will be further negatively affected. Thus,
without tourism, the possibility of Block Island's remaining a viable
year round community will be significantly decreased, and without a sewer
system, it is likely that a good deal of the current tourist industry will
indeed die off.
There is a good deal of debate concerning the possibility of septic
tank leakage polluting the groundwater supply upon which the Island is de-
pendent for its drinking, bathing and washing water. According to the
Environmental Impact Statement, discharges from Old and New Harbors will not
affect that supply, since it occurs primarily in aquifers in the southern
part of the Island. Several respondents agree with this analysis, but others,
who claim to have made a thorough study of the supply, contend that porous
land in the southern part of the Island may eventually be subject to pollu-
tion. Odors from overflowing leaching fields and leaking septic tanks re-
present another environmental problem which will most likely continue under
Alternative X. The Environmental Impact Statement brings up another inter-
esting point concerning negative secondary impacts under this alternative.
On page 38 of the document, the authors state:
Under the Alternative of NO ACTION, it is obvious that growth
rates will not increase. . . Yet, it is likely that there will
be a significant change in land use. Inasmuch as growth within
the established Island cores (Old Harbor and New Harbor) cannot
be assimilated because of inadequate land available for sub-
surface disposal systems, it is conceivable that the resultant
BI-36
-------
effect will be the eventual disintegration of the social,
environmental, and economic viability of those town centers.
Further, future developments, if any, will spread outward
from these cores and possibly infringe upon the openness
of the southerly and northerly sections of the Island.
Thus, ironically, the result of the acceptance of Alternative X could be
exactly that to which its proponents are opposed: an eventual diminution
of the rural atmosphere and uncrowded character which they value so highly.
3.2.3 Impacts on the Community
A final impact which can be considered either negative or positive,
depending on the point of view, would be the possible alteration of the
nature of the Block Island community. If Alternative X is accepted, at
least some residents will be forced to leave the island as their source of
income from tourism disappears. The same will be true of off-island busi-
nessmen, who at present wield some degree of influence in Island government
and affairs (one member of the five-man Sewer Commission, for example, is a
businessman who does not make his permanent home on the Island). If this
were to happen, it is probable that control of the political, social, and
economic life of the community will fall more and more into the hands of the
cottagers, thereby effecting a considerable change in the character of Block
Island.
3.3 Potential Social and Economic Impacts Under Alternative Y
(Project for Old Harbor Only)
Alternative Y, which is comparable to the Environmental Protection
Agency's Alternative D (and which is the one which EPA favored in their draft
impact statement), involves the construction of a sewer system and treatment
plant for the Old Harbor area only, with possible rehabilitation of the sep-
tic systems in the New Harbor area. The probable beneficiaries and sufferers
under this alternative are discussed m the following subsections.
3.3.1 Those Who Will Benefit Under Alternative Y
According to interviews held with various residents of the Island --
both Islanders and cottagers — people who will benefit if the sewer system
is installed in the Old Harbor area fit into five primary categories: (1)
businessmen in the Old Harbor area; (2) vacationers in the Old Harbor area;
BI-37
-------
(3) those who want to see the Old Harbor area survive, but who want to see
other development minimized; (4) taxpayers whose taxes will increase less
than under Alternative Z; and (5) the whole island, environmentally and
economically.
The most obvious potential impact of the installation of a sewer
system in Old Harbor is that there will no longer be any threat of hotels or
restaurants in the area being forced to close by the Department of Public
Health. Furthermore, many hotels in Old Harbor have long desired to expand,
either through construction of more rooms, through the addition of more bath
facilities (at present, few hotel rooms have private bathrooms), or both.
The sewer system will make such expansion possible. Although taxes on these
establishments will be raised to support construction and operation of the
system, they will probably realize economic gains since the taxes are not
likely to equal the recurring high costs of septic system rehabilitation and
pumping-out services which frequently face the hotels and restaurants now.
Finally, restaurants in the Old Harbor area may benefit from reduced compe-
tition from their two counterparts in the New Harbor area, in the event that the
latter are forced to close down because of the eventual failure of their
septic systems. However, this particular benefit is not likely to be an
important one in the case of Old Harbor hotels, since it appears that the
system at the Narragansett Hotel in New Harbor is and will continue to be
operational. (It should be noted that the possibility of reduced competition
between Old and New Harbor areas is fairly speculative; it was not mentioned
as a potential impact by any of our respondents.)
As hotels and restaurants in Old Harbor expand or improve their
facilities, vacationers will obviously benefit from that area's increased
attractiveness and convenience. Moreover, the introduction of a sewer
system into the area will increase the probability of public comfort station
installation. This would be of great advantage to daytime visitors who at
present have little choice but to walk considerable distances in order to
find useable facilities. As has been stated previously, the owner of the
ferry service to Block Island has already promised to install such a facility
upon completion of the sewer system.
BI-38
-------
A third group to benefit — if only indirectly — from the adoption
of Alternative Y consists of those islanders and cottagers who want
to see development of the Island kept at a minimum. These people, in contra-
distinction to those discussed in Section 3.2.1, accept the need for sewers
in Old Harbor in order to protect the Island's economic viability. However,
they strongly prefer to keep the Island as open as possible, and their desires
would in many ways be facilitated by Alternative Y. That is to say, most of
the land in the Old Harbor area has already been built up with numerous com-
mercial establishments and some residences, and its rustic atmosphere was,
in a sense, sacrificed long ago. While there is room for some expansion of
existing structures, possibilities for further new development are limited.
New Harbor is a prime site for considerable development — which is highly
undesirable from these people's point of view — and Alternative Y
obviates the possibility, of large-scale commercial (or even residential)
development there.
A fourth group who will benefit from Alternative Y (as opposed to
Alternative Z) are the taxpayers of the island, whose taxes will be
increased less than under Alternative Z, since the cost of constructing a
sewer system for the Old Harbor area only will be less than that of construc-
ting one for both Old and New Harbors. How much less is unknown, due to in-
creasing construction costs and decreasing marginal cost of treatment facili-
ties with increasing quantities.
Lastly, it is probably that the whole island will benefit to some
extent from Alternative Y. The Old Harbor area will be made more attractive
to summer tourists and vacationers through its improved facilities, and it
is therefore possible that more people will come to the island during the
summer season, spending more money and thereby strengthening the town's
economy. Furthermore, the environmental hazards posed by the present situa-
tion in Old Harbor will be decreased or totally eliminated.
3.3.2 Those Who Will Suffer Adverse Consequences Under Alternative Y
Among the groups who are likely to suffer as a result of the adoption
of Alternative Y are the following: (1) commercial establishments in the
New Harbor area; (2) taxpayers who will have to help support construction
of the system; (3) users of the system who will have to support increased
maintenance and operation charges; (4) young people who cannot afford to buy
land at current prices; and (5) possibly the whole Island, economically and
environmentally.
BI-39
-------
Under Alternative Y, the sewer system will not extend to any of the
residential or commercial establishments in the New Harbor area. Since most
of the residences in the area are built on relatively high ground, their sep-
tic systems are for the most part adequate; the same is true of the Narragansett
Hotel, although Samuel Mott, who owns the hotel, fears he might encounter
some problems with his system in the future as a result of sheer volume.
Several of the restaurants and bars in the New Harbor area, on the other hand,
are built on low land close to the water. They have been facing severe prob-
lems with their septic systems for the past several years, and at least one
bar/discotheque has had to close periodically for this reason; another es-
tablishment has put in three new septic systems, two under State Department
of Health supervision, only to have them all fail. If the sewer system is
not extended to New Harbor, as will be the case with either Alternative X
or Z, these establishments may be forced to close permanently; at the
very least, they will face the continued expense of constant repair and/or
replacement of their existing systems. Marina owners in New Harbor face
no immediate threat under Alternative Y, although their public facilities
(bathrooms and showers) sometimes become overloaded due to heavy traffic
from visitors. However, if EPA regulations are eventually implemented and
boat holding tanks are required, the marina owners might eventually suffer
considerable negative effects. That is to say, without a sewer system,
they will be unable to install pump-out stations, and this will lead to
considerable problems regarding the number of boats that can be handled
in the area.
Another group which considers Alternative Y somewhat disadvanta-
geous consists of taxpayers who will have their taxes increased in order
to pay for construction of the system, but who will not enjoy the use of it.
While a number of residents feel that the system is needed by the entire
island and therefore are more than willing to help support it, others reason
that they should not be forced to pay for something that will be of no
direct benefit to them.
If Alternative Y is implemented, a third group consisting of users
of the system will suffer some negative effects. Since maintenance and
operation charges will be spread among a smaller number of persons under
this alternative than under Alternative Z, the costs will be increased
considerably, although this will be balanced somewhat by the fact that
maintenance of the smaller system will also be less costly.
BI-40
-------
As was true under Alternative X, those younger people in the communi-
ty who would like to buy property and build houses on the Island will con-
tinue to be unable to do so because of the two-acre zoning and high prices
which put such land packages beyond their means. Although the sewer system
may enable some higher density zoning in the Old Harbor area, this location
is almost completely developed already, and therefore does not offer a great
deal of opportunity for residential construction. More land is potentially
available in New Harbor, but zoning is not likely to change without a sewer
system in the area.
Finally, although the threat of pollution in the Old Harbor area will
be reduced under Alternative Y, the New Harbor area will remain subject to
pollution, both from boats in the harbor and from septic tank leakage. If
this pollution becomes serious enough to force limitations on the number of
boats coming into the harbor, the resulting loss of tourist business will
affect the economic base of the Island to some degree. If pollution of the
harbor requires that it be closed to water contact sports or shellfishing,
this will also make the Island less attractive to tourists, as well as con-
siderably reducing the Island's enjoyment by its residents, both Islanders
and cottagers.
3-4 Potential Social and Economic Impacts Under Alternative Z
(Project for Old and New Harbor Areas)
Alternative Z, as we have designated it, includes Alternatives A and
B as described in the Environmental Impact Statement. The EPA's Alternative
B differs from Fenton Keyes1 proposal, Alternative A, in that it makes no
provision for future extension of the sewer system to areas outside of the
two harbors. Although the latter alternative will allow for even more
development — a major aspect of the entire issue at this time — the impacts
of development are discussed sufficiently here to permit combination of the
two for the sake of brevity. Essentially, the impacts of Alternative A (in
comparison to Alternative B) could be described as "more of the same". The
probable beneficiaries and sufferers under this alternative are discussed in
the following subsections.
BI-41
-------
3.4.1 Those Who Will Benefit Under Alternative Z
Potential beneficiaries under Alternative Z include the following:
(1) commercial interests in the Old and New Harbor areas, and possibly in
some areas between; (2) realtors, construction industry employees, and land
owners; (3) younger people who might be able to afford land for new homes;
and (4) the whole island, economically and environmentally.
The benefits which will accrue to commercial interests in the Old
Harbor have been discussed previously; essentially, they change from
Alternative Y to Alternative Z, although the possible small benefit of
reduced competition from New Harbor restaurants in the event that these
restaurants were forced to close (because of lack of adequate septic
systems) would no longer be applicable. Benefits to New Harbor commercial
interests will in turn be more or less the same as those for Old Harbor:
reduced threat of forced closure by the State Department of Health,
ability to expand or modernize facilities, etc. The question of whether
marine owners will install pump-out stations for boat holding tanks remains
somewhat in abeyance at this time, since it is not clear whether this
requirement will in fact be implemented by the EPA, or if the sewer system
as planned will be able in any case to handle toxic wastes from the hold-
ing tanks. The construction of a sewer line in both areas, with a line
running between, may also benefit other commercial interests which do not
now exist on the island. One respondent suggested that land between the
two harbors could be made available for such small commercial interests
as a drugstore, dry clearner, shoe repair shop, and barbershop/beauty
parlor, none of which are present on the island at this time. In the
February-March 1974 issue of the Block Island Newsletter (published by
the Block Island Residents' Association), an article highlighting Herbert
Whitman, First Warden of the Island, implied that Whitman felt the sewer
system would encourage light industry and home crafts to increase off-
season employment.
The second group to benefit from the implementation of Alternative Z
consists of other commercial or industrial interests, specifically
realtors, land owners and construction workers. Under this alternative, it
is almost certain that land values in the area of sewer system implemen-
tation will rise; realtors are thereby likely to benefit. Land owners
will benefit as well if they sell property which they currently own.
BI-42
-------
Realtors and land owners will benefit further if zoning laws are changed
after sewer construction to accommodate more one- and one-half acre lots,
which are frequently more desirable and easier to sell than larger parcels.
A third group likely to find the implementation of Alternative Z
advantageous consists of younger people who cannot afford land or permanent
housing on the Island at current prices. These people — who wish to make
their permanent home on the Island — are unable to pay the price of two-
acre lots which dominate residential zoning in the Island. If a sewer
system is installed, this would facilitate higher-density construction in
the Old and New Harbor areas, as well as between the two locales. Edith
Blane, Town Clerk, noted in an article in the December,1973 issue of the
Block Island Newsletter that she "...would like to see a group of young
Islanders form a cooperative by pooling resources and mechanical talents to
construct relatively inexpensive housing. She add[ed], however, that this
would not be practical without a sewer system." In any event, although the
Old Harbor area is too built up to allow for extensive residential develop-
ment, the New Harbor area and the land in between may provide opportunities
for younger people to find or construct housing.
Finally, there are good possibilities that, under Alternative Z, the
whole island will benefit, both economically and environmentally. Commercial
interests in both of the Harbor areas will be able to make improve-
ments in their facilities, or to expand these facilities, if the sewer is
built. This will in turn contribute to the strengthening of the Island's
entire economic base, which is strongly dependent on tourism. Moreover, as
one respondent pointed out, the installation of a sewer system in the New
Harbor area may have even further beneficial consequences for both that area
and the Island as a whole. Because the Old Harbor area is "open to the
elements," (wind, tides, etc.), it is impossible to bring pleasure craft and
large contingents of tourists in before and after a certain time each year.
New Harbor, however, is in a more protected area, and if sewering made it
possible to install larger accommodations in that section, the tourist
season could be somewhat extended, thereby bringing increased prosperity to
the residents who depend for their whole livelihood on that now relatively
short season. Sewering of both the Old and New Harbor areas will also ef-
fectively protect the Island from much of the pollution which might ensue if
no sewers are constructed.
BI-43
-------
3.4.2 Those Who Will Suffer Adverse consequences Under Alternative Z
The preceeding discussion indicates that there are several groups
who might benefit under Alternative Z; most of the benefits, it will be
noted, have to do either directly or indirectly with the fact that sewer-
ing of the Old and New Harbor areas and the area in between would permit
increased development and, perhaps, higher density zoning in these locales.
Whether such development is permitted depends to a great extent on the de-
cisions of the island's Planning and Zoning Boards. In any case, there are
several groups who will suffer adverse consequences under Alternative
Z, either as a result of the attendant development, or for other related
reasons. They include: (1) Islanders and cottagers who want to see develop-
ment on Block Island kept to a minimum; (2) taxpayers who will have to support
the costs of construction and, in some cases, maintenance of the system; and
(3) possibly the whole Island.
The situation of both Islanders and cottagers who object to expanded
development on the Island has already been discussed in preceding sections.
In brief, these people fear that the sewer system will allow for expanded
development both in the residential and commercial sectors, and feel that
zoning and subdivision ordinances will be ineffective in preventing realtors,
developers, and other commercial interests from pushing for higher density
zoning and subdivision. They see the installation of a sewer system as
ultimately leading to Block Island's becoming another overcrowded, unattrac-
tive resort area with none of the rustic charm which now makes it unique
among vacation areas on the East Coast.
A second group which will suffer adverse effects from Alter-
native Z consists of the island taxpayers. Among this group, those who
suffer special burdens include older taxpayers living on fixed incomes who
are unable to afford large tax hikes, and those taxpayers who will abut the
system and therefore have to pay users' charges for its operation and main-
tenance, but who themselves have no need of the services it will provide.
As has been noted, many of those who currently make the Island their home
are older, retired people living on fixed incomes. This population is like-
ly to remain stable or to grow, since many of the families who currently own
summer cottages on Block Island plan eventually to retire there permanently.
Although the tax increases which will accompany the construction and main-
tenance of the sewer system are not expected to be astronomical, every small
BI-44
-------
tax increase represents a burden to those who have restricted funds, and are
for all intents and purposes beyond their "earning years". Although such
people would suffer some disadvantages under Alternative Y, their burden
will undoubtedly be increased in direct proportion to the increase in costs
required for construction of the system in both Old and New Harbors. A num-
ber of other people, especially those who reside in the New Harbor area and
between Old and New Harbors, have septic systems which are currently ade-
quate to serve their needs. Nonetheless, these people, because they will
be abutting the system, will have to pay a users' charge to support
operation and maintenance of the system. Naturally, they see this as an
unfair burden upon them.
Finally, Alternative Z may lead to disadvantages for the whole
island, at least in the environmental sense. That is to say, the
increased development and high-density zoning which might result as a
secondary impact of sewer installation might lead not only to the destruc-
tion of the Island's highly valued "rural atmosphere", but might also even-
tually cause encroachment on wetlands and conservation areas which are
currently zoned for no development. As was noted in the Environmental
Impact Statement (p. 39):
At present, the land on which the treatment plant will be
constructed is zoned for business. However, this site is
located within the Old Harbor area which was designated
by the Rhode Island Historical Preservation Commission as
an historic district and was placed on the National His-
toric Register in May 1974. The Commission indicated that
it was unfortunate that the site was to be located in an
historical district, but further indicated that in the
future the whole Island may be designated as an historical
area. In that event, the relative effect of a treatment
plant site in that area would be minimal.
BI-45
-------
5.0 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Block Island Chamber of Commerce, "Block Island Map," Block Island, R.I.
Block Island Newsletter, published in off-season months by Block Island Resi-
dents' Association.
The Block Island Times, published during summer, 4 months.
"Last Chance for Block Island," by Deborah Stone, Yankee, March 1975, pp.
36-41.
New Shoreham Planning Board, "Subdivision Regulations," May 22, 1972.
Rhode Island Basic Economic Statistics, The Economy, Summary and Trends, 1975,
by Rhode Island Department of Economic Development; Providence, R.I.,
1975.
Rhode Island Department of Community Affairs, Comprehensive Community Plan,
Town of New Shoreham, R.I., Providence, R.I., 1968.
Rhode Island Department of Community Affairs, Inventory and Analysis, Town of
New Shoreham, R.I., Providence, R.I., 1968.
Rhode Island Development Council, Rhode Island City and Town Monographs; New
Shoreham, Providence, R.I., December 1973.
Rhode Island School of Design, The Block Island Report, (n.d.)
Rhode Island Statewide Planning Program, Interim Basin Plan, New Shoreham Sub-
Basin, Providence, R.I., December 1972.
Rhode Island Water Resources Coordinating Board, Ground-Water Resources of
Block Island, Rhode Island, Geological Bulletin No. 14, 1964.
"Summary Report of the Findings and Recommendations," Sewer Commission,
August 23, 1974.
U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, Draft Environmental Impact Statement,
Wastewater Collection and Treatment Facilities, New Shoreham, Rhode
Island, March 31, 1975.
U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, "Negative Declaration, Environmental
Impact Appraisal," Boston, Mass., May 6, 1974.
"Zoning, Chapter 33 of the Revised Ordinances of the Town of New Shoreham,"
New Shoreham, R.I.
BI-46
-------
OIISKRVKD/PROIiAULi: SOCIAL IMPACTS BY LOCAL SOCIAL GROUPS.
HI.OCK ISLAND, JtHODC IS1.AND
Propoct Alternative: One No Sewer Sy&tcm; Rohabj litaLion of Existing Septic Tanks.
SOCIAL IMPACTS
Reliability of Wastewater Disposal
System, Old & New Harbors
Incentive for Repair & Updating of
Existing Commercial Establishments
i Potential for Commercial
Development in Old Harbor
Potential for Commercial
In New Harbor
Potential for Development of
Low Income Housing
[Precoived] Preservation of Rural
Character of Island
Cottage Construction
Public Demand for Land Use Controls
Construction Employment
Availability of Public
Toilet Facilities
Tourism Rate
Quality of Water Recreation Areas
Property Taxes
Utility Rates
Community Cohesaveness
SOCIAL GROUPS
Non-Resident Owners of
Commercial Establishments
—
-
-
-
-
-
Resident Owners of
Commercial Establlshnents
—
—
—
—
-
-
Multi-Generation Residents
Of Island ("Islanders")
-
+/-
+/-
+/-
-
+
-
Year-Round Residents —
Service Group ("Residents")
-
-
-
-
—
+
-
-
-
Retirees and Owners of
Seasonal Homes ("Cottagers")
+
+
+
+
++
Day Tourists
("Day Trippers")
-
—
—
—
—
Week rnd Tourists
("Weekenders")
-
—
—
—
-
Family vacationers
-
—
—
—
-
a b c d e f g h
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
BI-47
-------
OBSEPVED/PKOBABLt SOCIAL IMl'ACTS BY LOCAL SOCIAL GROUPS:
BLOCK ISLAND, RHODE ISLAND
Project Alternative; Two: Sewage Project for Old Harbor
SOCIAL IMPACTS
Reliability of Wastewater Disposal
System, Old Harbor
Incentive for Repair and Updating of
Existing Commercial Establishments
Potential for Commercial Development
In Old Harbor
Potential for Commercial Development
In New Harbor
Potential for Development of
Low income Housing
[Perceived] Preservation of Rural
Character of Island
Cottage Construction
Public Demand for Land Use Controls
Construction Employment
Availability of Public
Toilet Facilities
Tourism Rate
Quality of Water Recreation Areas
Property Taxes
Utility Rates
Community Cohesiveness
SOCIAL GROUPS
Non-Resident Owners of
Commercial Establishments
+
+
-
++
+
Resident Owners of
Commercial Establishments
+
+
-
++
+
Multi-Generational Residents
Of Island ("Islanders")
+
+
+
+
+
-
-
Year-Round Residents —
Service Group ("Residents")
+
++
+
++
+
+
++
+
+
-
-
Retirees and Owners of
Seasonal Homes ("Cottagers")
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
Day Tourists
("Day Trappers")
+
+
+
++
Week End Tourists
("Weekenders")
+
+
-
+
Family Vacationers
+
+
-
+
1
3
4
5
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
f g h
BI-48
-------
OBSERVED/PROBABLE SOCIAL IMPACTS DY LOCAL SOCIAL GROUPS:
BLOCK ISLAND, RHODE ISLAND
Project Alternative; Three: Sewage Project Eor Old and New Harbors
SOCIAL IMPACTS
Reliability of Wastewater
Disposal System, Old & New Harbors
Incentive for Repair & Updating of
Existing Commercial Establishments
Potential for Commercial Development
In Old Harbor
Potential for Commercial Development
In New Harbor
Potential for Development of
Low Income Housing
[Perceived] Preservation of
Rural Character of Island
Cottage Construction
Public Demand for Land Use Controls
Construction Employment
Availability of Public
Toilet Facilities
Tourism Rate
Quality of Water Recreation Areas
Property Taxer.
Utility Rates
Community Cohesiveness
Non-Resident Owners of
Commercial Establishments
-
++
+
"
++
++
+
Resident Owners of
Commercial Establishments
-
++
+
++
-
++
+
S
Multi-Generational Residents
Of Island ("Islanders")
+
+
-
+
-
+
+
-
—
—
-
OCIAL
Year-Round Residents —
Service Group ("Residents")
+
++
+
-
-
+
+
++
+
++
—
—
GROUPS
Retirees and Owners of
Seasonal Homes ("Cottaqers")
-
_
—
—
-
-
-
—
+
—
—
Day Tourists
("Day. Trippers")
^
+
+
+
-
+
+
Week End Tourists
("Weekenders")
^
+
+
+
-
+
+
Family Vacationers
-
+
+
+
-
+
+
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
f g h
BI-49
-------
NOTES
OBSERVED/PROBABLE SOCIAL IMPACTS BY LOCAL SOCIAL GROUPS
BLOCK ISLAND, RHODE ISLAND
The following footnotes should serve to amplify the "plusses and
minuses" in the matrices. One should note that there are three dimensions
to the matrix: a listing of fifteen social impacts; a listing of eight
social groups; and the scope of the sewer projects for all three alterna-
tives. This produces a possible 360 cells to describe. In order to do this
in a rational and procedural fashion, the social impacts are given the high-
est priority, followed by the alternative, and then the group. This means
that given a social impact, the order was Social Group "a" through "h" nested
within Alternatives One, Two and Three.
[ la Ib ]
Reliability of wastewater disposal system directly affects those
whose septic systems are not operating satisfactorily and whose livelihood
depends upon places which depend on these septic systems; in par-
ticular, the commercial establishments of Block Island are almost entirely
dependent upon septic tanks which are partially or totally inoperative year-
round .
One: Not having a reliable system portends the closure for health
reasons of these commercial places in Old Harbor, and perhaps in the New
Harbor area also.
Two: Project for Old Harbor would benefit those having an economic
interest in the area.
Three: A project for both harbors would benefit those having inter-
ests in either area, and would mean not only no closure of business but
probable expansion of these businesses.
2a 2b 2c 2d 2e
Any incentive for repair and updating of existing commercial estab-
lishments is negated by the risk of potential closure for health reasons,
thereby rendering useless any capital investment.
BI-50
-------
One: The greatest negative impact falls upon the resident owner
whose source of livelihood is the property. Although the Islanders feel
that some closure may be good, a total loss of all commercial establishments
is felt to have a negative impact. While many residents feel that their off-
season jobs are dependent upon some kind of growth, such growth is viewed as
negative by the cottagers. However, the greatest impact of having unreliable
septic systems falls on the tourists themselves, for it means no public
bathrooms.
Two: A project which provided incentive for improvements in present
facilities would benefit all social groups, except for those who wanted to
limit the expansion of the tourist trade.
Three: The project for Old Harbor and New Harbor would assure the
reliability of wastewater treatment in both places and provide an incentive
for expansion or improvement of present facilities, thus benefiting those
with economic and social interests in these areas, and in particular the
commercial establishments and the residents, for whom jobs would be created.
[ 3a 3b 3f 3g 3h ]
The potential for commercial development in Old Harbor is limited
by the small amount of vacant property available and the unreliability of
the septic systems.
One: A rehabilitation of the septic systems may not provide the
reliability necessary to improve the present commercial facilities; in par-
ticular this uncertainty would affect the resident owners of commercial
establishments. Continued unreliability would affect the tourists — day-
trippers, weekenders, and the family vacationers, for they would not be
assured modern adequate toilet facilities in either the hotels or the public
recreational areas.
Two: Since there is limited chance for development in Old Harbor,
cottagers are the only group that views it as having a negative impact upon
their interests, for it means assuring the survival of the tourist trade.
The largest positive impact affects commercial establishments for it
reduces their risk of investment and encourages the tourist trade for that
area.
BI-51
-------
Three: A project for both areas would mean competition for capital
investment between the two areas, since some places in both areas are owned
by the same interests, and there might be a favoring of capital investment
in the New Harbor area, thus reducing the potential for commercial develop-
ment in Old Harbor. However, the actual potential in any part of the
Island depends upon whether there is a growing tourist demand; there is no
information as to the extent and kind of tourist demand for Block Island.
4a 4b 4c 4d 4e
The potential for commercial development in New Harbor is limited
by the availability of wastewater disposal and capital investment.
One: The rehabilitation of existing septic tanks leaves little or
no potential for development in New Harbor, having the greatest negative
impact on the resident owners of commercial establishments in that area. Any
development of New Harbor is viewed negatively by some Islanders and by most
of the cottagers. However, the greatest negative impact would be felt by
the tourists who use the commercial facilities and public area in New Harbor;
particularly, persons on the boats who dock at the marinas in New Harbor.
Two: A project for Old Harbor only would not affect social groups
concerned with New Harbor to any significant extent other than that men-
tioned above.
Three: A sewer project for both Old Harbor and New Harbor would have
a large positive impact on commercial establishments, for it would increase
their potential development opportunities in the New Harbor area. Such
development is viewed negatively by most Islanders, and very negatively by
most cottagers. However, it would probably have> a positive impact on the
residents, due to job opportunities, and on tourists due to the facilities
in both harbor areas.
5c 5d
The potential for development of low-income housing is dependent upon
the construction of a wastewater project; the larger the area served, the
larger the potential for a greater number of low-income units.
BI-52
-------
One: The rehabilitation of septic tanks would mean no potential for
low-income housing, which is viewed as a necessity by the Islanders; the
largest negative impact would fall on the intended occupants of the housing,
the residents.
Two: The construction of a sewage project for Old Harbor would
directly benefit the residents and be seen as a positive effect by the
Islanders.
Three: A project for both harbors would have an impact similar to
Two.
6c 6e
The perceived preservation of the rural character of the Island
depends upon the perspective of the social group which is impacted. In
general, any commercial development is seen as having the effect of des-
troying rural character, directly through commercial structures and indir-
ectly through stimulating tourist trade.
One: The rehabilitation of existing septic tanks is viewed by some
Islanders and cottagers as a means of limiting commercial development and
the tourist trade.
Two: In the opinion of most cottagers, the sewer project for Old
Harbor is the initial step in the destruction of the rural character of
the Island.
Three: The construction of a sewage project for both Old and New
Harbors would have the largest negative impact on the cottagers, although
Islanders also view this scope of construction as having a negative effect.
[ 7a 7b 7c 7d 7e 7f 7q 7h ]
The construction of cottages on the Island is semi-independent of
whether there is a sewage system; the linkages are secondary ones,
principally the livelihood of the residents. The cottage construction dir-
ectly affects the employment of the residents, but probably has the greatest
positive impact on the cottagers, who as a group wish to continue the growth
of the cottages, whatever the sewage project alternative.
BI-53
-------
[ 8c 8d ]
The public demand for land-use controls will apparently depend upon
whether other controls, such as zoning and septic seepage, are believed
adequate.
One: Presently it appears that septic tanks and minimum lot zoning
are believed to be adequate land-use controls.
Two: A sewage project for Old Harbor would permit smaller lot
zoning and thus benefit the residents.
Three: A sewage project for both Old and New Harbors is viewed by
some persons as a means of rethinking the land-use/zoning issue, as it would
allow a greater scale: a larger minimum lot size in order to protect the
water supply, and a smaller minimum lot size where sewers are provided.
The Islander, generally against any growth, views this lower density in the
undeveloped areas as positive; however, the cottager views it as negative,
for it increases the cost of housing and limits the extent of development.
9d 9e
The extent of resident employment in the construction industry
depends upon the opportunities in construction of both commercial estab-
lishments and cottages.
One: The rehabilitation of existing septic tanks limits the con-
struction or improvements in commercial places and therefore has a negative
impact on the residents.
Two: A sewage project for Old Harbor would increase construction
opportunities there, thereby having a significant positive impact on the
residents. However, there is a possible negative impact on the cottagers,
due to the limited number of residents in the construction industry.
Three: A sewage project for both harbors would have a similar
impact; however, there might be more or less impact, depending upon the
extent that competition from the mainland became interested in construction
activity on the Island.
BI-54
-------
[ IQf ]
The availability of public toilet facilities has an impact on
whoever visits for a limited period of time and therefore cannot use pri-
vate facilities.
One: The necessity of having to turn away potential commercial
customers because of the unreliability of existing septic tanks has a nega-
tive impact on all those concerned with the development of Old Harbor.
The largest impact is on the tourist, and in particular the "day-tripper"
who has not rented a room.
Two: The sewage project for Old Harbor would make available pub-
lic toilets in that area, thus providing significant benefits to commercial
establishments, the tourists who use those establishments, and in particular,
significant benefits to the comfort of the daytrippers.
Three: The sewage project in both harbors would serve all major
commercial establishments and their guests, and in addition the facilities
(marinas, pubs) that serve the boats anchored in New Harbor, in addition to
the daytrippers. In short, most of those concerned with the comforts of
the tourists view the availability of public toilets as a benefit.
[ lla lib lie lid lie llf llg llh ]
The tourism rate is dependent on the amount of modernization and
number of accommodations on the Island.
One: The rehabilitation of existing septic tanks does not improve
significantly these accommodations and therefore would have a negative
impact on commercial establishments, and therefore the residents who are
dependent on the tourist trade.
Two: A sewage project for Old Harbor would benefit the tourist and
therefore the persons serving tourists: the commercial establishments in
Old Harbor and the residents in general.- However, any strengthening of the
tourist trade is not viewed positively by the cottager.
Three: The sewage project for both harbors extends the impacts
of a sewer system for Old Harbor; however, it was felt that although the
Islander would tolerate some stabilization or limited growth of the tourist
trade, it would have a negative impact under this alternative. A signifi-
BI-55
-------
cant increase in the tourist rate would mean more boat trips, air trips,
and other conveniences for the tourist, thereby having a positive impact on
all types of tourists.
12a 12b
The quality of water recreation areas is in comparison to that which
exists now: the only significant deterioration is in the area of New Harbor.
One, Two: No sewage project, or a sewage project for Old Harbor
only would have no impact on the quality of water recreation areas.
Three: A positive impact on the quality of water recreation in New
Harbor will occur if the system is designed to provide treatment for the
boats anchored in New Harbor. The improvement in water quality, including
the elimination of any possible seepage from septic tanks in New Harbor,
would make it attractive for contact water recreation and shellfishing, if
growth occurred in that area. If this should occur, the commercial estab-
lishments in that area would benefit, as would the tourists in that area.
[ 13c 13d 13e ]
Property taxes will be affected by the extent of capital investment
made in sewage facilities. Those affected most significantly will be low-
income families and those on fixed incomes.
One: Rehabilitation of existing septic tanks has no direct impact
on any social group, for no burden is placed on the property tax.
Two: A sewage project for Old Harbor will have a negative impact
on the resident, who is primarily low-income, and the retired Islander and
cottager, who have fixed incomes.
Three: A sewage project for both harbors will have a similar but
larger impact on the same groups.
14c 14d
Any growth which necessitates the development of capital facilities
to serve peak or seasonal needs means idle facilities for off-peak or off-
season periods. However, the capital reimbursement for these facilities
BI-56
-------
must be borne by the user, and the impact for increased cost is in proportion
to the extent used.
One: The rehabilitation of existing septic tanks will not have a
direct impact on any social group.
Two: The construction of the sewage project for Old Harbor will
have a negative impact on the Islander and the resident for they will have
to bear the increased year-round electric costs of additional facilities
to serve whatever increased tourist trade the commercial renovations in Old
Harbor stimulate.
Three: The extent of impact on the above groups will be proportional
to the costs of the sewage project.
15c 15e
Community cohesiveness is a term applied to the positive interaction
among all members of a community in solving common problems.
One: The alternative of rehabilitating septic systems can be expected
to continue a rather uncertain and comparatively unstable situation, both
socially and economically. All those affected are felt to be impacted nega-
tively, for no group expressed satisfaction over the conflict that has
centered around the sewage issue.
Two: Based on interviews, a sewage project for Old Harbor would
have a positive impact on commercial establishments and the Islanders, for
it would be seen as a compromise and a chance to again have the unity
necessary to a small community.
Three: Based on interviews, a sewage project for both harbors
would be viewed as a "loss" by the Islanders and especially by the cottagers;
a continuation of the present conflict could be expected, given no resolution
of the issues.
BI-57
-------
DEMOGRAPHIC AND ECONOMIC COMPOSITION OF LOCAL SOCIAL GROUPS:
BLOCK ISLAND, RHODE ISLAND
SOCIAL GROUPS
Non-resident owners of
commercial establishments
Resident owners of com-
mercial establishments
Multi-generation residents
of Island ("Islanders")
Year-round residents — ser-
vice group ("Residents")
Retirees or owners of
second homes ("Cottagers")
Day tourists ("Daytrippers")
Weekend tourists (weekenders)
Family vacationers
Low Income
Moderate Income
X
X
X
X
X
u
H
u»
-H
3!
X
X
tn
§
o
>t
X
X
"8
F
0)
1-4
•o
•a
•rl
&
X
X
X
Elderly
X
X
X
0)
iH
CP
•H
W
X
X
>1
rH
b
X
X
X
X
X
Black
-------
MUSKEGON COUNTY
TABLE OF CONTENTS
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
1.0 INTRODUCTION
1.1 Study Area Background
1.2 Potentials for Resource Management
1.3 The Muskegon County Wastewater Management System
2.0 SHORT-TERM SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC OUTPUTS
2.1 Construction Phase Outputs
2.2 Operation Phase Outputs
3.0 LONG-TERM SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC IMPACTS
3.1 Industrial Activity
3.2 Recreation/Tourism
3.3 Agricultural Activity
3.4 Social Mobilization
3.4.1 Self-image and Goal-Setting
3.4.2 County Government
3.4.3 Regionalism
4.0 BIBLIOGRAPHY
-------
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
Michigan's Muskegon County Wastewater Management System was designed
not only to eliminate the serious water pollution problems of Lakes Muskegon
and Mona, but also to serve as a stimulus for solidifying and diversifying
a faltering regional economy heavily dependent on polluter industries. First
conceived in late 1969, the system irrigates a County-owned, 6000-acre corn
farm with treated municipal and industrial wastewaters and recovers reclaimed
water for return to natural streams. By virtue of its prodigious capacity
(42 Mgd design), its use of an unconventional zero-discharge technology, and
its profit-making orientation, the Muskegon Project is unique among American
wastewater treatment works.
Despite the fact that the system has been operational for only two
years - and, even then, without every component on-line - Muskegon County's
$16 million investment in the $44 million project has already begun to
produce nascentsocio-economic impacts. Short-term or ephemeral efforts
can be distinguished from more slowly maturing changes in community life.
Construction and operation phase outputs are:
0 Surficial disruption; clearing of 10,000 acres and construction
of interceptor system,
• Displacement and relocation; 195 families moved and property
acquired outright by the County,
• Employment; contractor labor from outside the region,
• Site problems; intermittent odors and fog ,
• Operation and maintenance employment; about a dozen men, half
employed as agricultural workers ,
• Water quality improvements; dramatic improvements in perceived
water quality ,
• Property values; arrest of possible declining trend in waterfront
property values and increase in value of industrial parcels •
• System costs; current rate of $170/Mgd providing superior
treatment results ,
• Institutional relationships; process of allocating local cost
burdens fostered greater sophistication in metropolitan problem-
solving ,
MC-1
-------
• Community planning; multiple planning spin-offs in a wide range
of functional areas, e.g. land use, solid waste, vocational train-
ing. Attraction of new professional resources to assist in goal-
setting.
Long-term social and economic impacts only now beginning to take shape
relate to the four principal objectives addressed by the system as an econ-
omic and political force:
• Industrial activity. By relieving existing industry of responsi-
bility for meeting escalating effluent quality standards, the
system has stabilized previously marginal or economically vul-
nerable firms. As a magnet for new industry, the system materially
enhances the access, utilities, and labor attributes of the Muskegon
area.
e Recreation/tourism. Perceived quality of water-oriented activities
has increased dramatically for both experienced and novice recrea-
tors. Tourism as a major component of local economic strength
may be slow to develop because of confusion over community goals
and responsive public policy.
• Agricultural activity. The farm operation is already highly in-
structive to professional engineering fraternity and potentially
a great social asset to its urban service population. Current
prospects for corn-dependent agribusiness are uncertain.
e Social mobilization. People's local self image has been materially
enhanced, at least among personalities involved in decision-making.
New perceptions of "alternative futures" and choices among them
have imposed on the political process a higher level of expecta-
tion and performance, especially in the County
Regional problem-solving by cooperative efforts among governments
has been demonstrated to be cost-effective.
MC-2
-------
1.0 INTRODUCTION
The impact assessment process has three major components that apply
equally to determinations of actual or potential social, economic, and physi-
cal change. First, there must be an identification step; what has changed
or might change? Following that comes a characterization step; how can that
change be described quantitatively or qualitatively to give it magnitude,
direction, duration, and risk/reversability features? Finally, in the task
most crucial to sound decision-making, is the valuation of the change duly
identified and measured. That is, is the deviation from the baseline condi-
tion to be construed a "good" thing or a "bad" thing? Naturally, since values
vary with individual and group interest, there is no single correct answer.
Indeed, it is in this third and most difficult part of impact assessment work
that a sensitivity to varying perceptions of the same change determines the
validity of overall findings and conclusions.
In applying this basic approach to the Muskegon case study, certain
caveats are appropriate. The brief operational history of the County Waste-
water Management System makes it difficult to isolate slow-maturing social
changes. Genuine social impacts will probably not become manifest for sev-
eral years and even then demonstrating causal links to the wastewater system
will be a problem. Less than two years have passed since the first elements
of the system became operational. Not until the summer of 1975 will all units
be on-line together as designed. Indeed, a five year EPA-supported research
effort by Bauer Engineering on the socio-economic impacts of the system is
MC-3
-------
still concerned with methodological questions related to presentation of im-
pact data once they are developed. Most observers agree that it is still
too early to make anything but preliminary assessments. To lengthen the ob-
servation period during which embryonic impacts might be detected, we have
included not only the planning phase of the project but also the first five
full years of operation, a period spanning just over a decade. By telesco-
ping the timeframe, some measurement problems can be avoided.
Whether social returns-on-investment are actual or forecasted, their
valuation as positive or negative is largely a function of intuition. This
is chiefly because distinct socio-economic groups have not coalesced around
the issues raised by the creation of the system and there are few spokes-
persons to comment even now on system-induced change. With few exceptions,
social impacts stimulated by the Muskegon County Wastewater Management System
(MCWMS) cannot be responsibly assigned to groups differentially. There are
implied distributions of benefit which may yet become real, but for the mo-
ment they are conjectural.
See Socio-Economic Studies, Progress Report, December, 1974, Bauer
Engineering, Inc., Chicago. Throughout this case study a conscious effort
has been made to avoid duplications of material already reported by Bauer
to EPA.
MC-4
-------
Appreciation of the degree and quality of social change produced by
Muskegon County Wastewater Management System has produced in its service area
begins with an understanding of the environmental, social, economic, and
political context in which it was conceived. These features are the frame-
work for both engineering and institutional design and, by extension, for im-
pact areas which the objectives of the system attempt to influence. The fol-
lowing section presents in capsule form the history of the Muskegon area, the
purposes of the Wastewater Management System, and a brief account of its
technical components.
1.1 Study Area Background
Muskegon County is located on the eastern shore of Lake Michigan in
the central section of Michigan's lower peninsula. It covers an area of 510
square miles with 11,600 acres of water surface and encompasses seven cities,
sixteen townships, and four villages. The cities of Muskegon and Muskegon
Heights which together serve as the County's economic and social focal point
are located just inland of the Lake Michigan shoreline between two dunes-
impounded lakes, Mona and Muskegon. (See Map 1.) The water access provided
by these lakes along with Lake Michigan and White Lake to the north is gen-
erally conceded to be the County's primary natural resource. Indeed, Muskegon
is said to have the best natural harbor in western Michigan.
The 1970 census showed that Muskegon County increased in population
from 149,716 to 156,077 since 1960, an effective growth rate of just over 4%.
The central cities of Muskegon and Muskegon Heights, however, declined by
rates of 4.5% and 12.8%, respectively. These statistics become all the more
significant in light of the fact that the greater Muskegon community has a
substantial minority, chiefly black, population. "The Heights" is approxi-
mately 53% black today, reflecting continuing patterns of out-migration by
relatively affluent whites who, as late as 1960, accounted for over 61% of
the population. Muskegon itself contains nearly 7000 citizens in minority
classifications out of a total population of just under 50,000. On a county-
wide basis, including migrant workers employed in fruit harvesting, about 12%
of the population could be classified as minority. Known primarily for the
"blue collar" character of its urban areas, Muskegon County has never sup-
ported substantial agricultural activity. In 1970, rural farm population
accounted for only 2% of the total and in 1959, farm land accounted for less
than 10% of total County area.
MC-5
-------
Dominating the socio-economic history of Muskegon County has been its
history of resource exploitation. The County's development started with the
fur industry, but major development came only with the advent of the lumber
industry which first attracted large numbers of settlers to the region. Lum-
bering dominated the economy of the region for the last part of the nine-
teenth century and died when clearcut logging practices had wiped out the remain-
der of what had been an abundant timber resource. The resulting economic
depression continued until about the turn of the century when foundries which
had supplied heavy machinery to the lumber mills began to take advantage of
railroad and then automobile markets. In an effort to bolster the sagging
fortunes of the area, industrial promotion programs were organized to attract
new industry. The Muskegon Improvement Association succeeded in luring more
than forty concerns to Muskegon by offering a $100 cash advance for each job
created within seven years. Most industries attracted by this scheme can be
classified as heavy — foundries employing few skilled workers and providing
only low-to-moderate incomes for minimally trained employees.
The foundries, like the sawmills before them, saw Lake Muskegon shore-
lines as prime locations. Though locating on the Lake satisfied industry
needs for water transport and waste material disposal, it restricted the de-
velopment of competing land uses and utterly degraded the local water and air
environments. Resource exploitation for short-term economic gain was so com-
plete that barrier dunes were literally consumed for use in the metal casting
process. Muskegon Lake served as a dump until the late 1960s. As a result,
Muskegon County suffers from urban sprawl and other ill effects of its indus-
trial transformation.
After the railroad, the automobile, and mobilization for World War I
had helped new industries prosper, the region experienced a period of growth
which lasted until the 1950s. The extraction of oil and gas discovered in the
late '20s contributed to the general prosperity, though, once again, rapacious
extraction techniques actually reduced production and caused subsequent brine
pollution of groundwater aquifers. World War II brought an economic upturn,
with the foundries working at full capacity. Unskilled black workers recruit-
ed in the Deep South swelled the labor force. In the post-war years, Muskegon's
history of human and environmental exploitation began to exact its toll. Most
industrial facilities did not modernize or expand, and by the late '50s felt
ric-6
-------
serious declines in profitability which have since either overtaken them or
persist as a lingering threat to survival. Promotional efforts to attract
the chemical industry to the Muskegon area met with some success in the post-
war period. Unfortunately, such concerns make large capital investments but
do not provide jobs for the many local unskilled laborers. Like other high-
technology industries, chemical plant demands for skilled workers tend to be
filled from outside the Muskegon area. Agricultural production could not
serve as a labor sink, since sandy, infertile soil has never supported more
than minimal farming activity in the County.
Continuing economic growth has had serious impacts on the region. The
combined effects of industrial sprawl, pollution, and landfills detracted
from both the aesthetic and water quality of the lakes. Large areas of shore-
line have been destroyed, air pollution is offensive, and fringe areas have
experienced urban sprawl. The effects of these problems, along with the lack
of a diversified economy, began to be felt in the 1950s. Aging industrial
plants could not compete with more modern facilities elsewhere, and environ-
mental problems inhibited expansion. New firms were discouraged from locating
in the County because of pollution problems and an unskilled labor force. As
a combined effect, the unemployment rate grew to twice the national average
by 1968. The young and more educated residents left the area, deterioration
of both commercial and residential property was widespread and even the hope
of diversifying the economy to include agriculture and tourism seemed far
fetched.
1.2 Potentials for Resource Management
A study done in 1968 for the Muskegon County Metropolitan Planning
Commission placed these problems in a context of overall water resource man-
agement. It was found that the problems facing the County could be grouped
into three major areas. The first concerned the economic base, its charac-
teristic high unemployment rates and lack of diversity. The second area em-
braced the ubiquitous environmental problems of water, air, and solid waste
pollution. The third area dealt with the institutional organization of the
County, governmental consolidation, the relationship between planning and
public works, and the continuing debate over extension of municipal services
by local jurisdictions. The Commission's analysis identified the County's
degraded environment as central to the area's general decline. By extension,
a restoration of environmental quality emerged as the key to regional
renaissance.
MC-7
-------
Critical on the overall environmental picture were the County's much
abused water resources. For more than a decade, water supply problems were
the subject of intense debate on the question of political annexation to
extend municipal services. In the Muskegon area, contamination of ground
water by septic systems and irresponsible oil drilling operations had led to
a growing dependence on surface streams and Lake Michigan for water supply.
The cities of Muskegon and Muskegon Heights, however, controlled the water
supply facilities at these locations and used the extension of water distri-
bution lines to outlying areas as a tool for jurisdictional growth. When
communities resisted annexation, substantial fees were assessed to offset
unrealized gains in tax revenues. This situation tended to retard regional
development and the efficient use of water and monetary resources. As com-
munity leaders came to recognize the inequities of the system, several at-
tempts were made to solve the problem. The first attempt called for consoli-
dation of all cities, townships, and villages into a single city that would
be capable of dealing with areawide problems. This attempt failed because the
smaller centers feared domination by the two large cities. A more modest
attempt — this time to consolidate Muskegon and Muskegon Heights — also
failed.
The next approach taken to deal with the water supply problem was to
attempt to create water and sewer authority with control over all participa-
ting local units. This approach was torpedoed by the cities of Muskegon and
Muskegon Heights which owned the existing water supply systems. The outlying
areas then formed such an authority to serve their own needs and were pre-
pared to build a third water supply system. This project was never carried
out because of the lack of federal funding.
The approach which finally proved successful originated with the
creation of the Muskegon County Metropolitan Planning Commission. This agen-
cy was to develop an aggressive areawide planning program which would solve the
County's environmental problems and revitalize and diversify the economy. The
mechanism identified to address both concerns simultaneously was wastewater
management. Spurred by the Michigan Pollution Conference which set 1972 as
the deadline by which all municipal and industrial wastes were to be given the
equivalent of secondary treatment and 80% phosphate removal, the County began
to explore the relationships between a resource recovery mode of waste hand-
ling and the creation of a healthy economic environment. In short, planners
MC-8
-------
and engineers began to view wastes as "resources out of place". The land
application technique of wastewater treatment honored this basic ecologic
principle and became the focus of an intensive campaign to win the support
of 13 jurisdictions and five industries previously embroiled in bitter and
unproductive intergovernmental rivalries.
1.3 The Muskegon County Wastewater Management System
In May, 1969, the County Planning Commission working together with
Bauer Engineering published a plan for managing wastewater. Its basic ob-
jective was to eliminate the discharge of municipal and industrial wastes
into the County's water resources, a concept which later was embodied in
PL 92-500 as zero discharge. After a complicated negotiation period, the
plan was approved and funded by state and federal agencies. All but $16
million of the total project cost of $44 million was funded through grant
aid shared at 55% federal and 25% state. A research and demonstration grant
for $1.93 million (75% federal, 25% County) was also received. The local
share of construction costs was financed with a twenty year bond issue, the
bonds to be retired from the income produced by the farm operation. Agree-
ment by the local municipalities to tie into the system and pay user fees
based on volume of discharged effluent defray operations and maintenance
expenses. Overall, the most remarkable feature of the system plan may be
the speed with which it moved from conception to implementation; August 1968
to July 1971, a period of just under three years.
The Wastewater Management System antedates PL 92-500 in its genesis,
planning, and the initiation of construction. Indeed, the architects of the
federal legislation used the Muskegon example as a framework around which to
build national water quality policy, including the objective of self-supporting
systems, resource recovery, innovative technology, and regional system
management. Land disposal (the application of sewage, wastewater, or sludge
to land, but not necessarily onto crops) has been standard practice the world
over for centuries. For the last 20 years this practice has been getting
limited exposure in the United States with the result that there are now over
600 land disposal and land treatment facilities in this country. These facil-
ities generally serve communities with populations of from a few thousand to
See the Congressional Record, Volume 118, No. 158 for references to
the Muskegon system by Senator Muskie.
MC-9
-------
several hundred thousand. Of these 600, only a few incorporate land treat-
ment, as opposed to land disposal in their operations. This process calls
for careful management of the application of wastewater and scrupulous moni-
toring of the results.
The Muskegon-Mona Lake subsystem, which accounts for 42 of 43.4 mgd
capacity on the whole system, covers an area of 10,800 acres seventeen miles
east of Lake Michigan. It was designed to serve 1992 estimates of flow for
the County's projected population of 170,000, though its actual capacity is
now thought to approximate 60 rather than 42 mgd. The system is made up of
seven basic components: (1) a collection and transport network, (2) bio-
logical treatment cells (aeration lagoons), (3) storage lagoons, (4) irriga-
tion land and facilities, (5) the soil medium, (6) a drainage network, and
(7) an extensive monitoring system.
The treatment process begins with the collection of domestic and indus-
trial wastewaters at six pumping stations which carry the untreated ef-
fluent to one central pumping station with a capacity of 88 mgd. The combined
wastewater is then pumped through an 11 mile, 66 inch force main to the lagoon
and irrigation site. Once it reaches the site, the wastes travel through
three 8-acre aerated lagoons with a treatment period of three days. Each
treatment cell is equipped with 12 floating aerators and 76 platform-mounted
mixing units to do the aerating and mixing. The result is a reduction of BOD
by 70-90% — comparable to standard elementary treatment.
After aeration, the treated water goes into the two storage lagoons
where solids settle out and water is stored for irrigation. Each of these
lagoons covers an area of about 850 acres. They have a minimum sludge storage
depth of two feet, an initial working depth of nine feet, and a combined
storage capacity of about 5,100 million gallons for flows not irrigated during
the winter months or period of heavy rainfall. Fifteen foot high dikes and a
400-foot border strip lined by eight inches of impacted clay restrict percola-
tion and provide for horizontal filtration to the surrounding drainage ditches.
The quality of the water collected in the ditches is monitored daily. If it
For a complete discussion of MCWMS and its current performance data
see Design Seminar for Land Treatment of Municipal Wastewater Effluent, Y.A.
Demirjian, May, 1975. This brief account draws chiefly on information pre-
sented in a brochure entitled Muskegon County, Muskegon, Wastewater Manage-
ment System No. 1, which is available through the County Department of
Public Works.
MC-1G
-------
meets State Health Department standards, it is discharged into the receiving
streams. If not, it is returned to the storage lagoons for additional de-
tention. When bypassing of the storage lagoons is desirable, an 8-acre set-
tling lagoon is available to handle effluent from the aerating lagoons.
After the solids have settled out, the water is discharged from
storage lagoons to the outlet, or polishing lagoon, followed by disinfection
in the chlorine mixing chamber. It then goes to one of two irrigation pumping
stations from which it is carried by pipeline to the rotating spray irriga-
tion rigs. These rigs, with radii ranging from 750 to 1350 feet, have a
maximum application rate of 4 inches a week. The period of rotation can be
varied from one to seven days depending on weather conditions and crop
requirements. The downward-directed spray nozzle is designed to minimize
aerosol effects.
After irrigation water percolates through the soil and nutrients are
taken up by the plant cover, organic matter is decomposed by bacteria, and
heavy metals are either absorbed by soil particles or taken up as trace metals
by the plants. The renovated water is then collected in an under-drainage
network of perforated plastic drain tiles which prevent water-logging and
salt build-ups. From there the water enters larger drainage pipelines and
is discharged either into Mosquito or Black Creeks which return flows to
Muskegon and Mona Lakes. This finished water is expected to meet and exceed
all standards set by the U.S. Public Health Service for drinking water quali-
ty. Information on the quality and levels of groundwater is provided by 302
observation wells constructed singly and in groups of varying depth around
the periphery of the site.
The tertiary treatment provided by the Muskegon Wastewater Manage-
ment System is expected to meet or exceed all present or future water
quality standards set by the federal or state governments. The system is
expected to have the following results.
The performance data in the following table are from a revised (August,
1973) capability analysis based on two published assessments of land treat-
ment systems: "Assessment of the Effectiveness and Effects of Land Disposal
Methodologies of Wastewater Management" by Russell F. Christman, et al.,
University of Washington, January 1972, and "Wastewater Management by Dispo-
sal on the Land" by the Cold Regions Research and Engineering Laboratory,
Corps of Engineers, U.S. Army, February 1972.
MC-11
-------
POLLUTANT INFLUENT EFFLUENT REMOVAL
BOD (m/1) 250 Less than 3 Greater than 98%
Suspended Solids (mg/1 250 0 Greater than 99%
Phosphorus (mg/1) 5 Less than 0.1 Greater than 98%
Nitrogen (Total; mg/1) 20 Less than 3 Greater than 85%
Coliform Bacteria (#/100 ml) 2-20 x 10 0 Virtually 100%
Pathogenic Viruses (Not measured 0 Virtually 100%
but present
in sewage)
This system appears to have several advantages over traditional treat-
ment systems. First, unusually large flows of water caused by stormwater run-
off or combined sewer overflow can be stored and treated in the treatment
lagoons. Second, toxic shock loads brought about by industrial spills can be
assimilated by the large volume of water stored. Even if this results in the
destruction of the bacterial colony, incoming waters can be stored until
another is established. In contrast, when waste-consuming bacteria are killed
off in an activated sludge plant, partially treated wastes are discharged for
7-10 days until a new colony can be established. Finally, this type of
lagoon treatment seems to offer superior virus removal. Research has shown
that after treatment in an activated sludge plant all of the samples analyzed
for 13 viruses were positive. Only 30% of the samples were positive for
water stored for 30 days in a lagoon.
By using wastewater both as a source of irrigation and as a source
of nutrients to grow animal feed crops, the system actually produces an
economic good rather than merely a service. The farm land irrigated by the
system consists of 6,000 acres of sandy, formerly unproductive land. The
rates of application for nitrogen and phosphorus are expected to be approxi-
mately 150 pounds per acre per year and 50 pounds per acre per year, re-
spectively, by the year 1992. In the early years of operation, however,
additional nitrogen may be needed. The amount of phosphorus being applied
is in excess of crop needs but the soil will absorb this excess. These and
other elements will be removed when the crops are harvested so that the pro-
cess can continue.
A portion of the research and demonstration monies made available to
the system are being used to determine which crops can be grown most profit-
ably. Revenues from the sale of these crops should lower operating costs for
the total system and lower costs to the taxpayer. The 1974 gross for the farm
operation was about $400,000. This amount is expected to increase this year
with the system in full operation for the first time.
MC-12
-------
2.0 SHORT-TERM SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC OUTPUTS
For the period between the summer of 1971 and the spring of 1975, it
is possible to identify a number of different kinds of effects related either
to 1) construction, or 2) operation of the Muskegon Wastewater System. It
should be noted that, of themselves, these effects are not necessarily social
impacts, (i.e., changes in patterns of human activity and interaction.) They
are noted here as only the most visible system effects to date and as points
of reference from which to trace findings of impact years hence.
2-1 Construction Phase Outputs
• Surficial Disruption
Although the clearing of a 10,000-acre tract to accommodate the
Muskegon-Mona Lake Subsystem completely altered the nature of the vegetative
cover and enhanced its availability as wildlife habitat, its social conse-
quences as a limitation on traffic flow are negligible. Indeed, even the ef-
fects of laying a 66 inch interceptor along White Road from Muskegon to the
treatment site appear to have been largely forgotten. Where people had any
recollection of suffering an inconvenience, it was in downtown areas near
pumping stations. By comparison, the disruption of access patterns caused by
Muskegon's urban renewal project excited greater concern among a random
sample of passers-by.
• Displacement and Relocation
According to information made available by the County Department of
Public Works, 195 families were relocated from the 10,000-acre treatment site.
Of that number a few had shared dwelling units and were relocated separately.
About 170 school-age children were displaced in the process, though most were
resettled in the same area and continued to attend the same schools. Though
no relocatees were contacted directly, individuals close to the resettlement
program felt that 90% of the people affected were more than satisfied with the
purchase price for their land and frequently obtained better quality housing
than before. Negative comments seem to come chiefly from residents of prop-
erty "across the street" from the treatment site perimeter who feel aggrieved
that their land was not also taken.
MC-13
-------
• Employment
As forecast, the construction of the wastewater system did provide a
large number of relatively short-term but well-paying jobs. According to a
Muskegon spokesman for minority interests, however, insufficient attention to
affirmative action' programs by contractors denied employment to the local
laborers, who are predominantly black. Unions involved were mostly white, and
frequently contractors brought their own workers with them from another area.
From the standpoint of opportunities for Muskegon-area workers, the construc-
tion period appears to be a series of opportunities foregone.
2.2 Operation Phase Outputs
Remembering that the Muskegon system will not be operating as designed
until the summer of 1975, the following outputs should be regarded only as
preliminary and subject to change.
• Site Problems
The most troublesome adverse condition affecting areas near the waste-
water treatment site is probably odor. An interview conducted with the resi-
dent of a nearby trailer park revealed that "the smell is overwhelming three
or four times a week in the summer, Qaut] not so often in the winter."
Sewage and paper mill smells were the offenders. (Since about 16 mgd of a
total present flow of 28 mgd are wastes from the S.D. Warren Company, some
maintain that the engineers should have anticipated a transfer of odor prob-
lems from the Muskegon area out to the treatment site.) Inquiry into the
severity of the problem produced both a quantitative and a qualitative reply.
The trailer park was filled to capacity (180 pads) before the system went
into operation, and now fewer than 80 tenants remain. In personal terms, the
growing vacancy rate has meant a loss of friends and a disinclination on the
part of people who live outside the area to visit. "People just don't come
to see me any more," commented one park resident, "and I have to leave myself
sometimes 'cause I can't stand it. There are also some problems with morning
fog which smells bad and a foamy substance which sticks to the trees, but
even the air conditioner's no help with the smell when the wind is right."
On the other hand, the resident cited what seemed to be a good-faith
effort on the part of the engineers to deal with the problem. Local people
representing a variety of affected interests are participating in once-a-
MC-14
-------
month sessions run by Bauer (Muskegon) to determine olfactory sensitivities
to various substances. The ultimate purpose of the program is to determine
how much chlorination before treatment is enough to eliminate odor problems
without upsetting the value of the wastewater as an irrigant. (The paper
mill smell at the treatment site is a result of stack emission that has been
attributed to the scrubbers installed at S.D. Warren after the wastewater
system had been designed.) In essence, the solution to an air pollution
problem exacerbated a water pollution problem, a classic intermedia transfer
of mercaptans1 which was unforeseen.
• Employment
Despite its titanic dimensions, the Muskegon system is highly automa-
ted and requires only about a dozen people to run it. Of this total, roughly
half are employed in the farm operation. All are County employees.
• Water Quality Improvements
whatever complaints or reservations about the wastewater system
interviewees offered, all made reference to the dramatic improvement they
perceived in Muskegon Lake. Of the four water resources affected by the
system (Lakes Muskegon and Mona, the Muskegon River, and groundwater aqui-
fers) , Lake Muskegon was most seriously degraded and most subject to recrea-
tional pressures. "Why, before S.D. Warren connected into the system the
clouds of clay and fiber from their papermaking processes had reduced visi-
bility to about half a foot. Now in the vicinity of the Yacht Club the visi-
bility in the shallows is up to eight feet — almost the twelve feet or so
that I remember when I used to dive in the Lake," commented one Muskegon city
official. Content analysis of the local newspaper indicates that this sense
of amazement at the improvements in quality already achieved by the elimina-
tion of discharges to the lake is general to the community. Despite concerns
expressed by some State and academic observers on the concentration of resi-
dual pollutants in the Lake, local people seem to base their feelings about
1
Sulfur containing compounds having disagreeable odors.
MC-15
-------
system effectiveness on what they see. As one Norton Shores official put it,
"Certainly there are still algae problems in Mona Lake and the bottom load is
still there. What is important is that things haven't gotten worse and
people can begin to detect a change for the better."
• Property Values
Not social impacts per se, changes in property values can be used as
indicators for the perceived worth of areas near water bodies and treatment
areas. In Muskegon, neither assessors nor observers of the real estate market
had seen any increase in the value of residential properties bordering
Muskegon or Mona Lakes. However, they pointed out that the system may well
have prevented an inevitable drop in value, had discharges by industries and
treatment plants continued. A community leader active in the promotion of
industrial expansion for Muskegon indicated that commercial-industrial prop-
erties in the vicinity of Lakeway Chemical which had previously "gone for
three, four, or five hundred dollars an acre were now up to seven-fifty —
and that's a fair price." He added that that increase cannot be wholly attri-
buted to the wastewater system, but that the availability of a no-fail waste
handling capability in tandem with other utilities (and good access) was
certainly a contributing factor. (See Section 3.1, Industrial Activity, for
elaboration.)
• System Costs
In general, public feeling about the costs of the Muskegon system are
negative. This seems to be a reflection more of attitudes expressed through
the Muskegon Chronicle about the upward spiral of costs than it is the result
of independent judgments based on current data. The average citizen knows
nothing about the effectiveness of the system for the dollar spent, and,
indeed, even public officials seem to lack a frame of reference to compare
conventional tertiary land system costs. One local administrator who con-
fessed his animosity toward the County complained that the rate per mgd had
risen from $85 in June of 1973 (start-up) to $125 in the spring of 1974 and
then to $170 by December of 1974. He had no information on unit costs for
similar levels of treatment elsewhere. Another local official in a different
community commented that whatever the costs, if his community hadn't joined
the County system, upgrading old plants would have been a never-ending
process.
MC-16
-------
Despite last year's poor fanning season (which was also beset by
persistent equipment problems), the wastewater farming operation grossed
$400,000 on its corn crop. Those aware of that figure were optimistic about
increased profitability in coming seasons and hoped to reduce operation and
maintenance costs and hence user fees.
• Institutional Relationships
Related to the overall cost question is the whole process by which
user charges were determined. Though mentioned by only one respondent, the
issue seems to have inspired some original thinking on the equity issues in-
volved in allocating cost burdens among private and public institutions re-
ceiving system-related benefits. Though the negotiation process in which
industrial and municipal actors participated was frequently frustrating, it
seems to have become the foundation for healthy communication among previous-
ly isolated and even hostile interests. The emergence of a "user group"
which is largely synonymous with UNICOG, an intergovernmental association
with advisory powers, indicates that participation in the Muskegon waste-
water system has fostered growing sophistication in metropolitan problem-
solving. (For further development, see Section 3.4)
• Community Planning
Among the most interesting but least developed effects of the planning
and construction period for the Muskegon system are the spinoff planning ef-
forts initiated for water and land resources. As a result of the intellectual
ferment and political enthusiasm generated by the wastewater plan, land use
studies for shorefront areas, industrial compatibility surveys, vocational
training programs and numerous other goal-definition documents were produced
between early 1969 and 1974. More important than the documents themselves,
however, is the aggregation of young professional talent that seems to have
gravitated to the Muskegon area to participate in a period of creative plan-
ning. Their work together with the technical research related to the land
application system itself appears to have dramatically increased the body of
information available to local decision makers and to interested observers
nationwide.
Unfortunately, the lack of political follow-through with respect to
the plans developed around the wastewater system has eroded both the interest
and energy of the talent lured to Muskegon. Indeed, key changes in adminis-
trative personnel and leadership roles may already have ended what could be
MC-17
-------
called the Camelot Era for Muskegon. Still, given the high intensity of pro-
fessional activity and personal emotion reached during the system's planning,
it should surprise no one that the level of effort could not be sustained
indefinitely. (See Section 3.4 for comments on the long-term viability
of the planning goals developed for land use, industrial development, trans-
portation, and manpower futures in Muskegon.)
MC-lf
-------
3.0 LONG-TERM SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC IMPACTS
Beyond the short-term outputs related to specific technical and insti-
tutional features of system design, the Muskegon wastewater project has also
begun to produce changes important to the long-range future of its metropoli-
tan service area.
The "boom and bust" fluctuation of Muskegon's fortunes (see Section
1.0) has left its people preoccupied with a concern for jobs. Hence,
the wastewater system's contribution along the economic development dimension
is its most critical measure of success of failure. Bearing in mind
that concrete evidence of positive influences on so complex an impact area is
unlikely to appear before at least five years of operational history have
elapsed, indicators in four major areas bear watching: (1) industrial activi-
ty, (2) recreation/tourism, (3) agricultural activity, and (4) social mobili-
zation as it affects overall community potential. Interview data collected
in the field during the week of April 14, 1975 have been organized by those
categories and follow in succeeding sections.
3.1 Industrial Activity
The larger purpose of the Muskegon system is to use its prodigious
waste treatment capability as a mechanism for strengthening the heavy indus-
trial base on which the economy of the County is founded. This function has
two elements; first, solidifying firms already established as employers and
waste-generators and, second, luring new concerns with desirable labor-demand
and waste characteristics to the Muskegon area.
In terms of existing industry, there seems to be little question that
the Muskegon system has already made some substantial contributions. Conver-
sations with the chief engineer at S.D. Warren Co., a kraft (heavy, brown
wrapping) paper manufacturer employing about 1000 workers, indicate that the
County approach has saved Warren not only the costs but the aggravation asso-
ciated with developing its own in-plant treatment process. At the time that
the land application concept was first discussed, the company had already un-
dertaken studies to determine the relative benefits and costs associated with
independent treatment and joint treatment with the City of Muskegon. Even
then, having identified only secondary treatment with additional phosphorus
11C-19
-------
removal as an effluent goal, the costs of equipment and expert operators for
an in-plant system were extremely high. In addition to that non-productive
investment, Warren faced the almost certain prospect of more stringent efflu-
ent limitations imposed by federal authority. It was the opinion of the re-
spondent that the company could have met what is now known in PL 92-500 terms
as "the 1977 goal" independently, but that the 1983 "best available" and
1985 "zero discharge" targets would have been prohibitively expensive. He
doubted that a local unit of government could have handled sophisticated ad-
vanced treatment and said that the company was unwilling to jeopardize its
own interests by delegating responsibility to a single municipality.
In retrospect, S.D. Warren has profited both directly and indirectly
from the technical and administrative features of the wastewater system:
e Level of treatment
While minimizing company investment in wastewater
treatment works and personnel, the 16 mgd discharged
by S.D. Warren receives what approaches "the ultimate"
degree of renovation possible. Further, the huge
capacity of the system provides a highly desirable
buffer for the effects of toxic spills.
• Cost of treatment
Even with the increases in rates for treatment,
$170/mgd is "something of a bargain." Though it may
be overstating the case to say that the company
would have closed its doors had the County system
not been implemented, the fact that costs for equi-
valent, independent treatment would have been pro-
hibitive is generally conceded.
o System management
By participating in a multiple-jurisdiction system
with a single management entity, the company has
relinquished responsibility for operation to an agent
in which it can comfortably rely. Despite the prob-
lems experienced while management of the system was in
the hands of a private contractor, respondents expressed
confidence in the ability of the County and its desire
to act in the best interests of its user "clients".
As one interviewee remarked, "This is the kind of
headache you like to give away."
MC-20
-------
• Corporate attitude
As a subsidiary of Scott Paper Co. (Wisconsin),
Warren has been able to capitalize on its partici-
pation in the County system in two ways. First, it
has consolidated as a profit center for its parent
corporation. Scott now sees that its Muskegon
facility is protected from future environmental
"threats" to production and appears more likely to
make long-term capital investments in S.D. Warren.
Further, the fact that the company is now "environ-
mentally sound" is being used as a selling point
with investors and customers interested in the con-
tinuity of supply.
Other local industries which appear to have benefited from the County
system include Whitehall Leather and existing chemical concerns like Chemical
Company, Ott Division, and Lakeway Chemical. The tannery operation, for
example, was characterized by staff at INDEX (Industrial Expansion Commission)
as "marginal" because both its supply of hides and its ultimate markets were
so remote. Burdened with expensive water pollution control requirements now
met by the County system, the company "would probably have gone under." In
a stronger group of industries whose future appears bright, chemical firms
also appear to be direct and indirect beneficiaries of the Muskegon project.
Story, for one, has announced a $2,000,000 expansion plan for its facilities
which shows growing confidence in the Muskegon area and its ability to provide
superior long-range water resource management facilities. Lakeway Chemical
is seen as the keystone in a plan being developed by the Western Michigan
Shoreline Development Commission to construct an industrial complex for inter-
dependent chemical producers. Sun Chemical, which last October announced its
intention to locate near Lakeway in Egelston Township, has cited the waste-
water system as a factor in its decision. Indeed, according to County Cor-
porate Counsel, Sun is servicing the costs of a pipeline oversized to meet
its future flow requirements.
Examining the role of the wastewater system in attracting new industry
to the Muskegon area, most respondents expressed guarded optimism. Sun Chem-
ical and Consumers Power's purchase of an option on land in the wastewater
treatment site for a nuclear generating facility is encouraging. Still, given
economic conditions generally and the problems of the nuclear industry in par-
ticular, it would be premature to say that the diversification of Muskegon
industry is at hand. The possibility of capturing a food processor or a
HC-21
-------
brewery whose nutrient-rich wastes would ideally complement the nutrient-
deficient flow from S.D. Warren remains good, but unpredictable.
Overall, the Muskegon system as an industrial attraction depends to
a large degree on a combination of factors, the availability of electric and
gas utilities chief among them. It would be naive to let optimism about the
potential of the County's wastewater system obscure the complexity of cor-
porate decision-making. However, it is only fair to acknowledge the impor-
tant role that the system plays indirectly in the thought processes of in-
dustries searching for long-range solutions to their waste-handling and
community relations problems. In the case of North Star Steel, which has
just recently announced its plan to build a $50,000,000 facility on the
Muskegon lakefront, the treatment capabilities of the system per se do not
appear to have been a major consideration. Instead, key executives were im-
pressed by the community's commitment to a high quality of life and the pro-
tection of lakefront firms like S.D. Warren, both of which are implied by
the system. Together with what should, over time, prove to be a superlative
wastewater management facility, this intangible return on the area's invest-
ment in the system bodes well for the future. As an INDEX spokesman said,
"If the purpose of public investment is to trigger private investment, all we
have to do is wait."
From the social impact standpoint, the effects of stabilized and pro-
spective industrial activity are measured in jobs. Unfortunately, it is dif-
ficult to determine what the popular view of the wastewater system's role in
preserving existing employment may be. Local labor leaders who participated
in the planning phase appear to appreciate the positive influence on S.D.
Warren but an extension of their attitude to the average blue-collar worker
is probably unjustified. All of the labor people interviewed felt that the
true potential of the system would be demonstrated over a period of years,
and perhaps decades. As one UAW man put it, "You can't make a $50,000 invest-
ment and expect miracles overnight."
One particularly important aspect of the employment potential in
system-attracted industry is the opportunity afforded black workers. Though
he felt that the black community is generally unaware of the effect that the
County system should have on the Muskegon economy, the director of a local
affirmative action agency was confident that minority workers stood to gain
a great deal. "It all depends on what the political leadership choses to
MC-22
-------
make of it. If there's good follow-through, fine. And it's vital that
people be educated to the possibilities here. You've got to remember that
this is a town where the introduction of masks for foundry workers was thought
of as a major innovation."
3.2 Recreation/Tourism
The designers of the Muskegon system based their vision of a revital-
ized local tax base on the characteristics of the Michigan economy. State-
wide, the largest revenue producers are, in order, (1) heavy manufacturing,
principally automotive, (2) tourism, and (3) agriculture. Using the restor-
ation of Muskegon and Mona Lakes as a foundation, efforts to revive intensive
water-based recreation for the population appear to be successful. The ex-
tension of local enthusiasm for the recreational and scenic values of the
lakes to out-of-state and out-of-region tourists remains a matter for con-
jecture.
One avid sportsman assessed the local enthusiasm for water recreation
this way:
Water? Hell, yes. We've got more water than brains
around here. When the chinook are running you could
walk across the lake on the boats. If you want an
idea of how many Muskegon people use the water, just
look at the FOR SALE column in the local paper when
Detroit goes on strike, and people get hard up.
Boats, outboards, trailers, tackle, you name it.
Judging by the crowded yard at the local yacht club and the number of trailer
hitches on passing automobiles, it seems fair to conclude that a substantial
portion of the Muskegon area population values boating and fishing. The
visible improvement in the quality of Lake Muskegon attributable to the waste-
water system has excited real enthusiasm for the restoration of what was once
an outstanding fishery. According to the City's Parks and Recreation Director,
the fish taken in the Lake no longer taste oily and word-of-mouth news about
the aesthetic improvement of the water is luring people back. He noted that
while the sale of tackle and other fishing supplies is up all over Western
Michigan, local businesses catering to the marine trade have been expanding.
The boat sales and service area has grown especially fast, providing ten to
twenty new jobs in the last couple of years. Whether because of state stock-
ing programs, the elimination of discharges to the Lake, or both, "more
people are fishing and the demand for additional marina space is fantastic."
MC-23
-------
The Department of Natural Resources has estimated that Muskegon will require
an additional 500 slips by 1980 just to keep pace with current rates of
growth.
Socially, this renewed interest in the Muskegon Lake means greater
enjoyment for local residents already familiar with water sports, and new
opportunities for people to whom the water has never been an available recre-
ational resource. An especially encouraging example of this latter benefit
produced by the Muskegon system is a City-sponsored sailing and canoeing
program for inner-city children. Expected to serve more than 750 young people
over the course of the upcoming summer, the program will introduce a sector
of the community unfamiliar with the Lake's potential to a range of water-
oriented activities. ("Black people fish from the banks. More affluent
whites fish from boats.") According to the head of the Parks Department,
the program would not have been possible without a demonstrable improvement
in the appearance of the Lake and a change in previously negative attitudes
toward it.
The future of Muskegon as a tourist attraction for out-of-area visit-
ors raises some interesting questions. How many of those now using the water
resources of the County (Lakes Michigan, Muskegon, and Mona) for recreational
purposes are not local residents? No hard data are available. Local authori-
ties cite promotional programs, e.g., "I got mine [fish] in Muskegon County"
billboards, and their positive effect on the tourist trade. Bauer notes a
60% increase in non-resident fishing licenses between 1967 and 1973 and a
49% jump in the number of short-term, three-day, non-resident licenses be-
tween 1972 and 1973, though it is not clear that those figures are specific
to Muskegon County. Still, any claim for the salutary effects of the waste-
2
water management system on present tourism appear to be premature.
Indeed, there is some doubt whether the vision of Muskegon as a tour-
ist draw is consistent with local aspirations at all. Though the sample was
See Bauer Engineering's 1972-1974 Progress Report on Socio-Economic
Studies, Chapter IV, pages 9 and 10 for fish-stocking statistics and a comp-
utation of their value in angler/day expenditures.
2
The 10,000 acre treatment site has become a wildlife sanctuary with
important potential for both local and extra-local bird and game enthusiasts.
Until the site is prepared to handle large numbers of visitors and possibly
hunters safely, however, it will remain off limits and without social impact.
MC-24
-------
by no means exhaustive, local and County officials interviewed were not
generally enthusiastic about the development of a major tourist component in
the economy. Their attitude was either passive (we'll take what comes) or
too optimistic to be realistic (we'll put Traverse City to shame). Further,
the political response to the location of the new North Star steel plant on
prime lakefront property has been almost unanimously favorable. With only
one exception, Muskegon City Commission members have hailed the plan despite
the apparent contradiction of previously expressed public policy on the re-
orientation of the lakeshore to non-industrial uses. The County has remained
silent.
To be sure, the personalities involved are not those who held office
during the planning period which occasioned such intensive reconsideration of
Muskegon's future. Once again, as so often before in the history of the
community, long-term interests appear to have been sacrificed to short-term
employment and tax revenue benefits. But deeper exploration of the issue
reveals that a tourist-service economy may well not be viable for Muskegon's
people, however desirable it may appear to well-intentioned consultants. For
example, the property offered to North Star had originally been planned as a
site for town houses and marina facilities. Yet attempts to attract the
necessary capital in Chicago, Detroit, and New York all failed because finan-
ciers were unconvinced that the recreation-tourism mode of development for
the Muskegon shoreline was well-founded. Whatever the planners said, the
money market said no, and industrial uses for the site were once again enter-
tained by the owners.
The story may be oversimplified, but it is nonetheless reflective of
prevailing attitudes among Muskegon decision-makers, public and private. To
them, the idealized picture of water-based tourist activity and non-industrial
land uses along the lakefront appears to be wishful thinking which an area
with a 13% unemployment rate cannot afford. Further, responses from a random
selection of interviewees lead to the conclusion that the quality of a re-
creational experience may lie in the perception of the person involved. That
is, as long as people have trophy-sized fish to show for their efforts, they
may be blind to other factors including the aesthetics of shoreline areas.
See Muskegon Lake; A Study of Opportunities, Jakobsen, Mayer,
Sheaffer, and Witkowsky, for the Muskegon County Metropolitan Planning
Commission, June, 1974.
MC-25
-------
This pragmatic view is frequently not shared by professional planners who
are inclined to set recreational activities in pristine surroundings.
The convenient myopia of those who use Muskegon Lake for recreation
together with harsh economic realities may substantially delay the implement-
ation of access, facility, and land use plans geared to foster tourism. As
one labor spokesman put it,
When men are working and you've got 2% on the [unemployment]
rolls, you can play hard to get with a company like North
Star. But today, we've got nothing to bargain with.
People around here would still sell their souls for a job.
In social impact terms, then, the wastewater system and the spate of related
planning it inspired may have changed recreation-tourism goals only tempor-
arily and, indirectly, become the stimulus for a new round of planning geared
more to the concerns of the entire community.
3.3 Agricultural Activity
The farm operation at Muskegon is central to the whole wastewater
system in two ways. First, by making use of the constituents of the waste-
water stream (water, nutrients, minerals, etc.), it becomes the mechanism for
achieving maximum effluent renovation. Second, it was intended to make
money, a unique feature among treatment facilities. Both functions have ex-
cited such controversy in the technical community that they merit special
attention as impact-generators.
Initially, the land application concept was greeted by the professional
sanitary engineering fraternity with open derision or, at best, grudging
suffranee. Generally regarded as a step backward from modern practice, the
land strategy carried the day at Muskegon only with the strongest political
assists from key Washington figures. Those machinations notwithstanding, the
Muskegon project appears to have positively affected opinions about resource
recovery approaches to wastewater. EPA itself, once an opponent of land
treatment, is sending Muskegon's Treatment Operations Director into 10 Regions
to discuss the technique as part of its Technology Transfer Program. More
importantly, though, the land approach is consistently receiving greater
See Design Seminar for Land Treatment of Municipal Wastewater
Effluents, Demirjian, Y.A., for the Environmental Protection Agency, May, 1975.
Pages 42-43 report current performance data.
MC-26
-------
attention as a viable technical alternative to conventional systems.
Together with the Corps of Engineers' controversial pilot wastewater studies,
Muskegon has had a legitimizing effect on land application and fostered fresh
thinking among water managers who have seldom crossed the clean-dirty water
divide.
Locally, the effects of the farm operation are still barely detec-
table. As a closed area accessible only to official visitors and trespassers,
the 6000-acre farm is having its principal effect in educating its managers
to some basic facts about wastewater agriculture. First, there appears to be
a basic tension between treatment and corn-production objectives. Operators
responsible for the efficiency of the treatment process want to apply as
much irrigant as possible. On the other hand, County-employed farmers inter-
ested in maximizing crop production wish to limit water applications.
With careful management and supplemental nutrients to offset the de-
ficiencies in S.D. Warren's 57% contribution to total flow, 30 to 40 inches
of irrigant per season per acre seems to be a reasonable compromise. Still,
in areas where the irrigation system is not publicly owned, wastewater appli-
cations to cropland may not be attractive to farmers. In Fremont, Michigan,
for example, a pipeline carrying nutrient-rich effluent from a food processor
remains untapped. Their arguments are either that (1) holdings of 80 to 160
acres are too small to irrigate efficiently or (2) that the purchase of irri-
gation guns would create too large a debt service problem. (Clearly economies
of scale must exist to make the land treatment approach attractive to commer-
cial agriculture.)
While the farm operation has already produced insights of intense in-
terest to professional planners and engineers nationwide, the Muskegon area
seems only dimly aware of its existence. The Muskegon Chronicle reported
on April 7, 1975 that a survey conducted by Community College students
had found only about half of County residents were acquainted in any way
with the system: 48% "completely unfamiliar," 47% aware of problems
but unsure of its purpose, and 5% "very familiar." This is especially un-
fortunate because 78% of the sample expressed a desire to visit the site if
public tours became available.
Indeed, some manner of linking the urban service population to the
rural atmosphere and activities of the treatment site would be highly desir-
able to both treatment and farm managers. The latter added:
MC-27
-------
Right now people are only interested in any difficulties
we may be having and what kind of money the farm makes.
Last year, even though everything seemed to go wrong, we
grossed $400,000 on an average yield of .50 bushels/acre.
And we'll be doing real well if we get up to SlOO/acre
corn farming — even $50 would be good by most standards.
But that's not a lot when you compare us to a North Star
or an S.D. Warren. I think the most important value of
this operation to the long-term future of the area is
intangible — city kids learning about agriculture and
people developing an appreciation for the closed circle
that the environment really is.
For the moment, however, the most visible social consequence of
Muskegon's agricultural component may be the manpower training program built
around its labor requirements. The system has given educational institutions
in Muskegon County the opportunity to develop workers skilled in the new
technologies of crop and soil management associated with the land treatment.
To this end, the Muskegon Area Intermediate School District (MAISD) has
signed an 18-month contract with the U.S. Office of Education. MAISD is con-
ducting research to develop and implement secondary and post-secondary voca-
tional/technical agricultural training programs. The potential job market
is not anticipated to be in Muskegon itself, but rather in similar projects
as they go on-line elsewhere throughout the country.
Positive economic impacts related to the attraction of corn-dependent
agribusiness still seem remote. For instance, the feedlot operation suggested
as an aggregated market for corn that is now sold to dairy and poultry farmers
represents a huge capital investment. Not only is such an outlay unattractive
in the present economic climate but also it implies the introduction of a
major new waste-handling element — manure — to a system which is not yet
in full operation. Further, a cornstarch producer would require about 10
million bushels of corn to [justify a major plant. Muskegon's 6000 acres
could possibly approach l/20th that volume annually.
Greater economic potential may lie in a future switch to crops grown
for human consumption. The farm is now prohibited from such production
because of public health concern. However, it is reasonable to assume that
a good track record on virus removal and heavy metals uptake will lead to
less conservative attitudes among state regulatory agencies. Western
Michigan has a strong agricultural tradition which the County operation can
only enchance. Its prospects as a major dollar-generator competitive with
heavy industry, however, must be regarded for the present as unlikely.
MC-28
-------
3.4 Social Mobilization
In addition to its effects on and potentials for specific sectors of
the Muskegon economy, the wastewater system had also produced subtle changes
in attitudes towards government. First, insofar as its leadership is a
valid indicator, urban Muskegon appears to have a better opinion of itself.
Next, the role of the County and its interaction with local jurisdictions
has certainly changed, though whether positively or negatively remains a
matter of opinion. Finally, as a result of the experience with the
Muskegon project, relationship among peer municipalities are much healthier
than they were in the late 1960s. Without the treatment system, the politi-
cal and institutional evolution of the area would have been far different.
3.4.1 Self-image and Goal-Setting
We have already referred to Muskegon's Camelot Era, the period of
system planning and propagandizing during which technicians and politicians
devised desirable synergisms between wastewater management and other func-
tional areas such as transportation, industrial development, recreation,
solid waste, etc.
On the whole, the effects of that period are good ones. Key decision-
makers locally have profited from observing the manner in which the system
was developed and "sold", whether they approved of that process in retro-
spect. In fact, despite some rankling slights some feel they suffered at
the hands of the County, the system itself is an object of pride and the
symbol of hope for a better economic future. That is important to a commun-
ity as demoralized as Muskegon has been. Though one cannot know how deep or
broad-based the feeling may be, Muskegon appears to be developing a capacity
for optimism as a result of its positive experience with the wastewater
system. Muskegon now has expectations of itself and for itself.
The capitulation to North Star's take-it-or-leave-it demand for a
lakefront site may seem contradictory, but not necessarily. True,
it represents a reversal of the land use goals set at the time when environ-
mental concerns disciplined every expression of public policy. But the real
issue is whether that direction was really appropriate to the mindset of the
community as a whole. As we have seen in the recreation-tourism section
above, the vision of Muskegon as tourist attraction may not be realizable.
Similarly, the notion that the community can or should rebuff industrial
claims on lakefront property may be naive.
MC-29
-------
What is important is that the average citizen is beginning to see
that there are choices to be made. By drawing out and articulating ideas
about a particular alternative future, the wastewater system has dignified
the consideration of others and made the process of choice among them expli-
cit. Rather than drifting into tomorrow, Muskegon had the tools and the ex-
perience to set specific objectives and work toward them.
The rightness or wrongness of the goals per se is almost irrelevant
in terms of the community decision-making process. Through the wastewater
system example, the blue collar worker has seen that genuine leadership
makes things happen. If nothing happens, there must be no leadership, and
that, in turn, leads to changes in City Hall. Of the several potentials
created indirectly by the Muskegon project, this higher standard for politi-
cal performance must be among the most potent.
3.4.2 County Government
Developing the leadership theme a bit further, it is clear that the
wastewater system played a major role in revamping the powers and potentials
of County government. The impetus for solving Muskegon's economic and envir-
onmental problems came from the County Planning Office. Coincidentally, the
Supreme Court's one man-one vote ruling began to reduce the membership of
the County Board and shift the balance of power away from rural districts
toward urban constituencies. From 45 members, the Board dropped first to
15 directly elected representatives, then to 11, and, pending a referendum
vote, may reach five.
This streamlining seems at once to have encouraged and been encour-
aged by the County's involvement with the wastewater system. With fewer
members to involve, key figures on the Board could more easily marshall sup-
port for the implementation of the project. By the same token, the waste-
water scheme was an ideal vehicle for demonstrating that aggressive leader-
ship at the sub-state level could successfully deal with multi-jurisdictional
problems. The combined effect had been a trend toward expansion of tradi-
tional County functions. Law enforcement, a court system, deeds and taxa-
tion, welfare, etc. have been supplemented by new activity in County-wide
assessing, planning, public works, and solid waste management. As the first
products of the County's new mode of operation, the wastewater management
system and its financing arrangements represent a stunning achievement.
MC-30
-------
This is not to say, however, that the County's performance is univer-
sally applauded. Numerous local officials and civic leaders interviewed felt
that the County's reputation had suffered as a result of its involvement with
the treatment project. Their reasons generally fell into two categories;
(1) the Board in office during the planning stages played "fast and loose"
to guarantee implementation, and (2) the present Board has failed to follow
through on resource-related plans and policies initiated by their predecessors.
By all accounts, there is some justice in both comments. But what strikes
the outside observer and not the local resident is that even notoriety and
disappointed expectations are sure signs of visibility. Whatever the
reactions by press and public to County activity, it is noticed and scrutin-
ized as never before.
As an institution, then, the County is being held to a higher stan-
dard by virtue of its relationship to the wastewater system. Indeed, the
perceived inadequacies of the present administrative structure as the sub-
ject of lively debate and public sentiment seems to favor a strong, profes-
sional administrator at the County level. Further, as the visibility of the
County increases, so does the desirability of holding County office. Once
ranked below local School Boards and City Commissions in prestige, Board
membership should begin to attract a wider range of qualified, energetic can-
didates . A gas station owner summed it up neatly as follows: "They're not
just a bunch of guys in baggy pants any more. Somebody with guts could do a
helluva job."
3.4.3 Regionalism
Despite the fact that the new image of County government is not with-
out tarnish, the merits of cooperative problem solving have not, been lost on
local jurisdiction. Again whatever their personal opinions of County behav--
ior, most interviewees conceded the value of the wastewater project as an
organizer of disparate and previously hostile interests. Building on the
County example, area governments have voluntarily centralized police dis-
patch, crime prevention, and record-keeping activities. In fact, the
Since the political demise of Board members who were closely asso-
ciated with the Muskegon system has created a risk-averse atmosphere politi-
cally, it may be another two or three years before this potential develops
to the full.
MC-33
-------
unofficial forum for discussion among local units is UNICOG, a loose asso-
ciation of interests virtually identical to the user group served by the
Muskegon system. Though their only common interest may at first have been a
negative reaction to the costs and operational policies of the wastewater
system, the members are addressing problems and opportunities in a. wide range
of areas. Whether this group evolves into a bona fide Council of Governments
remains to be seen. In any event, its activities and outlook show the in-
fluences of Muskegon's wastewater coalition.
MC-32
-------
LCCENO-
SERVICE AREA
-»• TRANSPORT LINES
WASTEWATER MANAGE-
MENT AREAS
MAP 1
SITE LOCATION
SOURCE: Maps on this and following pages from Design Seminar for Land Treatment
of Municipal Wastewater Effluent, (prepared for U.S. EPA Technology
Transfer Program) Y.A. Demirjian, May, 1975.
MC-33
-------
COUNTY LINE
TO
UU3KEGO* RIVEN
r
Crated Treatment Cells
LEGE ND:
~ DRAINAGE DITCHES
- MAIN DRAIN PIPES
DRAINAGE PUMPING STATIONS
MUSKEGON - MONA LAKE SUBSYSTEM
MAP 2
DRAINAGE SYSTEM
MC-34
-------
V MOSQUITO CREEK
BIOLOGICAL
TREATMENT
CELLS
EAST
STORAGE
LAGOON
BLACK CREEK
. MAP 3
Muskegon County Wastewater Management System No. 1
MC-35
-------
4.0 Bibliography
Bauer Engineering, Inc. (Chicago). Muskegon County, Michigan, Wastewater
Management System No. 1. Summer, 1973.
Muskegon County Plan for Managing Wastewater. May, 1969.
Socio-Economic Studies, Progress Report, 1972 - 1974.
Update on Muskegon County, Michigan Land Treatment System. W.A.
Cowlishaw, October, 1974.
Center for Urban Studies, University of Chicago. Analysis of the Muskegon
County, Michigan Wastewater Management Project. G. Davis and A.
Dunham, November, 1971.
City of Muskegon Heights. Muskegon Heights Model Neighborhood Program
Planning Grant Application. April, 1968.
Civic Affairs Research. Anatomy of a Community; Characteristics of the
People of the Muskegon County Area. Muskegon, Michigan, 1968.
Demirjian, Y.A. Muskegon County Wastewater System No. 1. Presented at
Third World Congress of Engineers and Architects, Tel Aviv, Dec-
ember, 1973.
Design Seminar for Land Treatment of Municipal Wastewater Effluents.
May, 1975.
Mullan, J.D. The Muskegon Wastewater Management System: Potential for
Economic Expansion and Environmental Protection in a Michigan County.
December, 1972.
Muskegon Area Intermediate School District. Correspondence and study plans.
Muskegon Community College. Survey data.
Muskegon County Metropolitan Planning Commission. Economic Development
Policies and Programs for the Muskegon County Area. August, 1970.
West Michigan Shoreline Regional Development Commission. Muskegon County
Overall Economic Development Program. August, 1973.
Muskegon Lake: A Study of Opportunities. L. Jakobson, June, 1974.
American County, Vol. 35, No. 8. August, 1970.
Muskegon Chronicle, April 7, 1975.
Western Michigan News (Muskegon County Labor News). April, 1975.
MC-36
-------
OBSEKVED/PROUABLg SCX.nL IMPACTS SY LOCM, SOCIAL GHOoPS
N, MICHIGAN
SOCIAL IMPACTS
Surficial Disruption
DisolaceTent and Pelocacion
of Residents
Corsrrjctio- Crrploynent
Opera-ion and vainter.ar.ce
Site Odors
rfater Quality Improvements
Pcicei.'ed ^ortn of Areas
Adjacent to '••ater Bodies
Svster, Costs
Professional Planning
Activity Goal-Setting
Industrial Stabilization
Ind^stiial In-^'igration
_
Ua-^J Application Technology
Local ( .Jskego-0
Process
Co_r ^i Gox er"iiBe~ t Iciage
a".d Functions
Irtergc\er-jnental Cooperation
Residents Nuai
Treatment. Site
•••"
-
Wildlife
Conservationist s
++
»
++
+
++
4.
+
+
Kcflocatccs
-
+
+
Out-of-Area Woikers
++
+
+
+
Local Workcih
+
++
+
++
++
++
,
++
+
-
Operators (County-
tmploycd)
^
+
—
+
+
+
+
Industrial Developers
+
+
++
+
+
+
++
++
++
,
+
++
+
++
+
V
c
(-4
1
++
++
++
++
+
soc
Mcd i um/ll lyh Income
Boaters
++
+
+
+
++
++
+
IAL c;
Water-Related
Service Induct ry
++
++
+
++
-
++
4.4.
+
+
OJPS
Waterfront. liyluritrios
(Kuskcgan lake)
++
+
+
+
+
++
+
++
++
WatcrfionL Resident. «••
(Mon.i & Mu-^kocjaii I. )
++
++
+
-
+
,
+
Municipal Government
++
++
-
+
++
++
+
+
++
-
++
County Government
-
+
+
—
+
+
+
+
++
+ +
++
++
++
++
+
Conservation Groups
-
++
++
+
++
-
+
Consumers of Setter/
Water Service
++
+
-
++
+
+
-
++
Vocational Trainees
+
++
+
+
+
Sanitary l"iuj incrnng
Profrs^ionjlL
.1.
—
+
+
+
+
+
++
fi
f
C
c.
c
+
+
h/
+
+
++
-H
+
+
+
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
f g h
m n
-------
NOTES
OBSERVED/PROBABLE SOCIAL IMPACTS BY LOCAL SOCIAL GROUPS
MUSKEGON, MICHIGAN
lb
10,000 acre site has provided ideal habitat for water fowl and
stressed forest animals.
[ If ]
Rough field conditions aggravate farm operation.
[ lo ]
Initially, "environmental" groups took issue with the clearcutting
proposal. The Environmental Protection Agency brought suit against
the county, but failed to block plan implementation.
[ 2b ]
See lb.
[ 2c ]
IA: See Section 2.2. Virtually every one of 195 relocated families
found better housing than they had left and were satisfied with the process.
[ 2g ]
IA: Site area has stimulated interest in industrial properties near
it, but not on it. See Section 2.2.
[ 2n ]
The county was the target for severe public criticism at the time
land takings were proposed. Intra-county dissention took the form of a
power struggle between planning and law enforcement interests.
[ 3d ]
IA: See Section 2.2. Most workers were brought in by out-of-area
contractors. Rough estimates place the number in the "hundreds".
[ 3e ]
See 3d. Locally, those earnings were a benefit foregone.
MC-38
-------
t 3n ]
County profited greatly from experience of administering millions
of dollars worth of contracts.
[ 4e 4f ]
IA: A dozen or so men are employed by the county for pumping sta-
tion and farm operation.
[ 4g ]
Maintenance and operational responsibilities are handled entirely
by the county, a plus for prospective industrial in-migrants . See Section 3.1.
[ 4n ]
County's Public Works Department is developing broader experience
and greater prestige.
[ 5a ]
See Section 2.2. Trailer park owner has filed a $7 million damage
suit against the county for the depopulation of his ISO-pad area.
[ 5n ]
As the owner/operator of the system, the county is the most visible
target for media complaints about odors.
[ 5r ]
Bauer Engineering has been criticized for not taking paper waste
odors into account in the design phase.
[ 6b 6e 6h 6i 6j ]
Though they are distinct sub-groups divided on other issues, all
who recreate on or near the lakes share a tremendous enthusiasm for the per-
ceived improvement in their aesthetic quality. See Section 2.2.
[ 6g 6k ]
Existing and potential industries look increasingly to a "quality
of life'1 factor in locational decisions. The wastewater system is taken as
evidence of community commitment to a healthy environment.
MC-39
-------
[ 6n ]
The county built it and it rightfully takes credit for the benefits
produced.
[ 60 ]
Conservation interests take special pleasure in the "miracle" of
Muskegon Lake.
[ 6r 6s ]
As servants of the county's interest, engineering and planning
professionals share in the reflected glory of achievement.
[ 7e 7h 7i ]
In contrast to blue-collar recreators who tend not to "see" shore-
line areas, more affluent residents recognize the benefits of clean water
as reflected in stabilized and increasing property values.
[ 7g 7k ]
Industrial interests applaud water quality improvements but generally
fail to recognize any benefits in non-industrial land uses along the Muskegon
Lake shore.
[ 7j 71 7m 7o ]
As groups whose pocketbooks are affected by a trend toward rising
property values, these interests attach «a premium to shoreline property -
whether for public or private benefit.
[ 8g 8k ]
See Section 2.2. Industrial interests are generally satisfied with
performance for dollars spent, perhaps because they appreciate the cost of
alternative systems.
[ 8m 8p ]
Resentment and dissatisfaction are concentrated in member localities
who feel costs are excessive by comparison with what they would have been,
had the communities remained independent. This is based on poor understand-
ing of now available system data, indifferently shared by the county.
MC-40
-------
[ 8n 8r ]
As "insiders," privy to hard data, the county and its engineers
feel generally satisfied with system costs, though they expect greater
efficiency from the county rather than contractor management.
[ 9b 9e 9g 9j 9k 91 9m 9n 9o 9q ]
To the extent that interest groups are aware of planning stimulated
by the wastewater program, they have been positively affected. See Section
3.4.3.
[ 9g 9s ]
As a tight, homogenous group, trainees may experience their new
opportunity more directly than others . Though some disagree with the dir-
ection of new planning, all applaud its new relevance to public policy.
[ IQe IQg IQh 10k 10m IQn; lie llg llh llm lip ]
All interests which are aware of the role the system has played in
strengthening the local economy are very positive toward using it as a
selling point. See Sections 3.1 and 3.2. The unusual measure of success
is numbers of jobs saved/generated.
[ 10, 11 1
White collar professionals seem to have more tepid reactions to
industrial activity.
[ llj 1
E: Though loathe to admit it because of prevailing popular sentiment
in favor of industrial land uses of shorelines , marine and other sport-
fishing service businesses may see their future in recreation/tourist acti-
vity instead.
[ 11L llo ]
I: Waterfront residents of every income group decry new industrial
sitings on the water, though they too are affected by the local "job mania."
Mona Lake property owners tend not to be greatly concerned about Muskegon
Lake shoreline aesthetics.
MC-41
-------
12b 12e 12h
As with Row 6, all sub-groups seem highly enthusiastic about
increased recreational activity. 750 low-income children (h) will benefit
from summer programs emphasizing water sports.
B: By contrast with Row 12, support of tourism is less general and
less vocal. Water-related service businesses (j) are the most optimistic
about tourist potential. Industries and low-income recreators appear to be
disparaging and indifferent, respectively.
[ 14a ]
Odor problems have created strong negative attitudes toward con-
veyance of urban waste to areas previously unaffected. The land treatment
technique itself, however, is well-regarded by the few who understand it.
[ 14g 14k ]
Industries prize the system's huge capacity and its tolerance of
toxic spills. Certain individuals appreciate its profit-making orientation.
C 14n 14r 14s ]
As co-instigators, these interests have had considerable satis-
faction and not a little publicity as rewards for their tolerance of risk
in using an unconventional technology.
[ 14g ]
Program trainees would have foregone all benefits had another tech-
nology prevailed.
[ 15b 15e 15f 15g 15h 15i 15j 15k 151 15m 15n 15o 15p 15q 15s ]
In varying degree of intensity, every Muskegon sub-group aware of the
system appears to feel a sense of pride in it as a unique resource. Overall,
a lack of information about the system with respect to others nationwide tends
to distort local views of operational problems. See Section 3.4.3 for a
discussion of expectations.
[ 16m ]
Municipal governments have developed a new appreciation for the process
of developing and choosing among alternative futures. Local units may well
be held to a higher standard of performance for the public ' s having witnessed
a successful planning process.
MC-42
-------
[ 16n ]
For its part, the county must now continue the precedent it set for
a leadership role in decision-making. County Board members, especially,
are the subjects of public scrutiny.
[ 17a ]
Site problems have all been laid at the county's doorstep.
[ 17g 17k ]
Industrial interests are favorably impressed by the county's role
in system management and its potential for involvement in areas like solid
waste .
[ 17m 17p ]
"Users" appear to have a low regard for the county generated either
by bad past experience or a hostile press.
[ 17n ]
The county itself is actively pursuing its new mode of involvment
in multiple-functional government and seems confident of its ultimate success.
[ 18k]
The substantial savings in dollars and aggravation conferred upon
private industry by concerted effort on the part of local and county govern-
ment appears to have engendered new confidence in cooperative problem-
solving. Muskegon is, indeed, a healthy political climate in which to do
business.
[ 18m ]
If only by virtue of its opposition to growing county influence, 13
local governments have found new strength among their own number.
[ 18p ]
System consumers seem relieved that jurisdictional squabbling has
ended and that sewer service is now a "dead issue . "
MC-43
-------
DEMOGRAPHIC AND ECONOMIC COMPOSITION OF LOCAL SOCIAL GROUPS:
MUSKEGON, MICHIGAN
SOCIAL GROUPS
Residents Near Treatment Site
Wildlife Conservationists
Relocatees
Out-of-area Workers
Local Workers
Operators
Industrial Developers
Low Income Boaters
Medium/High Income Boaters
Water Related Service Industry
Waterfront Industries
Waterfront Residents
Municipal Governments
County Government
Conservation Groups
Sanitary Engineering Professionals
Planning Professionals
«
0)
1-1
§
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
Female
X
X
X
X
§
M
-
X
X
X
X
Moderate
Income
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
U
M
o»
•H
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
Black
X
White
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
to
a
i-\
i-t
o
U
0>
iH
n
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
White Collar
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
Long Term
Residents
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
Children
X
X
X
MC-44
-------
LOVELAND-GREELEY
TABLE OF CONTENTS
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
1.0 INTRODUCTION
Water in Colorado
2.0 COMMUNITY DESCRIPTIONS
2.1 Loveland, Colo rado
2.1.1 Loveland's Recent Growth
2.1.2 Water in Loveland
2.1.3 Expansion of Wastewater Treatment in Loveland
Present Facilities and Plans for Expansion
2.2 The Community of Greeley
2.2.1 Water in Greeley
2.2.2 Expansion of Wastewater Treatment in Greeley
Present Facilities and Alternatives for Expansion
3.0 THE SOCIAL IMPACTS OF PL 92-500 ON COLORADO'S FRONT RANGE
3.1 The Impacts of PL 92-500 Grant Money on the Towns
of Loveland and Greeley
3.2 Training Grants
3.3 Social Impacts of Wastewater Treatment Expansion
on Growth of Colorado's Front Range
4.0 BIBLIOGRAPHY
-------
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
In response to increasing domestic and industrial needs for waste-
water treatment capacity, Loveland and Greeley, Colorado, have applied for
grant monies under PL 92-500. The law requires that all communities apply-
ing for funds under its auspices proceed in three stages: Step 1 (Facili-
ties Plan), Step 2 (Design Specifications), Step 3 (Plant Construction).
Allocation of funds for each step is contingent upon EPA approval of the
work of the previous step. Loveland has completed both the facilities plan
and design specification steps of the grant process and is currently await-
ing approval of design specifications from EPA before it can begin
construction work. Greeley is now at the beginning of the three step pro-
cess and has 3ust received funds to complete the Step 1 facilities plan.
Water is a sensitive issue in Colorado. From the time of the first
settlers, Colorado's eastern half has not had enough water to support its
population and to irrigate its rich farm land. The state relies on various
methods of storing and transporting water in order to meet its needs. For
Colorado, the availability of water is a major issue; water is a scarce
commodity and its use is bought, sold and regulated.
Many of the rivers and tributaries in Colorado are used primarily
for agricultural and industrial purposes and feed the extensive irrigation
systems. While PL 92-500 aims towards zero discharge of pollutants by 1985,
the farmers in the Front Range are not concerned with the quality of water
in these rivers. In fact, farmers value the nitrates and phosphates accum-
ulated in the water from the previous user. Irrigation water may be reused
seven or eight times as it flows from the stream to irrigation ditches to
the land back to the irrigation ditches and onto another farmer's land.
The Northern Colorado Water Conservancy District is now trying to pass a
state exemption for agricultural streams so that they will not have to meet
zero discharge requirements. In regard to agriculture, PL 92-500 is viewed
by some as an "eastern law" that doesn't take regional differences or local
needs into account.
Although both towns are building new treatment plants, reactions of
local citizens are supportive in Loveland and resistant in Greeley. The
difference lies in differing histories of treatment plant efficiency.
LG-1
-------
Whatever their differences with regard to acceptance of new facilities, the
two towns agree that PL 92-500's goals do not reflect the situation in the
West.
LG-2
-------
1 • 0 INTRODUCTION
Two neighboring cities on Colorado's Front Range, Loveland and
Greeley, have applied for and received grant monies through PL 92-500 in
order to plan for and design additional wastewater treatment capacity.
While these two towns lie only 20 miles apart, they have encountered very
different situations in their progression towards expansion of treatment
capacity. Loveland and Greeley are also at different points in the process
of gaining grants. Loveland has completed both the planning and design
specification steps of the grant process and is currently awaiting approval
from EPA before inviting bids for construction work. Greeley has received
grant monies in order to complete the Step 1 facilities plan and has just
held the mandatory public hearing to fulfill PL 92-500's public participa-
tion requirement. Underlying the current situations in both Loveland and
Greeley is the unique position of water in Colorado's history.
Water in Colorado
The people of Colorado regard water the way New Englanders regard
oil: a precious, scarce resource. The dearth of water must be appreciated
to understand its role in Colorado life. The Colorado League of Women
Voters' report, Colorado Water, presents the following facts:
Of the total earth's water supply, 97% is salt water and 75%
of the remainder is stored as ice caps in the polar regions.
Only 0.05% is fresh water in streams and lakes. Seventy-
three percent of the stream flow in the United States is
claimed by states east of a line drawn from north to south
through the Kansas-Missouri border: 12.7% is claimed by the
Pacific Northwest. This leaves 14.2% (about 154 billion
gallons per day) to be shared by 14 western states which
include over half of the nation's land area. And Colorado
sits at the apex of this dry western region.
(Emphasis added.)
Colorado is also the only state to use the Doctrine of Prior Appro-
priation exclusively. This "Doctrine" originated in 1849 during the Cali-
fornia gold rush on an informal basis when miners needed to divert water
from California's rivers in order to wash their gold. As new miners moved
Colorado Water, League of Women Voters of Colorado, Denver, 1975.
p. 6
LG-3
-------
into an area, a rule was established to guarantee that the miner who had
first used the water would have the first right to it. The next miner
would have second right, regardless of the distance of his claim from the
river. Miners brought this rule with them to the Colorado gold rush in
1859. Since Colorado was the first area to make this doctrine law, it is
also referred to as the Colorado Doctrine.
Even before miners came to Colorado, farmers had begun to till
the area's fertile soil. The value of farm land in Colorado is highly
dependent upon whether it has irrigation ditches. The first colonists in
the Weld County area built extensive irrigation and reservoir systems to
store and transport the water needed to support agriculture. This work by
the colonists has provided the basis for today's multi-million dollar
agriculture industry in the region.
In Colorado, water rights are sold and inherited as property,
similar to land and buildings. Water rights may fluctuate in price according
to supply and demand, and are not necessarily attached to a given piece of
land. The Colorado constitution provides for a priority system to classify
water use if there is not enough water: domestic use comes first, followed
by agricultural and industrial use. Changes in water classification (i.e.,
from one purpose to another) must not detrimentally affect other users with
later priorities, and all water taken from one type of use for another must
be paid for. In other words, an individual or a category of use, cannot
consume more water than has been allotted if this will deprive other users.
Under the Colorado Doctrine, water can be appropriated for storage
in reservoirs for future use; different municipalities and individuals have
obtained the water rights for use of the reservoirs. In order to obtain
the rights to water which has not yet been claimed, an individual must get
court approval and show that the water is being put to "beneficial use."
Many irrigation, or ditch, companies have been established in the
state in order to move water from one place to another. These companies
are formed as cooperatives by the owners of an area's water rights. Shares
in the company are sold or leased and can vary in both size and price,
according to how many acres of land a share will water and the reliability
So called because they formed the Union Colony
LG-4
-------
of the water source. In addition to the share purchase price, annual fees
are assessed to pay for ditch maintenance and a ditch rider, who opens and
closes headgates to deliver (via the irrigation ditch) the water allotted
to each farmer.
Since the rainfall and snowmelt in the front range area are not
adequate to meet the needs of present and future communities, eastern Colo-
rado has supplemented its water supply by diverting water from the western
slope of the Rockies. A system of tunnels and pumps brings water from
lakes and streams on the western slope to the eastern slope, where 80% of
the state's population lives. The Big Thompson Project serves several
north central Colorado municipalities. The Homestake Project and the
Frying Pan-Arkansas projects serve several other communities. In addition
to trans-mountain diversion projects, many Colorado communities have
chosen to join together in providing needed water storage and delivery
facilities. Figure 1, from Colorado Water, displays the state outflows and
trans-mountain diversions.
The method of supplying drinking and agricultural/industrial water
is different in Colorado from methods used in the midwest and Eastern parts
of the country. As a result, there is a feeling that PL 92-500 does not
take into account the needs of the people in the western part of the coun-
try be developing a goal of zero discharge by 1985. Virtually all of
Colorado's drinking water is obtained from high mountain streams or reser-
voirs filled from these streams and trans-mountain diversions. At the
same time, over 80% of Colorado's total water supply is used for rural and
irrigation purposes. Ranchers and farmers, therefore, have a strong voice
in the use of water in the state.
Colorado Water Use
Public Supply 2.7%
Rural and Irrigation 80.3%
Industrial and Mining 3.0%
Other (reserve, compacts,
evaporation) 14.0%
Colorado Water, League of Women Voters of Colorado, Denver, 1975.
p. 24.
LG-5
-------
304'!;:;;
--r~l- .T.T.-U- i-v. .-•—-••.•.• :t-r.r vi-ri-.-T-.' / .r.-r j x>
">'ocn
;:..0 Stat-i Ouif.c.vs
•Y/ Ncrrr/.:!'ZCi1 Ij.'O
x V"1 \ cV "^ " y
c\v^ y ,--..-•-•' V^
,
xs Sv- r--^1 '
Flows cr.d >i.v.:.-;
in {^oisit--1* of
5171
Total. Trcnsijnsin Di.-orsiot.v f'O-i fho
Coiorodo Kivor Basir. 4',9,000 AT.
Total stci'j octf'.cw 10,315,C,)-'
2 78 •#••.••
Figure 1.
Source: Colorado Water, League of Women Voters of Colorado, 1975, p. 11.
-------
Colorado's top priority at this point is the preservation of pristine water
in the high mountain streams which provide the front range with drinking
water. The state is not now willing to shift its priorities and to put
money into tertiary wastewater treatment, until and unless the 1985 stan-
dards will be enforced.
The waters currently in the Big Thompson, Cache la Poudre, and
South Platte River above Denver (the river which Loveland and Greeley utilize)
are used for agricultural and irrigation purposes. The ranchers and
farmers are quite happy with'the streams the way they are. To remove all
of the nitrates and phosphates from the water would deprive the farmers
of a source of nutrients considered necessary for their crops. Farmers
would then have to provide additional fertilizer for their land, a cost
which they do not now shoulder. By developing a goal of zero discharge by
1985, PL 92-500 has not accounted for the realistic needs of farmers,
ranchers and industries in this part of the country. In regard to agri-
culture, several people have summarized PL 92-500 as an "eastern" law.
In testimony presented at the Colorado Water Quality Control Commis-
sion hearing on exemption of the South Platte River from the toxic substance
standards B-2 classification, Larry D. Simpson of the. Northern Colorado
Water Conservancy District stated that:
There are many idealistic groups who would like to see the
Platte River returned to its clean, clear, natural state.
Few of these people seem to realize that the Platte River
in its natural state was probably an intermittent stream
which would be too warm and polluted by nature to support
fish life.... The system represents a perfect example of...
'recycled water.' Each user downstream takes advantage of
upstream return flows and the nitrates and phosphates in
those return flows which are contributed by their upstream
neighbors.
Scarcity, water rights, irrigation companies, and extensive agri-
cultural use of streams below the mountains all contribute to Colorado's
water picture — its supply, storage, treatment, and use.
LG-7
-------
2.0 COMMUNITY DESCRIPTIONS
2.1 Loveland, Colorado
Loveland lies midway between Denver and Cheyenne, in the plains just
east of the Front Range of the Rocky Mountains. Like other plains communi-
ties, its chief industries are agriculture and cattle raising. Basic
statistics on Loveland are:
• Population: 22,000 (1974)
• Area: 10 square miles
• Elevation: 4,986 feet above sea level
• Form of government: City Manager/Council
• County: Larimer (County seat is Fort Collins, 12 miles north)
« Annual precipitation: 14.68 inches
• Distance from Denver: 52 miles
A settlement in the vicinity of the present town of Loveland was
founded in 1858 by a trader from New Mexico. The site's location on the
Big Thompson River made it attractive for agriculture and industry.
Loveland*s present location was dictated by the path of the first railroad
in the region, which started serving the Big Thompson Valley in 1877.
To handle one of the area's main crops, the Great Western Sugar
Company opened a sugar beet processing plant in Loveland in 1901. In
addition to sugar beets, local farmers now specialize in growing grains
and corn, sold primarily to nearby livestock feedlots. Livestock and dairy
cattle are Loveland's other major farm industries.
The two major industrial employers in Loveland are the Great Western
Sugar Company, which operates on a seasonal basis from October to February,
and Hewlett-Packard, a manufacturer of electronic instruments and calculators.
Other, smaller industrial plants also employ Loveland residents. Most of
these manufacture building construction materials.
The population of Loveland is overwhelmingly white and middle-class.
The 1970 census lists only 100 minority individuals compared to 16,112
whites in town. It is estimated that 75% of Loveland families own their
LG-8
-------
own homes. In 1971, 82% of those who entered high school graduated and
57% of high school graduates entered institutions of higher learning. All
of these figures are well above national norms. One reason for the high
educational level might be the availability of three major universities
and a junior college within a 40-mile radius of Loveland, including
Colorado State University only 12 miles away, which specializes in agri-
culture, forestry and veterinary medicine.
2.1.1 Loveland's Recent Growth
Population growth has been Loveland's most notable characteristic
since 1950. The population jumped from 6,773 in 1950 to 22,000 in 1974.
Projections indicate that the town will continue to grow, with an estimated
population of 50,000 by the year 2,000.
Local officials say two major factors are responsible for the high
growth rate. The town is only 30 miles from Rocky Mountain National Park,
which drew about two and a half million visitors in 1974. Because Loveland
is near the Park but not a resort town, it is an attractive site for
retirees, the staff of the three universities nearby and others who seek
a small town within commuting distance of both Denver and the mountains.
The second factor in the town's growth rate is the recent influx of
industry to the area. Colorado has become a popular site for branch
offices of many large corporations. IBM has a new plant in Boulder, and a
new Eastman-Kodak plant has recently located just north of Loveland. In
Loveland itself, the newest industry is the Hewlett-Packard Company, which
employs 2200 workers in electronics. Although no statistics are available,
all sources reported a low unemployment rate. Obviously, rapid growth
engenders a demand for increased goods and services. Over $11 million in
construction was authorized in 1972. Increased population accompanies
additional housing, which impacts the wastewater treatment system by
requiring new sewers and interceptors as well as increased treatment
capacity.
2.1.2 Water in Loveland
There are two major types of water usage in Loveland: domestic
and agricultural/industrial. Domestic water (including stock watering) is
taken from the Big Thompson River at a point high in the canyon eight miles
LG-9
-------
west of town. This water is treated in a plant near its diversion point
and piped into town for domestic use. Loveland's proximity to the high
mountains enables it to use water directly from the river. Other nearby
towns must divert mountain water to a reservoir and pipe it from there to
a treatment plant. An interesting example of the latter method is Lake
Loveland, a 548-acre reservoir in the middle of the town of Loveland, which
is owned by the town of Greeley and is used for Greeley's domestic water
supply. The City of Loveland does not have water rights to this lake.
Loveland residents, however, may use the lake for fishing and body contact
sports other than swimming.
Domestic supply is a comparatively minor usage for water in Love-
land. Like other areas of Northern Colorado, Loveland uses 80% of its
water for irrigation. This water is taken from the Big Thompson River down-
stream from the domestic water diversion point and is not treated. Irriga-
tion water is distributed through the customary system of ditches and head-
gates. Excess irrigation water runs off the field, back into the ditches
and then into the streams.
A secondary use for untreated river water in Loveland is for indus-
try. Washing sugar beets, cooling hot metals and flushing away animal-by-
products are typical industrial uses. Unlike agricultural run-offs, water
used in industry must be treated and/or cooled before being returned to
the river. Each of the industries in Loveland treats its wastewater either
to the level that meets state standards for return to the river or to a
level that will permit the municipal treatment plant to complete the
process along with the normal municipal wastes. This latter procedure,
called pre-treatment, has been chosen by Hewlett-Packard. The Loveland
Packing Company and the Great Western Sugar Company have their own facili-
ties for complete treatment. Although Great Western recently upgraded to
meet new state standards, the effluent of the Loveland Packing Company does
not currently meet state or EPA standards. Packing Company officials hope
to arrange to have their treated effluent discharged into the new municipal
treatment plan for further polishing.
With the entrance of new industry and recent growth, Loveland's
needs for treatment capacity have expanded. Even before grants under
PL 92-500 were available Loveland had already begun to plan for expanding
its wastewater treatment capacity and improving its effluent. Because of
its early start, the town is expecting to receive its Step 3 Construction
Authorization by May, 1975.
LG-10
-------
2.1.3 Expansion of Wastewater Treatment in Loveland
Present Facilities and Plans for Expansion
Loveland's growth rate has already impacted its wastewater treat-
ment facilities. In 1961 a new plant was opened in order to retire the
original plant, in operation since 1931. In 1966 the old plant was
abandoned as planned, and the new plant treated all of the town's wastes.
By 1970, however, the new plant was overloaded and the old plant was
reopened to relieve the high demand on the newer plant. At that time,
plans were begun to expand the capacity of the new plant in order to accom-
modate growth, improve effluent quality and phase out the old plant perma-
nently.
Currently, EPA requires that grants for municipal treatment facil-
ities be awarded in three stages. Step 1 (Planning) must be approved
before Step 2 (Design and Specifications) can be authorized. Likewise,
Step 2 must be approved before Step 3 (Construction) can begin. In
the case of Loveland, however, an application for a combined Step 1 and
Step 2 grant was authorized since on its own, Loveland had already
completed most of the work on these two phases by the time EPA began
accepting grant applications under PL 92-500. The combined grant sum
awarded to Loveland in 1974 was $294,500, of which $220,875 came from
Federal funds. The local share was contributed by means of a bond issue.
The availability of EPA grants has saved the town a considerable amount of
money and permitted it to study alternatives more carefully than if it had
had to fund the planning process solely with local funds, but the regula-
tions associated with EPA funding led to a year's delay in construction.
The Loveland facilities plan was submitted to EPA in the fall of 1973.
Because there was no environmental assessment included in the plan, EPA
rejected the application. It was the fall of 1974 before the Loveland
facilities plan met EPA standards for applications.
The Loveland plan is a sizable one. It consists of expanding the
newer plant to a capacity of 7.7 mgd and closing down the old plant
permanently. Since plants are not designed to last more than 20 years
because of technological obsolescence, Loveland planners are satisfied with
a designed capacity to accommodate 45,000 residents — the anticipated
LG-11
-------
population in 1995. The proposed plant will meet 1978 standards (20 mg/1
BOD5 and 20 mg/1 suspended solids). The 1985 EPA goal of zero pollutant
discharge will not be met by the current plan. The facilities plan states:
At present, it would seem logical to treat anticipated twenty
year flows to the State limits and allow flexibility in design
for additional processes if the standards are upgraded to conform
with the 1985 federal goal. In this way, the anticipated load
for the design period can be treated to the 1978 State Standards
but, in the event of a change in standards, a reevaluation of the
design should be made at that time.1
The implication of this statement is that there will be no attempt in the
current plan to construct a facility which meets 1985 EPA standards. The
assumption is that this goal will be relaxed for at least ten more years,
and at that time (1995) a new plan will be formulated if necessary.
Plans for expanding the newer treatment plant aroused little com-
ment or response from Loveland residents. The required public hearing was
held on April 16, 1974. The only witness to appear was a representative
of the Colorado Water Quality Control Division of the Department of Health,
who expressed a concern that the proposed expansion be consistent with
areawide 208 planning. (At that time there was no agency designated to
direct the 208 planning in the South Platte River Basin. In early 1975
the Larimer-Weld Council of Governments was assigned this role, but no
activities have yet taken place.) At the hearing, the Loveland City Manager
explained plans to join neighboring sanitation districts in the future and
the matter was resolved. The lack of much citizen participation or contro-
versy is largely due to the fact that expansion will occur at an existing
treatment plant. No new land will be required, no one will be displaced,
and residents of the immediate area are used to the presence of a treatment
plant which has created no problems thus far.
Although citizens have not been active in planning, expansion of
the new treatment plant will have several positive social impacts for the
town. The old plant, which is an eyesore within the city limits, will be
demolished and the land will be converted to a park. Since the effluent
Facilities Plan for Wastewater Treatment, Loveland, Colorado. Nelson,
Haley, Patterson & Quirk, Inc., Greeley, Colorado, July 1974.
LG-12
-------
from the old plant is currently substandard, eliminating that discharge
point will increase the quality of the river water in town. Eliminating
the discharge point will necessarily reduce the amount of water in the
Big Thompson between the old plant and the newer one. This flow reduction
will have no harmful impact on the local farmers, however, because their
irrigation water is diverted at a point upstream from the old plant discharge
point. Because the plan requires no new site selection or land acquisition,
new construction will not disrupt additional residents nor remove land from
other uses.
Loveland is further along in the grant process under PL 92-500 than
many other Colorado communities in large part because the town anticipated
its needs for treatment expansion before these grant monies became available.
Loveland hired an engineering firm and began planning on its own before
receiving Federal funds. When grants under PL 92-500 became available,
Loveland was given high priority for grant money by the state and EPA.
The lack of public controversy has ensured that the necessary expansion
will be approved and constructed in the near future.
2 2 The Community of Greeley, Colorado
Greeley, Colorado was founded in the early 1870's as a unique
community. Horace Greeley, the New York newspaper publisher, planned and
conceived the town but the actual site was chosen by a committee headed by
Nathan C. Meeker, Greeley's Agriculture Editor. The first colonists set-
tled at the confluence of the South Platte and Cache la Poudre rivers,
which is now in Weld County. The new Greeley Temperance Colony, also
known as the Greeley Colony or the Union Colony, accepted men of temperance
and good character into the colony upon payment of $150. Through these
entrance fees, the colony raised $60,000 to purchase farms and a town one
mile square with streets 100 feet wide.
Greeley, the Weld County seat, has expanded rapidly and is con-
tinuing to grow, particularly in recent years. Between 1960 and 1970
Greeley's population increased 47.8 percent, the city's largest percentage
increase since the 1910 decade. During the same ten year period from
1960 to 1970, the state population increased only 25.8 percent. A high
rate of immigration has contributed to this rapid growth; over 46 percent
of Greeley's population was born in a different state.
LG-13
-------
People moving to Weld County settled around the cities and
towns where jobs and housing opportunities are greatest; Greeley currently
accounts for one-half of the county's population total. The city also
houses both the University of Northern Colorado and Aims Community College,
with a combined total of about 15,000 students.
The city of Greeley is economically supported by agriculture in
Weld County and small industries in the town. Greeley serves as the retail
and commercial center for the area's farmers and ranchers in a county where
agriculture generates an annual income of 200 million dollars. According
to the Greeley Chamber of Commerce: "Weld County is the richest agricul-
tural county in the nation east of the Rockies. It is the 7th richest
county in the United States, ranking first in the nation in cattle, sugar,
barley and dry beans and second in alfalfa. Weld County is larger than
Rhode Island, Delaware and the District of Columbia combined."
According to an environmental assessment report written by ECO-
Analysis, Inc.:
Wholesale and retail trade is a large employment sector in the
Greeley area, as [are] government and schools. These two sectors
together with agriculture now account for approximately 55 percent
of the employment in the area. The balance of overall employment
is in manufacturing, which comprises 13.4 percent of the total,
contract construction (6.0%), transportation and utilities (3.5%),
finance, insurance and real estate (3.6%) and services (7.6%).
The percent of the labor force unemployed in Greeley, which has
been about 3.2 percent for the past 15 years, is very low, as is
that of the county, which was 3.75 percent in 1960 and was 3.24
percent in 1972.2
The leading industry in Greeley is the Monfort Packing Co. with
the world's largest feedlots, feeding nearly 200,000 head of cattle daily.
Fair Feed Lots and Webster Feed Lots feed from 8,000 to 25,000 head of
cattle per day. The Great Western Sugar Co. has a sugar processing plant
1
Greeley, Colorado, Greeley Chamber of Commerce.
2
Environment Assessment; Social and Environmental Cost Effectiveness,
Section X, Wastewater Management Facilities Plan for Greeley Region,
Weld County, Colorado, ECO-Analysis, Inc., in conjunction with Wright-
McLaughlin Engineers; 1975.
LG-14
-------
located within the town limits. Eastman-Kodak manufactures film in the
nearby community of Windsor. Other industries include the production or
sale of agricultural chemicals, dairy products, concrete products, dry and
packaged beans, and farm machinery.
The town is composed of ranchers, farmers, small business people,
commuters to Denver, workers in the commercial establishments, university
students and faculty, and municipal and county employees. Over 98 percent
of Greeley's population is white, slightly over 12 percent is of Spanish
origin or descent, and only slightly over 1 percent of the population is
composed of other minority individuals, according to the 1970 census figures.
The groups of people and economic supports of the town are all
dependent upon the continued growth of Greeley. A primary necessity for
growth in all of Colorado is water — its supply, use and treatment, in
planning and building both for the future and to better serve its current
residents, Greeley is working to expand their wastewater treatment capacity
and to combine this expansion with responsiveness to federal and state
regulations, community needs, and responsible planning.
2.2.1 Water in Greeley
A strong dependence on agriculture as a way of life in the Weld
County was begun by the first colonists who brought with them the latest
scientific concepts and techniques for farming and ranching. To supplement
the region's sparse rainfall, the colonists diverted the waters of the
area's rivers using an extensive system of irrigation ditches and reservoirs
which they planned and built for this purpose. The first colony laid the
foundation for the diversified agricultural base in the county today.
There are two types of water used in Greeley: domestic water
(including drinking water for cattle), and irrigation/industrial water.
Greeley obtains most of its drinking water from the reservoir called Lake
Loveland, located in the town of Loveland. This lake is fed by the Big
Thompson River originating in the high mountains, and the western slope
waters of the Big Thompson-Colorado trans-mountain diversion project.
The residents of Loveland have surface rights to the reservoir and can
use it for all sports except swimming. The waters from the South Platte
and Cache la Poudre Rivers are used for irrigation and industrial processing.
LG-15
-------
2.2.2 Expansion of Wastewater Treatment in Greeley
Present Facilities and Alternatives for Expansion
In order to increase capacity, improve reliability, and solve cur-
rent odor problems, the city of Greeley is considering various alternative
methods for expanding their present wastewater treatment capacity. Greeley
has received a total of $110,000 in grant monies under PL 92-500 in order
to complete their 201 facilities plan for expansion. The city has en-
gaged a Denver engineering firm (Wright-McLaughlin Engineers) to perform
the facilities planning step for the Greeley region.
As stated in a letter of transmittal from the consultants to the
city, there are essentially five existing plants now servicing the region:
• The Greeley North Side First Avenue Plant is a relatively new
secondary activated sludge plant having approximately 6.0 mgd
(million gallons per day) nominal capacity. It has had substan-
tial operating problems, primarily associated with industrial
waste loads. It is thought to be a good plant suitable for
continued use with reasonable improvement.
• The Greeley South Side First Avenue Plant is an older trickling
filter process plant, having a present capacity of 2-3 mgd.
Because of condition, process, and location it is believed
suitable for short-term use only.
• The Evans aerated lagoon facility has a capacity of 0.5 mgd.
The site is suitable for limited expansion and interim (say
20-year range) use.
• The Hill 'N Park lagoon facility is now overloaded. It is well
sited for interim period use with upgrading.
0 The Greeley Lagoon Plant is designed to provide secondary treat-
ment for the Monfort Packing Plant industrial wastes. It is a
new, substantial facility of adequate capacity. Problems which
must be corrected are odor control and effluent polishing.
Wright-McLaughlin has presented the city of Greeley with five options
for wastewater treatment capacity expansion and has subcontracted to ECO-
Analysis, Inc. of Denver for an environmental assessment of each of these
alternatives. The five options can be narrowed down to two basic alterna-
tives by grouping three which are technical variations of the same alterna-
tive, and by eliminating the "no action" option which virtually everyone
agrees is unacceptable. The two basic alternatives are:
LG-16
-------
1. Expansion of the facilities at the First Avenue Plant, and
2. Building a new plant east of town at the confluence of the
South Platte and Cache la Poudre rivers, referred to as the
Delta site.
The consulting firm has some specific technical reasons for pre-
ferring the second alternative:
• A new plant at the Delta site would utilize gravity flow rather
than the unreliable pump system necessary at the First Avenue
Plant;
• It is felt that a new plant could be built and maintained to be
more reliable and efficient than the expansion of an old facility;
• A new plant would allow for modular expansion in the future,
while such additional expansion would not be possible at the
First Avenue Plant;
• The proposed Delta site is somewhat less susceptible to flood
hazards than the First Avenue site.
Wright-McLaughlin presented their analysis to the city and the preliminary
facilities plan was made available to the public as a basis for discussion
at the public hearing on April 8.
Greeley Public Hearing on the 201 Facilities Plan and Citizen Concerns
The city of Greeley held a public hearing on its proposed 201 facil-
ities plan on April 8, 1975. The meeting was attended by approximately 250
people, representing a variety of interest groups. "Official" representa-
tion included the Mayor, the City Manager, and the Administrative Engineer
for the city. Region IV EPA, the Evans Sanitation District, the Hill 'N Park
Sanitation District, the State Health Department, Wright McLaughlin Engineers,
and ECO-Analysis. Citizens, who spoke both as individuals and as representa-
tives of citizen groups, included:
• East Lagoon area residents,
• Delta area residents,
• Residents of the nearby town of Kersey,
• One dairy farmer,
• The Evans Sanitation District,
• The Hill "N Park Sanitation District.
LG-17
-------
The representatives of Evans and Hill 'N Park read statements from
their municipal governments requesting not to be included in Greeley's
regional planning until 1990 since these towns can provide their own fa-
cilities at least until that date. The mayor of Kersey read a similar
statement but also expressed three concerns about the proposed new plant
at the Delta site:
1. Kersey is downwind of the Delta site and is concerned about
odor problems.
2. If odor problems do occur, Kersey is concerned about a decrease
in real estate value and subsequent halt of new growth.
3. The proposed Delta site is within an area known to have serious
floods.
The Kersey mayor asked that Greeley take these concerns into account when
making its decisions.
Several Greeley citizens were less restrained in voicing their ob-
jections to the new plant proposed for the Delta site. The overriding
concern was the intolerable odor emanating from treatment plants in Greeley.
The citizens have little faith in the town's promises of an odor-free new
treatment plant since every Greeley treatment plant so far has had serious
odor problems at one time or another. In large part, these odor problems
may be attributed to the difficulties of treating the waste from Monfort
Packing Co., even though the company pretreats.
Residents living near the East Lagoon (also called the Monfort)
treatment plant, testified at length and in detail on the social impacts
of the odor from the uncovered anaerobic digesters there. People in the
immediate vicinity have lived through many smelly sleepless nights. These
people cannot leave their windows open, cannot barbecue meals outdoors, and
cannot hang a laundry out to dry without being constantly offended by the
awful odor from the East Lagoon plant.
Theoretically, the situation at the East Lagoon Plant should have
no bearing on other plans for expansion of treatment capacity. However,
because of their own experience, some of the residents in the East Lagoon
area are supporting the Delta area residents. When the East Lagoon Plant
was built less than two years ago, someone promised that it would be odor-
free. Now, due to financial considerations, the town has included fixing
the East Lagoon in the 201 facilities plan for increasing capacity. East
LG-18
-------
Lagoon area residents feel that they (and Delta area residents) are being
railroaded into accepting a new site in order to have the problems at the
East Lagoon resolved.
According to the city and its consulting engineers, the odor prob-
lems of the East Lagoon are very unlikely to occur at a new plant because:
• The Monfort packing wastes are being treated at the East Lagoon;
• Different treatment techniques will be utilized (aerobic vs.
anaerobic digestors) which are much less likely to smell;
• The proposed Delta site is downwind of the town, the East Lagoon
people, and the majority of the Delta people.
In addition to odor, citizens also raised concerns about construc-
ting a new plant in a known flood area. Contradictory assertions were
presented about whether the proposed site is within a hundred year flood
plain. Several severe floods were recalled that covered the proposed site.
According to the consulting engineers, floodproofing the plant could be
achieved — sewage would not go floating down to Nebraska.
Citizens worried about damage which the plant could cause to other
structures when a flood backwaters. In response, the consulting engineers
assured Greeley citizens that the plant would not be built within the hun-
dred year flood plain as defined by the U.S. Geologic Survey. The Engineers
pointed out, furthermore, that the existing First Avenue Plant is even more
susceptible to floods than the new proposed facility would be.
No discussion of the First Avenue expansion option was carried on
at the hearing. People did not seem to be aware that the number of people
impacted by odor pollution would be much larger if the new treatment plant
were built at the First Avenue site which is located in a densely populated
area of town. They were also unaware of the relatively more serious
flooding problems, or the relative unreliability of dependence on a pumping
system rather than gravity. Perhaps these comparative considerations were
not made because at the present time the First Avenue Plant is relatively
inoffensive; odor problems there were solved by relegating the treatment
of packing wastes to the East Lagoon Plant.
A third type of concern expressed by the citizens relates to the
proposed site itself, an irrigation ditch and a country road within the
LG-IO
-------
47 acres of land initially suggested as a site. People at the hearing did
not want either of these moved or altered by the city since that could
affect the passage or water access of others.
A final area of concern on the part of Greeley area residents is
change — particularly change in their way of living and methods of farm-
ing. In essence, these farmers did not welcome suggestions from city
engineers about changing their farming techniques. Both the initial facil-
ities plan submitted by Wright-McLaughlin and the subsequent environmental
assessment by ECO-Analysis discuss tertiary treatment and suggest some form
of land application of sludge and effluent. One farmer evoked derisive
laughter when he noted the report's suggestion that farmers grow soybeans.
Soybeans have never been grown in Weld County. Another unpopular suggestion
in the report is that land treatment requires year-round field irrigation.
Irrigation is currently done about 70 days a year in Weld County.
The Way It Has Been Left
The Greeley public hearing was intended to elicit citizen partici-
pation — and it has done just that. Some additional groups, such as Citizens
for Responsible Growth and the Citizens Advisory Committee, provided addi-
tional feedback to the city council before the hearing was held. Greeley's
mayor assured his constituents that their concerns would be taken into
account and that a solution to their needs is being sought. All comments
from the hearing were to receive a response within 30 days.
The Greeley City Council and the Water and Sewer Department have
been, and remain, open to other solutions to the city's need for expanded
treatment facilities. A suggestion was made at the public hearing that
the sewage be pumped much further east of town, even past Kersey. This
alternative would be considerably more expensive, but is under consideration.
A possible interim solution which the city is considering would be to fix
some now inoperative clarifiers at the First Avenue Plant, and thus to
increase capacity on a short term basis while solving the odor problems
at the East Lagoon site.
Many of the objections of Greeley1s citizens are totally contingent
upon whether construction of a new treatment plant or expansion of the
existing facilities will worsen the odor problem. City officials do not
LG-20
-------
anticipate odor problems, but they suffer from a serious credibility gap.
In any case, the citizens of Greeley have voiced their objections and are
now waiting for the city to settle on a 201 facilities plan which will
best meet the diverse desires and needs of the community.
LG-21
-------
3.0 THE SOCIAL IMPACTS OF PL 92-500 ON COLORADO'S FRONT RANGE
In general, grant monies available under PL 92-500 allow communities
the chance to examine their wastewater treatment needs on a more comprehen-
sive basis than would be possible on local funds. Greeley is an example of
a town enabled by federal assistance to develop a regional facilities plan
rather than the small municipal plan originally intended.
Loveland also has examined their treatment needs in greater detail.
However, the impacts of the law on Colorado go beyond these two towns.
The entire Front Range is, and will continue to be, impacted by the expan-
sion of wastewater treatment capacity. Ultimately, the citizens of Colo-
rado will have to face decisions about their state's future. PL 92-500
has perhaps pushed these decisions even closer by providing assistance
through federal funds for building treatment plants. Colorado must pursue
careful planning to provide for the rapid growth of the state and still
maintain its natural richness.
3.1 The Impacts of PL 92-500 Grant Money on the Towns of Loveland and
Greeley
Both Loveland and Greeley have hired consulting engineers to pre-
pare facilities plans for expansion of wastewater treatment capacity. The
Step 1 grant to Greeley financed the work of Wright-McLaughlin Engineers.
Their contract is on a time and materials (hourly rate) basis and will
reach an estimated $110,000 before the planning process is complete. Of
this $110,000, about $12,000 was subcontracted to ECO-Analysis, Inc., an
environmental consulting firm in Denver, for the required environmental
assessment of the alternatives proposed. Another $10,000 was returned to
the City of Greeley in return for their contribution to the inflow analysis
of the current treatment facilities. This inflow analysis was performed
by the Air, Water and Sewer Department.
In Loveland, the combined Steps 1 and 2 grant was for $294,500.
All of this money was used for the consulting engineering study made by
Nelson, Haley, Patterson and Quirk (NHPQ), a Greeley-based firm. NHPQ
entered into only one subcontract — the firm hired a driller for the soil
testing section of the environmental assessment. All other work was con-
ducted by NHPQ.
LG-22
-------
Step 3 grants, for construction, are more likely to have wider
impact on the local economy because of the wide range of products and skilled
workers necessary for the construction process. Once the new facilities are
ready for operation, the need for additional personnel to operate these plants
will result in new employment opportunities.
3. 2 Training Grants
Training of wastewater treatment plant operators is also provided
for under PL 92-500, section 104 (1). Grants under this section have
already been used at several state institutions of higher education. Red
Rocks Community College in Denver is developing a special facility for
training operators and will be partially reimbursed by PL 92-500 grant
money. The current Loveland treatment plant operators have participated in
state-sponsored training programs in Boulder.
3. 3 Social Impacts of Wastewater Treatment Expansion on Growth of
Colorado's Front Range
Colorado's Front Range area extends from Fort Collins in the north,
down to Pueblo in the south; it includes the easternmost range of the Rocky
Mountains and foothills, and the plains area leading up to the foothills.
This part of Colorado contains prime agricultural land along with a
*
pleasant climate, beautiful scenery, a centralized location, and abundant
energy resources. With several schools and colleges, many new industries
and a relatively low unemployment rate, more and more people are moving
into the area. Eighty percent (80%) of Colorado's population now live in
the Front Range.
From the time of the first colonists, Colorado's eastern half has
never had enough water to support both its population and its agricultural
economy. Transmountain diversion and extensive irrigation/reservoir sys-
tems have provided an adequate water supply for the area's needs thus far.
However, if the area continues to grow at its present rate, demands on the
land, water, and air may far exceed their carrying capacity.
LG-23
-------
Population Growth on the Front Range
1960-1970
Greeley 47.8%
Loveland 66.8%
Boulder 77.3%
Denver 30.3%
State 25.8%
The cities of Loveland and Greeley both anticipate a doubling in population
by the year 1990. Colorado is acutely aware that future growth will make
support of both the population and irrigated agriculture very difficult,
given current water supplies.
The relationship between wastewater treatment capacity and growth
was outlined by Russell W. Peterson, Chairman of the U.S. Council on Environ-
mental Quality, in an October issue of the Rocky Mountain News. Peterson
criticized some federally funded sewer projects for:
e Designing interceptor sewers to accommodate over
100 years of population growth;
o Designing interceptors to handle 100-125 gallons
per person per day, when average use is 60-80
gallons per day;
o Building interceptors alongside large areas of
vacant land and encouraging cities to promote
development of the land to help pay the sewer costs.
While better sewage treatment facilities alone do not draw families and
individuals to a particular community, they are an important consideration
for industry along with labor force availability, tax rates, and construction
costs. A pattern seems to be emerging which the state needs to resolve:
LG-24
-------
Chart LG-1
Schematic Representation of
Key Elements in Growth Cycle
9 location
• climate
e beauty
• energy
resources
T
Front Range has
drawn new industry
and people
Growth draws
more industry
and people
Conversion of
agricultural land
to residential use
Negative impacts
on overloaded
environment
More treatment
plants built
Capacity for
expansion draws
industry & people
LG-25
-------
For the purposes of this report, if we enter the model at the point
of building more treatment plants, the potential impacts on residents of the
Front Range could result from three types of changes:
• Construction of treatment facilities,
• Improvement in water quality,
• Opportunity for growth.
During actual construction of a plant, residents of the area could
be disturbed by the noise, dirt and inconvenience of excavations and heavy
machinery. The construction could also provide some short term construction
employment for the area along with the eventual benefits of lack of odors,
improvement in treatment efficiency, and capacity for growth in neighboring
areas. In the case of the proposed construction of a new plant in Greeley,
the ECO-Analysis environmental assessment estimates the construction impact
on the community to be:
Each eight mgd phase of the treatment plant will generate
1200 man-months of employment, or approximately $1.5 million
of wages from the $4 to $5 million total cost of each
phase. . . . The 1974-level costs of interceptor construc-
tion total $7,360,000 between 1975 and 1987. During this
period, labor costs will be an estimated 883 man-months,
or $1.1 million. . . . Some additional economic impact
will result from increased payrolls for replacing trunk
sewers and for operation and maintenance of the new system.
As partial support of the cost of new construction, user charges for
the sewage system would probably be increased in any community. It is prob-
able that higher taps charges would also be charged.
An immediate and important benefit of increased sewage capacity would
be the improvement in water quality for the area's rivers. For instance,
Greeley is now having difficulty in meeting the state's discharge standards
which will only become stricter in the future. Improvement in the quality
of effluent discharged to the rivers will improve the aquatic habitat and
thus could allow for better recreational opportunities (e.g., fishing).
With better water quality the possibility for developing greenbelts along the
Environment Assessment: Social and Environmental Cost Effectiveness,
Section X, Wastewater Management Facilities Plan for Greeley Region,
Weld County, Colorado. Eco-Analysis, Inc., in conjunction with Wnght-
McLaughlin Engineers; 1975., p. ,260
LG-26
-------
rivers is also increased. Denver is already encouraging the development of
parks, bikeways and restaurants along the South Platte. Sections of other
rivers could also be developed in this manner. Picnickers, boaters, pedes-
trians, anglers, and area residents would all benefit from the development
of greenbelts.
Expansion of wastewater treatment capacity is closely tied to the
opportunities for growth in Colorado, although the relationship is circular,
since sewage capacity is both an incentive to and a result of growth. In
some areas, such as Weld County, land use controls force further development
to occur in areas directly adjacent to developed towns. Thus, annexation is
related to a town's capacity to service a particular area with public utili-
ties if it is to draw revenues from the annexed area. Groups who want to
control the expansion of towns like Greeley are thus likely to monitor de-
cisions to expand treatment capacity. (Subdivisions can set up their own
private sewage systems or septic tanks from which the nearby city would draw
no revenues. Yet the subdivision would place demands on the city for other
services. Therefore, economic growth for the core city could be slowed down
by the burden of several nearby subdivisions.)
Expansion of a community tends to occur in the direction of the new
sewage lines, in areas most easily serviced by the interceptors. Therefore,
interceptors should be laid in conjunction with responsible town planning.
The potential for unchecked growth can be controlled by modular expansion of
a treatment facility, slowing down construction if growth does not occur as
quickly as anticipated.
Greater wastewater treatment capacity also brings with it the oppor-
tunity for more industrial and commercial growth in a community, accompanied
by more jobs and additions to the municipal tax base. The need for housing
can increase, supplementing the construction work in the area. Urban growth
has both positive and negative sides. The problems of growing include con-
gestion, heavier demand for public services, overcrowded schools, conversion
of agricultural land to residential use, and increased pollution.
Were the Front Range to develop into a strip city from Fort Collins
to Pueblo, most of the beauty of the area would be lost. Strong steps would
be needed to protect the mountain ranges and the recreational opportunities
now available.
LG-27
-------
Several communities in Colorado are now exploring the possibilities
for more recycling of water. Colorado's water system currently illustrates
a most common form of recycling through irrigation. Water is used and re-
turned to the river perhaps seven or eight times before it flows outside
the state. However, a potential conflict about recycling exists because
of Colorado's strict water laws and rights. According to a consultant en-
gineer for the City of Greeley, one Colorado court case states that water
removed for the purposes of wastewater treatment does not have to be re-
turned to the waterways. This decision provides support for recycling
treated wastewater for local use. In addition, industrial users could
more often utilize closed water systems.
It would be difficult to say that expansion of wastewater treatment
capacity is a direct stimulus to growth or that the plans of towns like
Loveland and Greeley to expand wastewater treatment capacity will result in
a strip city. However, it is true that greater treatment capacity removes
a direct constraint on growth. Colorado's Front Range is an area which at-
tracts more and more people because of its environmental richness. At the
same time, national and world population growth demands more and more pro-
duction from fertile agricultural lands. With enough water for irrigation,
Colorado can supply a large part of the country's agricultural needs and also
remain an area of open space and beautiful scenery. The citizens and gov-
ernment of Colorado are faced with major decisions about their future; pre-
sent planning for wastewater treatment remains an integral part of those
decisions.
LG-28
-------
4.0 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Colorado Water. League of Women Voters, Denver, 1975.
Dille, J. M. A Brief History of Northern Colorado Water Conservancy
District and The Colorado-Big Thompson Project. Litho Greeley Tribune,
1958.
Environment Assessment; Social and Environmental Cost Effectiveness,
Section X, Wastewater Management Facilities Plan for Greeley Region, Weld
County, Colorado. Eco-Analysis, Inc., in conjunction with Wright-McLaughlin
Engineers, 1975.
Facilities Plan for Wastewater Treatment, Loveland, Colorado. Nelson,
Haley, Patterson & Quirk, Inc., Greeley, Colorado, July, 1974.
Greeley, Colorado. Greeley Area Chamber of Commerce.
Loveland Facts. Loveland Chamber of Commerce, Public Relations Committee.
The Monfort Story, Quality Control from Steer to Steak. Monfort of
Colorado, Inc.
Simpson, L.D. Testimony presented at Colorado Water Quality Control
Commission hearing; Exemption of South Platte River from Toxic substance
standards B-2 classification. Northern Colorado Water Conservancy District;
August 13, 1974.
Simpson, L.D. Testimony presented at hearing in Sterling on May 31, 1974,
before Water Quality Control Commission. Northern Colorado Water Conser-
vancy District, May 31, 1974.
With Water Enough...A Better Land! Northern Colorado Water Conservancy
District, Loveland, Colorado.
LG-29
-------
OBSERVLD/PROBABLE SOCIAL IMPACTS BY LOCAL SOCIAL GROUPS:
LOVELAND, COLORADO
SOCIAL IMPACTS
Treatment Plant
Reliability
Availability of Public
Treatment Service to
Local Industry
Potential for
Industrial Growth
Potential for
Residential Growth
Replacement of Outmoded
Treatment Plant with
Public Park
Hater Quality
Improvements
Quality of Treated
Effluent (Nitrogen/
Phosphorus Removal)
System Cost
Location of
Effluent Outfall
Construction Employment
O&M Personnel
Training Grants
SOCIAL GROUPS
B
b
H
id
b
C
+
Construction Workers
+
*
~
Developers and Realtors
+
System Operators
*
-
Industrial Owners/
Managers
**
*
-
Residents Near Facility
To be Phased Out
«
Residents Near Facility
To be Expanded
Taxpayers
*
*
V
-
1 Users of Public
Sewer Service
+
-
-
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
LG-30
-------
NOTES
ON OBSERVED/PROBABLE SOCIAL IMPACTS BY LOCAL SOCIAL GROUPS
LOVELAND, COLORADO
[ le-]
IA
[ li ]
Repairs required on old plant taxed city budget
[ 1J 1
E
[ 2f ]
The availability of a municipal system relieves local industry of
the need to treat wastes to EPA discharge standards.
[ 3b ]
New industry brings new jobs and a greater need for services -
an economic benefit.
[ 3c ]
New industry brings construction work - an economic benefit.
[ 3f ]
Potential for growth enables industry to locate efficiently and
cheaply.
[ 3i ]
New industry expands the tax base, thus relieving the burden on
individuals.
[ 4c ]
New housing starts bring construction work - an economic benefit.
[ 4d ]
Potential for growth makes residential development more lucrative.
LG-31
-------
[ 4i ]
New residents expand the tax base. Some taxpayers, however, would
rather pay more to keep the town from unbridled growth.
[ 5g ]
An ugly building will be removed. A park area will be added.
[ 6a ]
Farmers object to enforcement of EPA 1985 standards because nitrates
and phosphates, valuable as fertilizer, will be removed from their irrigation
water.
[ 8f ]
Although it benefits them, construction of a new plant will raise the
industrial taxes.
[ 8i ]
Increase in taxes as above
[ 8j ]
Increase in user fees
[ 9a ]
There will be no impact unless the resituation of the outfall down-
stream cuts the water supply to farmers upstream. This is unlikely.
[ 10c ]
Building a treatment plant yields jobs for construction workers.
[ lie ]
Grants will enable operators to receive training and become certified
by state standards.
LG-32
-------
OBSERVED/PROBABLE SOCIAL IMPACTS BY LOCAL SOCIAL GROUPS:
GREELEY, COLORADO
SOCIAL IMPACTS
Treatment Plant
Reliability
Availability of Public
Treatment Service for
Local Industry
Potential for
Industrial Growth
Potential for
Residential Growth
Treatment Site Odor
System Costs
Location of
Effluent Outfalls
Quality of Treated
Effluent (Nitrogen/
Phosphorus Removal)
Water Quality
Improvements
Construction Employment
Property Values
Perceived Worth of Land
Application (Sludge and
Effluent)
SOCIAL GROUPS
Farmers
+/-
+/-
—
+/~
Ranchers
u
i
I
++
++
«
0)
I*
£
£
I]
Construe
++
++
n
s
&
m
LI
Develope
+
a
rH
III
Indus tri
++
+
-
in
o en
as
in Q>
3 Ul
-
10
11
12
k I
LG-33
-------
NOTES
ON OBSERVED/PROBABLE SOCIAL IMPACTS BY LOCAL SOCIAL GROUPS
GREELEY, COLORADO
[ le ]
A reliable treatment plant makes development more attractive.
[ If 1
A reliable treatment plant enables industry to operate efficiently.
[ li 1
Reliability implies little or no foul odor.
[ 11 ]
Reliability implies efficient operation.
I 2f 2g ]
See Love land 2f.
[ 3a ]
Some farmers would like to sell their land to developers. Others
fear increasing urbanization.
[ 3c ]
See Love land 3b.
[ 3d ]
See Loveland 3c.
[ 3e ]
New industry — > new jobs — > new housing.
[ 3f ]
See Loveland 3f.
[ 3h ]
New industry — ^ new jobs — ^ need for services.
LG-34
-------
[ 3j ]
Industrial growth brings the spectre of urbanization.
[ 3k ]
See Loveland 4i.
[ 4a ]
See Greeley 3a.
[ 4c ]
See Loveland 4c.
[ 4e ]
See Loveland 4d.
[ 4h 3
See Greeley 3h.
I 4j ]
See Greeley 3j.
[ 5g ]
Because meatpacking wastes cause odor, odors emanating from treat-
ment sites are blamed on feedlot owners.
[ 5i ]
Based on a public hearing of 250 persons it is clear that odor
from the new plant would be extremely offensive. If there is no odor, there
will be no impact.
[ 6f ]
As taxpayers, industrialists will have to bear the capital costs.
[ 6g 6h ]
See Greeley 6f .
[ 7a ]
See Loveland 9a.
LG-35
-------
[ 8a ]
See Loveland 6a.
f IQc 1
See Loveland lOc.
[ 111 ]
Based on a public hearing of 250 persons, it is clear that they believe
that odor from the new plant would reduce property values in the area signi-
ficantly. Otherwise no impact.
[ 12a ]
Some farmers already utilize sludge treatment and see it as a benefit.
Other farmers, based upon testimony at the public hearing, do not want to use
sludge treatment and find the city's proposal to change their farming methods
as an offensive intrusion upon their individual rights.
LG-36
-------
DEMOGRAPHIC AND ECONOMIC COMPOSITION OF LOCAL SOCIAL GROUPS:
LOVELAND AND GREELEY, COLORADO
SOCIAL GROUPS
Farmers
Ranchers
Industrial Employees
Construction Workers
Developers and Realtors
Treatment System Operators
Industrial Owners/Managers
Feed Lot Owners
Owners of Small Businesses
Residents Near Plant to be
Phased Out
Residents Near Plant to be
Expanded
Residents Downwind of
Treatment Site
Slow Growth Proponents
Taxpayers
Users of Public Sewer Service
01
f-i
Cl4
X
X
X
X
X
X
0)
•-I
£
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
0
ro
V
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
o
\o
.H
n
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
o
\o
A
X
X
X
X
X
X
Majority
X
X
X
X
X .
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
Minority
X
X
Low Income
X
.
X
X
X
Moderate
Income
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
0)
§
H
1
X
X
X
X
X
X
LG-27
-------
MAUMEE RIVER
TABLE OF -CONTENTS
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
1.0 INTRODUCTION
2.0 REGIONAL PROFILE
2.1 Demography
2.2 Water Problems
2.3 An Historical Overview of Water Cleanup and Citizen Participation
3.0 POINT SOURCES
3.1 Industrial
3.1.1 A Large Company
3.1.2 A Medium Company
3.1.3 Small Companies
3.2 Municipal
3.2.1 Overview
3.2.2 Toledo - Bay View Treatment Plant
3.2.3 Lima
3.2.4 Bowling Green - User Charge/Industrial Cost Recovery
4.0 NON-POINT SOURCES
4.1 Agricultural Run-Off
4.1.1 General Considerations
4.1.2 Dredging
4.1.3 Channelization
4.1.4 Farming
5.0 RECREATION
6.0 WATERFRONT DEVELOPMENT
7.0 BIBLIOGRAPHY
-------
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
No social impacts resulting from cleaner water brought about by
PL 92-500 are identified in the Maumee River Basin, since the Act has
not yet led to cleaner water in northwestern Ohio. The NPDES permit program
for point sources is well underway, but will not result in appreciably cleaner
water until 1977 at the earliest, and 208 planning for control of non-point
sources is still in its infancy.
Social impacts resulting from the mechanisms of the Act are
numerous. The majority of such social impacts result from issues whose
evaluation and resolution are a consequence of federal and state legisla-
tion (and other sources) some of which antedate the passage of PL 92-500.
In these cases, PL 92-500 has added impetus and thereby stimulated the social
impacts. The social impacts resulting from cleaner water are at least as
important as those resulting from the mechanisms of the Act, whatever time-
horizon is chosen, and we regard the social impacts resulting from the
mechanisms of the Act as likely to become more apparent as the mechanisms
acquire increasing momentum.
Agricultural runoff is a good specific example of the distinction
between impacts caused by clean water and those caused by PL 92-500 mechanisms.
No reduction in the sediment load from agricultural runoff in the Maumee
has yet occurred. Non-point pollution sources are not addressed
by the NPDCES permit program. As a non-point source, therefore, agricultural
runoff will be affected by PL 92-500 (if at all) through the medium of 208
planning. Since 208 planning in the Maumee Basin is still gearing up, it
is too early to say what social impacts this section of PL 92-500 will have
on farming practices, or on the many groups adversely affected by the runoff
and sediment load.
PL 92-500 has spurred rethinking on agricultural runoff and recent
state hearings have examined the channelization programs of the State Con-
servation Districts. The National Environmental Impact Statements have pro-
vided an opportunity for public input, and are important in explaining re-
examinations of the problem.
It is unlikely that there will be significant social impact in
the Maumee Basin from industrial hardship caused by industry's need to
meet 1977 effluent limits. No closings have occurred or are expected.
However, water quality standards and effluent limitations for municipal
MR-1
-------
treatment plants are creating appreciable changes in municipal planning,
expenditure and revenues.
There is a pent-up demand for water-oriented recreation and water-
front development in the Toledo area, which is manifested by attempts to
develop property for public use, increased studies on water quality and its
possible use for recreation, and growing efforts by citizen groups to push
for legislation and/or to prod enforcement agencies into action. The
satisfaction of such demands has social manifestations both long-lasting and
of considerable scope. All these increases were underway prior to 1972, but
all were helped along by the passage and spirit of PL 92-500.
The social impacts of PL 92-500 lie more in the future than in the
past; they are likely to be profound. The major ones will probably be attri-
butable at least in part to factors other than PL 92-500, whose alternate
consequences may well result from its long-run role in changing the climate
of public opinion on the value of cleaner water.
MR-2
-------
MAUMEE RIVER BASIN
TOLEDO, OHIO
1.0 INTRODUCTION
The City of Toledo, in northwestern Ohio, reflects the complex-
ity of the effects of PL 92-500 on a major U. S. metropolitan area. The water
related issues identified there include point source and non-point sources of
pollution; user charge and industrial cost recovery; planning; and recreation.
The bodies of water involved are the Maumee River along with its major tribu-
taries, Maumee Bay, and Lake Erie. The study area includes the City of Toledo,
the Toledo Standard Metropolitan Statistical Area, the area of the local 208
planning agency and, most broadly, the Maumee River Basin.
The issues around which social impacts are organized in this study
are:
• Point Sources
Industrial
Large
Medium \ companies
Small
Municipal
Sludge Disposal
Treatment and collection system
• Non-Point Sources
Agricultural Runoff
• User Charge/Industrial Cost Recovery
Industrial plant closing and community effects
• Planning
208 planning: the relation between treatment plant funding and
other social goals
o Recreation
Water recreation as a function of cleaner water and waste treat-
ment costs
MR-3
-------
2.0 REGIONAL PROFILE
2.1 Demography
Toledo is in Lucas County, Ohio. Toledo's population in 1970 was
389,870; Lucas County's was 495,678. The population of the Toledo SMSA was
792,290, of which 90% were white, 7.5% were Black, 2% were Spanish speaking
and 0.5% were other. Total employment in February 1975 was 309,000 of which
276,800 was in wage and salaried employment — 81,100 in manufacturing, and
195,700 in non-manufacturing. The manufacturing payroll in 1972 totalled
close to $1 billion. The effective buying income of the SMSA is estimated at
$3.6 billion, and that per household at $14,210. There are three universi-
ties and three technical (two-year) institutes, 129 public and 50 parochial
schools in the SMSA.
The principal sections of economic activity are: agriculture, auto-
motive parts (including glass), petroleum refining and chemicals, steel and
metal-stamping, colleges and universities, government, trade, transportation,
utilities, construction.
The city is a rail, highway and airport center. Half of the U.S.
population lives within 500 miles of Toledo, which may be regarded as part
of the spreading megalopolitan belt stretching from Pittsburgh
to Milwaukee•
2.2 Water Problems
About 1.5 million people live in the Maumee River Basin. The river
itself flows southwest to northeast for 134 miles, beginning in Fort Wayne,
Indiana, and ending in Mauir.ee Bay (Lake Erie) in Toledo. The river's drain-
age area covers 6608 square miles of rich agricultural land in Ohio, Indiana
and Michigan. It is roughly 100 miles in diameter, shaped like a saucer
rising toward the edges, with outlets in the north to Lake Erie* This topog-
raphy is the result of glacial action. Once an ice sheet, the basin was
formed when the glacier retreated, leaving a lake on whose bed was deposited
a thick layer of clay mixed with fine silt and sand. This condition is a
fundamental cause of agricultural runoff.
Projected 1970-85 population growth for the 14 countries in the Basin
ranges from 5.2% to 37.1%.
MR-4
-------
As the lake receded, the river systems developed, but much of the
area remained swampy and had to be drained for settlement. This is a further
cause of agricultural runoff. As villages, towns and cities emerged, the
more familiar forms of point and non-point water pollution began. The Great
Lakes Basin Commission (GLBC) initiated the Maumee River Basin Level B
study in March, 1974 pursuant to the planning approach promulgated by the U.S.
Water Resources Council. The Toledo Metropolitan Area Council of Governments
(TMCOG) is the 208 planning agency designated under PL 92-500. TMCOG's area
includes five Ohio counties and three contiguous townships in Michigan. The
Ohio Environmental Protection Agency is, among other things, engaged in 303(e)
planning. All have issued reports, from which extracts are summarized and
combined in the rest of this section.
The Maumee River joins Lake Erie at Maumee Bay. The Bay covers 20
square miles and receives the Maumee and Ottawa Rivers. Recreation (both
body-contact and fishing) is important. Maumee Bay affects and is affected
by the quality of Lake Erie, which backs up into it. Sedimentation from
agricultural and urban runoff (including storm) has created severe problems
in the Bay and the Basin's river systems. Point sources of pollutants further
degrade the water. In addition to water quality problems, erosion of Lake
Erie's shoreline and flooding in shoreline areas are critical issues. Serious
conflicts exist between environmental (ecological), recreational and commer-
cial interests in the large wetlands area in and surrounding the Bay.
Uncontrolled urban sprawl has spawned a hodgepodge of changing land
uses, some of it on high quality agricultural lands. Opportunities for Basin
residents to enjoy outdoor recreation are quite limited. Erosion of agricul-
tural land and sedimentation of the Bay result from poor land management,
clayey soils and poor drainage. The Maumee River is the greatest contributor
to rural runoff pollution (both in nutrients and sediments) in the Lake Erie
Basin. The extensive loss of marsh habitat in Maumee Bay and along the Lake
Erie shores has significantly reduced nesting areas for waterfowl and shore-
birds, and spawning areas for fish. Channel modification and the removal of
woodlots and fencerows have reduced animal habitat. Flooding downstream, with
consequent damages in both urban and rural areas, results from upstream chan-
nelization. Given the topography and geology of the area, agricultural runoff
is exacerbated by farming practices — row cropping, fall plowing, limited
return of organic matter to the soil. The removal and disposal of dredge
MR-5
-------
spoils in the lower Maumee, the Bay and the Lake are a continuing problem.
Poor water quality reduces the recreational attractiveness of lands
adjacent to the lake and directly circumscribes body contact recreation,
fishing and water supply. Some of the more critical water quality problems
in the Basin are sediment load, nutrients (nitrates and phosphates), low
dissolved oxygen, high turbidity, significant concentrations of a variety of
industrial wastes and high bacterial counts downstream from major communi-
ties.
There are 52 wastewater treatment plants in the Basin. Some are both
hydraulically and organically overloaded. There are 103 known industrial
point sources, combined sewers, and leaking interceptors. As a result, there
are exotic chemicals, heavy metals, sludge banks, oil slicks, fish kills,
nutrient enrichment, raw sewage stenches and astronomical densities of sewage
bacteria in the Maumee River, in the Bay and in major tributaries and embank-
ments of Lake Erie.
In short, the Toledo area and the Maumee Basin exhibit classic land-
use conflicts, point source and non-point source pollution issues common to
many major river basins and metropolitan areas in the U.S., with the added
problems of extensive agricultural runoff and river/bay/lake ecological needs.
PL 92-500 and Other Social Goals
The existence of federal grant systems makes it possible for review
agencies to link several social objectives. The City of Oregon's applica-
tion for 201 monies for a wastewater treatment plant and collection system
is a case in point since its approval has been made contingent upon the
provision of low income housing.
TMCOG is the A-95 review agency for the Toledo area. In 1972 it re-
viewed the City of Oregon's application to EPA for a PL 92-500 Title II grant
to build a wastewater treatment plant. TMCOG concluded that Oregon's
refusal to provide low and moderate income housing in that community should
be considered before Oregon's request for grant money was approved. Recom-
mendations to approve this application for assistance were conditional pending
a change in Oregon's policy on the need for more low-cost housing in the region.
Objections to granting Title II money centered around the application's
failure to include in the plan "the older clustered northeast sector and the
MR-6
-------
village of Harbor View, which contain ill-functioning septic tanks and leach
fields..." Harbor View is a low-income area of approximately 100 housing
units. TMCOG noted that "There is a defined need for low and moderate income
housing in the region, a problem that could be alleviated somewhat with the
implementation of a housing plan in conjunction with the increase in devel-
opable land when sewers are installed" and that "City of Oregon representatives
acknowledge that the housing problem in the city is a requirement for the
waste improvement, but have not supported this need by housing studies, nor
adopted regional goals for housing."
Although the general housing issue is not yet resolved, the City of
Oregon has revised its application so as to include Harbor View in the sewage
collection system for the treatment plant.
This case leads to several conclusions. First, a law such as PL 92-
500 which makes monies available but conditional on a reviewed plan,
increases the power of reviewing and planning agencies. Secondly, when,
as is the case here, the law also mandates public participation in the
planning process, the probability increases that the achievement of related
social goals will be inserted into the decision-making process. TMCOG in-
terprets the mandate to mean that a Title II funds application should be
widely circulated for comment. This stimulated response from the Toledo-
Lucas County Planning Commission. It is possible, although this did not
happen here, that achievement of an unrelated social goal may be made a
condition of approval by the reviewing agency. These trends are, of course,
strengthened by the Office of Management and Budget's A-95 directive, which
requires coordination among planning agencies and review by a single agency of
all applications for federal funds for projects within its planning area.
It should be noted that such trends, which lead to increased centralization
of authority, are at variance with the philosophy underlying revenue-sharing,
where the emphasis is on increasing local control by devolution of power
from state and federal to local entities. The sociopolitical implications
of this could be profound.
Toledo Metropolitan Area Council of Governments, Areawide Waste
Treatment Management Plan. October 1, 1974.
MR-7
-------
2.3 An Historical Overview of Water Cleanup and Citizen Participation
Water pollution and its control are familiar to the people of Toledo.
Older residents recalled that people were aware of water pollution back in
the mid-1940s and '50s, when increased industrialization and City growth
noticeably affected the water quality of the Maumee River and Lake Erie.
Between the mid-1940s and the early "60s, a marked decrease in the numbers
and species of fish was noted and participation in fishing and water con-
tact sports decreased steadily. Until 1959, the Maumee was the source of
the public water supply. Since then, Lake Erie has been the source. During
the early '60s, the River and Lake waters were extremely low; a natural
phenomenon which exacerbated pollution problems. At this time, the pol-
lution problem was visually apparent and obvious to anyone who even casually
looked at the murky water and beaches strewn with dead fish. By the mid-
'60s, people were concerned enough about pollution to begin organizing to
fight it.
Citizen groups such as the Junior League, the League of Women Voters,
the N.W. Ohio Natural Resources Council, sportsmen's, school and conservation
groups were among the first to act. Commissions were set up to identify
and study the problems and to attempt corrective actions. Large audiences
of school, conservation and public groups viewed the film "The Fate of the
River," paid for by the N. W. Ohio Natural Resources Council. Recognizing
that inadequate sewer systems and treatment facilities contributed greatly
to the pollution problem, the Junior League conducted tours of the sewer
treatment plant trying to educate the public regarding the need for expanded
and more adequate treatment facilities and sewer systems. The Boy Scouts
and members of Work Experience Program for Youths had cleanup projects at
Swan Creek in Toledo.
Clear Water, Inc., a non-profit agency which began formal operations:
in 1966, was organized to coordinate a number of public and private efforts
to fight pollution. Its initial efforts were to make people aware of the
problem while trying to coordinate these efforts into a comprehensive plan.
Clear Water led an early citizen drive to centralize management and planning
of the state's water resources. At that time, such responsibilities were
scattered among dozens of departments, boards, and commissions.
MR-8
-------
By 1967, efforts by Clear Water to increase citizen awareness bore
fruit with communities, civic groups, and other agencies seeking legisla-
tion to combat pollution. From these citizen requests for action emerged
the Ohio Water Development Authority (OWDA), the funding agency for public
and industrial pollution abatement facilities; a reorganization of the Ohio
Water Pollution Control Board which gave it more enforcement powers,' and
a state-sponsored northwestern Ohio water development plan, a funding and
research project designed to provide more water for cities, industries, and
recreation programs.
In the late 1960s, state voters approved a revenue bond issue for
$100 million in initial financing for OWDA to combat pollution. Under
some $35.6 million in funds advanced by OWDA, the Maumee basin had more
municipal treatment plant work than any other part of the state. In addi-
tion to millions of dollars invested by cities, industries were spending
large amounts trying to meet pollution standards.
Due to efforts by industry, citizen's groups, Clear Water, private
and state planning and funding agencies, commissions and control boards,
water quality gradually improved. New, expensive homes were built along
the banks of the Maumee and its tributaries, an indication that riverfront
property was increasing in desirability. The $1.3 million investment by
the state in new recreational facilities was a sign that people were
returning to the Maumee. Improved fishing was also reported in the Maumee
and on Lake Erie.
Although important advances had been made in the fight against
pollution during the late '60s and early '70s, much is still left to be
done. In 1970, treatment of storm sewage and non-point sources of pollu-
tion were recognized as major untackled pollution problems. As early as
1963, newspaper articles on the sedimentation problem in the Maumee appeared.
Despite progress in Maumee water cleanup, area pollution control and health
officials issued a joint statement in 1973 that bacteria counts in the
river were still too high for water sports. Problems of urban/industrial
pollution still exist in the Maumee Basin.
Citizen Participation
Historically, citizens have participated as individuals, in ad hoc
groups, and through community organizations to improve water quality.
MR-9
-------
They have created an awareness of the problems, educated the larger public,
acted as pressure groups to create pollution control legislation, and
banded together to confront issues at all levels - private and public.
The nature and extent of public participation as affected by PL 92-
500 is as yet uncertain. It appears that the setting up of citizen advisor-
ies by environmental and planning agencies at the state and local level is
the most widespread consequence of the law. Many community group represen-
tatives also sit on TMCOG's citizen advisory group. Public participation in
NPDES permit hearings appears to be unknown in the Toledo area, but has
occurred elsewhere.
A common problem in gaining citizen involvement is the relatively
high degree of conceptual sophistication and technical expertise required
of people if their participation is to be valuable, and the considerable
amount of time that the individual must spend to acquire this knowledge.
This appears to preclude any but the most determined and aroused groups
from participating in matters such as NPDES permit hearings for particular
industries or municipal facilities.
These views were commonly expressed by Toledo community group
leaders. One informant, whose group had organized an EPA-funded water
workshop, proposed that agencies spend part of their citizen participa-
tion budget to hire specialists to work with citizen groups and to
represent them on committees or at hearings. Another leader with a
lifetime of experience in citizen participation in the Toledo area on
environmental matters, felt that citizen groups were better off avoiding
such direct involvement. She favored more general public education programs.
There is and always has been a relatively small number of active,
dedicated citizens knowledgeable in pollution matters. These activists
appear on advisory groups or at hearings, and many are members of several groups
simultaneously. PL 92-500 has not changed this situation, but the law has
forced greater openness on the part of environmental and planning agencies,
partly because an approved mechanism for public participation is a condition
for receiving certain PL 92-500 monies.
MR-10
-------
3.0 POINT SOURCES
3.1 Industrial
Ohio EPA administers the NPDES permit program. Its Northwest District
covers 350 plants in 26 counties, of which the Maumee Basin accounts for 103
in 14 counties.
It is too early to assess the social impacts on the companies of meeting
the 1977, 1983, and 1985 effluent limits and goals. EPA does not yet have data
on costs to the plants. These are being submitted as compliance schedule plans
go forward. So far, such submitted schedules account for only $4.7 million
in capital costs for plants. These plants include none of the major industrial
complexes.
EPA has issued 99 percent of the expected permits for district dis-
chargers. No plants are expected to close as a result of having to invest in
water pollution control facilities. Those treating their own effluent —
including all the major dischargers — are expected to continue to do so.
Some smaller plants are expected to switch from own treatment to a tie-in to
Toledo Bay View treatment plant to avoid the complications involved in obtain-
ing the NPDES permit required to install or upgrade their own facilities.
Those discharging to the Bay View treatment plant are expected to continue
to do so. Of them it is expected that only a small number — those with
metal wastes especially — will be affected by pretreatinent requirements.
EPA reports that it has had good cooperation from all industrial plants.
Only 12 adjudicatory hearings are planned, and in these the Agency expects
negotiated agreements to cause little difficulty in the months ahead. No
companies have brought lawsuits against EPA Northwest District on the NPDES
permit program or on other aspects of the law.
Since the state of Ohio had a permit program before the passage of
PL 92-500 in 1972, most plants in the area have already invested in some degree
of water cleanup. The effects of pL 92-500 on industry in the Maumee River
Basin are therefore minimal. An EPA spokesman said that he knew of no layoffs
or plant closings in the Ohio portion of the Basin resulting from water cleanup
requirements. He did not know if this was true also of Indiana and Michigan.
3.1.1 A Large Company
The biggest industrial discharger to the Maumee River Basin by effluent
volume is Hayes Albion, located in Spencerville, Allen County, 120 miles south-
MR-11
-------
west of Toledo. The company has been in Spencerville since 1958, and supplies
the Big Four auto producers with auto body trim strips. Auto related indus-
try is common in northwestern Ohio.
Prior to the passage of PL 92-500, Hayes Albion spent $80,000 capital
on effluent cleanup to satisfy the requirements of Ohio law. An additional
$40,000 has been spent in the last two years as a consequence of PL 92-500.
Hayes Albion's NPDES permit from EPA is in the "final stages of final
approval." The company is not meeting effluent limits at present for only
one parameter, aluminum.
Since it supplies the Big Four, Hayes Albion cannot increase the price
of its products due to duration contractual agreements. The costs of water
pollution control are therefore borne by shareholders through reduced profits.
It has not reduced its level of output or payroll as a consequence of such
expenditures. It will deal with the question of 1983 best available "when
we get there" but does not see how it "can achieve zero." The primary reasons
for the company's location — proximity to the Big Four and a good labor climate
are not affected by PL 92-500.
3.1.2 A Medium Company
Chase Brass is in Montpelier, 90 miles west of Toledo. This company
is engaged in the casting, extrusion and finished rolling of leaded brass rod.
The average automobile contains 42 pounds of this product, the average home 65
pounds.
The company does not know how it can comply with some of the best
practicable effluent limits required by the Ohio EPA NPDES permit and ques-
tions the value of doing so. Its present treatment system will have to be
replaced at an estimated capital cost of $100,000 plus an estimated operations
and maintenance cost of $100,000 per annum for a metals treatment and ditch
system. Most of Chase Brass' effluent cleanup costs are due directly to
PL 92-500's requirements. The receiving waters are water quality limited,
so that better than best practicable treatment is required by 1977. Accord-
ing to the spokesman, the company's consulting engineers know of no way
to reduce copper — a troublesome pollutant — to the required level of one
part per million, no matter how much money is spent on treatment. At the same
time, the requirement that the company build a large ditch around the plant
to contain its solids "is absurd." Its clean water will then discharge to a
ditch beyond the company's property which is already heavily laden with solids
MR-12
-------
from agricultural runoff. Further, this property is lower than that of the
surrounding land, so that the ditch will itself collect agricultural runoff
and cause periodic flooding of plant property, with the consequence that the
company will have to find a way to control solids resulting from other than
its own operations. The company has also spent $1.5 million capital to comply
with the Clean Air Act, as compared with the plant's original capitalized
value in 1965 of $9 million. The result is that the company has spent on
air pollution control alone more than 75% of the after-tax profits of the
company over the plant's life. By comparison, water pollution control costs
are lower, although the spokesman noted that "there's the last straw
argument."
Employment is down from 110 a year ago to 75 today, reflecting the
depressed auto and housing market. The cost of water (and air) pollution
cleanup is borne by profits and by an increase in the price of the product.
There are 13 such companies in the U.S., scattered in different states. This
plant is located within 500 miles of 75% of the market for its products.
The company, as a wholly-owned subsidiary of Kennecott Copper Corporation, has
not approached the Small Business Administration for financial help.
A Chase Brass Manager summed up the situation this way:
It's great to write laws, but someone in the practical world
has to devise the equipment necessary to meet them. To go
from 100% utter chaos to 100% absolute perfection in a short
time frame when the technology is not here to go 50% of the
way, with fines if you don't make it, is rather ridiculous.
If our consulting engineers can't assure us that the best
decanting for heavy metals removal techniques can't get half
way home, then nobody can get us further. We can't get help
from Ohio EPA — only relief. That's a lousy position to be
in.
3.1.3 Small Companies
Ohio Decorative Products
This plant is in Lima, Allen County, 100 miles southwest of Toledo.
It is engaged in die-casting and plating of auto parts. An undisclosed amount
has been spent on water pollution control. The plant provides its own treat-
ment. The expenditures and cleanup are hardly affected by PL 92-500. The
plant meets EPA/NPDES effluent limits. An estimated 90% of the system re-
quired to meet them was in place before 1972. Its output and labor force
(undisclosed) are not affected, and it "is not worried about is competitors."
MR-13
-------
Effects on its profits were not disclosed. It has no plans to relocate.
The company did not avail itself of the State of Ohio's Water Development
Authority Loan/Grants Program to finance its water pollution control expendi-
tures because "we don't like dealing with the government." Instead, it took
commercial market loans.
Lima Lead
This company also is in Lima. Its product is salvaged lead from auto
batteries. In 1973 it switched from no treatment, and discharge to a local
water course, to pretreatment and discharge to the Lima municipal treatment
plant.
The capital costs for pretreatment — a sewer system, a pumping
station and settling tanks — have been $50,000 over the last two years.
The bulk of its Operating and Maintenance costs is $50,000 per annum for
caustic soda, used in pretreatment of effluent. The plan, underway prior
to the passage of PL 92-500, had been in court under state water law.
The spokesman said that its peak employment was 30 in October, 1974,
and that this has fallen now to 18, because of water pollution control costs.
The 12 are now "on unemployment." This company cannot raise the price of
its product, since there are four local rivals, with whom it is not compet-
titive. According to a Lima Lead representative, the competitors are "still
dumping in the river." Lima Lead must now offer less for its raw material —
used batteries. The spokesman said that three of four similar plants had
closed in the Cleveland area and that Lima Lead had been able to stay open
only because of its middleman role in auto parts, as distinct from its
principal product, salvaged lead. Its market area has a 150 mile radius.
Lima Lead has borrowed commercially to finance its water pollution
control costs. It has not approached the Small Business Administration (SBA)
for a loan under PL 92-500, although EPA has offered to help in certifying
any company application. The spokesman noted that a problem in making such
an application was what he perceived as SBA's requirement that the "books be
kept up to date 60 days, whereas 6 months is as close as we could get."
The spokesman said that two recent governmental developments — water
pollution cleanup and occupational and health requirements — had together
created financial burdens significantly affecting the viability of his company.
MR-14
-------
Maumee Metals
This company is in Maumee, 10 miles southwest of Toledo. It heat
treats finished steel parts for household products and automobiles. Its
effluent parameters include metals — copper, chromium, iron, zinc — and oil
and grease. It has at present no treatment of its effluent, which is dis-
charged to a natural watercourse. Pretreatment is now required under PL
92-500, with discharge first to the City of Maumee's sanitary sewer and then
to its wastewater treatment plant. The EPA/NPDES permit requires the pre-
treatment facilities. EPA reviews pretreatment facilities plans and design.
Oil and grease is the major problem. Discussions with consulting
engineers and with the Maumee wastewater treatment plant officials are con-
tinuing. Metals are down to "a few parts per million."
The informant did not know the capital cost to the company of pre-
treatment. Operating and maintenance costs include at least $6000 per annum
for wastewater quality monitoring. The company has had to raise the price of
its products with no noticeable change in demand as a consequence. It has
two competitors in the Toledo area, "who are presumably in the same boat."
Its market area has a radius of 100 miles. Its payroll of 23 is unchanged.
3.2 Municipal
3.2.1 Overview
There are a wide range of actual and expected social impacts from PL
92-500. Cases exhibiting various issues and impacts are presented in this
section ranging from the problems of a major metropolitan area — Toledo —
to the successes of a small city — Lima — and including what may be a unique
case — Bowling Green.
There are 52 municipal plants in the Basin, plus another 25 communi-
ties with no treatment plants, where sewage lies in ditches, in streets
and in catch basins. An Ohio EPA spokesman reported that all the former
have some form of 201 construction grant application in, and that NPDES permits
have been issued for them contingent upon application approval. All the lat-
ter are on the state's priority list and are under permits conditional on the
submission of applications for planning monies. For both types of community —
those with plants and those without — the demand for grant monies exceeds
MR-15
-------
the supply, so that some compromises will eventually be required. Such com-
promises are likely to affect especially the provision of adequate sewer
systems. The spokesman was unwilling to speculate on which or how many com-
munities will face the greatest relative financial burdens, with the social
impacts that these might entail.
3.3.2 Toledo - Bay View Treatment Plant
Collection System
This plant treats the wastes of Toledo and of several contiguous
incorporated and unincorporated areas, whose total population is 1.5 million.
The social impacts of PL 92-500 are the result of expected costs to the City
and the increase in sewage rates necessary to meet water quality standards.
There are two major problems. An as-yet-unpublished report by Ohio
EPA and TMCOG states that in drought periods (i.e., when there is no urban
storm runoff and overloading) the plant discharges the equivalent of the
raw sewage of 2 million people. Nevertheless, Toledo bond prospectus issued
in May, 1975 for the sale of $3 million of bonds for an improved collection
system stated that the plant "is capable of meeting present EPA effluent
standards." In the face of this contradiction, a TMCOG spokesman concluded
that the plant design is not functioning properly. This is one major problem.
The others are that the sewer systems are combined storm and sanitary, and
that the collection system is old. As a consequence, heavy sewage loads are
discharged to the Maumee and major tributaries in the Toledo area during
storm periods. At the same time, regulators designed to open only during
storm periods leak and also open to admit river water when its level rises,
so that the treatment plant for appreciable periods of the year is trying
to treat the sewage load from the metropolitan area and the added river load.
Both problems are under study, with the help of $746,250 Title II monies
from EPA.
The Ohio NPDES permit, which is to take effect in October, 1975, will
require, among other things, that
the 30-day mean of BOD and suspended solids values for
effluent samples for tne first one-half of the runoff
from a 3/4-inch frequency storm shall not exceed equivalent
secondary treatment or 85% removal, whichever is less stringent.
MR-16
-------
In advance of such studies, Ohio EPA and the Plant Superintendent
expect the cost of separating the storm and sanitary systems — felt to be
the only long-run solution — to range from $75 to $100 million. With the
federal share of 75%, the question faced by the City is whether it can or
should expend its 25%, which could amount up to $25 million.
On this issue, city spokesmen point out that the sewer rate system
was changed as of January 1, 1975. Rates were increased, both for city and
suburban users. Further, the rates per unit use were changed from declining
to constant. This is required by federal regulations on user charges pursuant
to PL 92-500. And finally, rates in Toledo and other municipalities which
discharge directly or indirectly to Lake Erie are higher than for those which
do not. This is due to the additional cost of the higher degree of phosphorus
removal required of dischargers to Lake Erie.
City spokesmen, therefore, raise the possibility of several social im-
pacts, whose extent is not yet known and/or which may not take place.
First, higher suburban rates may affect homeowners' location decisions.
If there is a tendency to move into the city, this will have social ramifica-
tions of considerable complexity — including the provision of services.
The extent to which this might happen — i.e., the elasticity of homeowners'
location response to increased absolute and relative sewer rates, is unknown.
Second, increased sewer rates affect especially those with fixed in-
comes. In 1970, for example, Toledo had 43,000 residents 65 and over out of
a total city population of 384,000. At the same time, the Toledo SMSA minus
the city had 32,750 persons 65 and over out of a total population of 399,000.
The burden falls more heavily on the City, which has more (and a greater per-
centage of) people on fixed incomes, than on the suburbs. It was unknown
whether Toledo's higher rates compared with other Ohio municipalities had af-
fected municipal growth differentially. One City spokesman felt that if t?he
City is required to raise $25 million, the consequences could be sewer rates
"as high as six times the present level," which would constitute "a real bur-
den." It is not expected that large industrial units will be adversely af-
fected by the shift from declining to constant sewer rates per unit use. The
rate system is expect to be the same nationwide.
Another City spokesman raised the issue of the City's long-run ability
to finance municipal services. He noted that the question is not a matter of
MR-17
-------
conflict between the City's spending money on water pollution control and its
spending money on other social goals. Water pollution cleanup is financed by
bond issues (and the federal government), which in turn are repaid as to prin-
cipal and interest by increases in sewage rates. The account is separate,
i.e., the repayment is not affected, even in part, by using City revenues from
other sources. Yet in a deeper sense, and in the long run, a conflict is felt
to be possible. Any metropolitan area's ability to raise revenues, hence its
ability to float bonds, may have an upper limit. It is when this limit is
approached that possible conflicts in social expenditures may occur. The
cumulative effect on taxpayers — through sales taxes, property taxes, income
taxes, sewer rates and the like — may simply mean that at some point "the cow
is milked dry." At present, Toledo has still some vacant land on which it is
trying to introduce commercial/industrial development. This is expected to
be developed in the next 10-15 years. At that point, the City's assessed
valuation is expected to be largely fixed. Since its ability to float bonds
is a function of its assessed value, the City may at some point face a choice
between loans obtained by bonds issued for one purpose rather than another.
In this sense, EL 92-500 affects decisions about the City's ability to finance
services.
Sludge Disposal
The Wood County Health Department has ordered the Toledo municipal
wastewater treatment facility not to dispose its sewage sludge on local farm-
land. Homeowners have objected because of offensive odors. The basis of the
order is an Ohio nuisance ordinance.
The City of Toledo has an NPDES permit from Ohio EPA for its waste-
water treatment facility at Bayview Park. The permit sets step by step
effluent limits in terms of flow, BOD, suspended solids, pH, fecal
coliform, chlorine residual, and phosphorus. These limits are to be met as
201 funded construction of treatment facilities proceeds.
A sludge disposal and monitoring plan is required by the permit. The
amount of sludge created is directly related to the degree of phosphorus
removal required.
MR-18
-------
The Toledo plant treats phosphorus that enters the system both from normal
household discharges and from river water that contains phosphorus from
agricultural runoff. As the river rises, its overflow enters the plant's
collection system, through faulty regulators which are tripped. River level
rises periodically as wind and wave action pushes Lake Erie water into the
Bay and further upriver past the plant.
The plant disposes of 200 wet tons of sludge per day. It has a con-
tract with a Chicago company which is paid by the City to transport and
spread the sludge on 150 acres of farmland in Wood County, south of Toledo.
This plan began in 1972. The sludge is used to grow animal feed crops: corn,
oats, soybeans, wheat. The farmer uses no other fertilizers. The farmer
benefits in the implied subsidy provided by the free sewage, which reduces
to zero this particular farmer's expenditure on fertilizer. As the Super-
intendent of the treatment plant put it, "the farmers will be scrambling
to buy the sludge from us in the next few years, as fertilizer prices increase."
Odor problems in the summer of 1974 led 60 local homeowners to sign
a petition asking the Wood County Health Department to act. The Department
issued the order on grounds of nuisance. The order was stayed in response
to an injunction brought by the City of Toledo, i.e., the disposal continues
until the court takes up the issue in the near future.
Although no formal citizen's organization has been set up, citizens
have here acted in concert to prod an agency into action on their behalf, on
the grounds of a reduction in the quality of life — and of a feared reduc-
tion in property values. As one citizen put it, "it was so bad last year you
couldn't go out, for fear you'd vomit. We're retired, so we could move out
if we had to, but others aren't so lucky." A local real estate agent noted
no reduction in property values, because no property was offered for sale in
the vicinity.
The role of PL 92-500 in this issue is that the NPDES permit issued
requires the high percentage removal of phosphorus and the plan for the dis-
posal of sewage sludge, and the monitoring of its effects on surface and
ground water, soils and plants. The plan was underway prior to the passaqe
of the Act, because of limited space at the plant. The phosphorus removal
provision reflects the work of the International Joint Commission on Lake Erie.
MR-19
-------
PL 92-500 has therefore served as an impetus to the plan. The permit makes the
achievement of effluent levels and this plan a condition of the facility's re-
ceiving Step 2 (Final Plan) and Step 3 (Construction) monies.
3.2.3 Lima
The City of Lima has a population of 52,000. It has obtained Title
II monies to upgrade and increase the capacity of its treatment and collection
system. Its plant will have an 18 mgd tertiary capacity and a primary plus
chlorination capacity of 53 mgd. This is 60 percent completed. Collection
chambers are being built to hold storm runoff for gradual feed-in to the
system. Its Phase 2 infiltration/inflow study should be out in preliminary
form this summer.
According to a plant spokesman, the upgrading "is well received by
the community." It increased its sewer rates in January, 1974 and January,
1975, and has obtained a loan from the Ohio Water Development Authority.
These will cover its 25% share of the costs.
Several important industrial dischargers tie-in to the plant, and
are under pretreatment requirement orders. The City is in the process of review-
ing the user charge/industrial cost recovery structure as it applies to industry.
The spokesman knew of no cases in which industries would close down rather than
meet pretreatment costs, sewer rates and industrial cost recovery payments.
3.2.4 Bowling Green - User Charge/Industrial Cost Recovery
A local Heinz plant in the city of Bowling Green has decided to
close on November 1, 1975 in part because of the user and industrial cost
recovery charges to be levied by the city of Bowling Green. The city currently
has a 201 construction grant application in to EPA for a 10 mgd treatment plant,
3 mgd of which was intended for the Heinz plant. The announced closing has
several social impacts.
Bowling Green, the Wood County Seat, is 23 miles south of Toledo.
Bowling Green's 1970 population was 27,760: The County's was 89,722. Bowling
Greens' major employment sectors are agriculture, plastics, sheet metal, tool
and die, floor cleaning equipment and the state university.
The Heinz plant, established in 1914, announced in April that it would
close as of November 1, 1975. It has 140 full-time employees, and employs
a total of 400 during tomato season. Wages amount to about $1.5 million
-------
annually. An undisclosed sum is paid under contract to some 60 local tomato
growers. The plant is one of the five biggest employers in Bowling Green.
A Heinz company spokesman named two reasons for the decision to close:
the increase in sewage treatment costs, from the present $50,000 per annum
to a projected $310,000 per annum and a previously planned shift of the plant's
pet food processing operations to a Heinz plant in Iowa. A city spokesman
felt that the pet food transfer "was probably a more vital point than sewage
treatment costs" as a factor in the plant shut down. He noted that the
$310,000 — $129,000 user charge and $180,000 industrial cost recovery —
was predicated on the plant's fully taking up its 3 mgd portion of the proposed
tertiary treatment 10 mgd design flow capacity of the plant. For the first
few years it would have been less, as the plant was expanding. The total
$310,000 might not have been levied until many years hence, at which point
the company's expansion and implied increased profits might have been adequate.
He noted also that the final design flow capacity was increased at Heinz1 request,
and that Heinz will have to pay large sewage treatment costs "no matter where
it goes."
An earlier City estimate of $193,000 was raised to $310,000 following
receipt of the consulting engineers' revised capital cost estimate for the
treatment plant. In three years, inflation raised the expected 1974 capital
cost to $16 million — double the previous estimate.
The city has spent $500,000 on engineering design studies for the
plant financed mainly by a 6^% bank loan. If the plant is to be scaled down
to 7 mgd (net of Heinz' requirement) a further $150,000 is expected to be
spent for design studies. The city is unwilling to undertake such a commitment
until it is reimbursed by EPA for 75% of the $500,000. It raised its sewer
rates by 50% on January 1, in anticipation of EPA's approval of the $16
million 201 project. City officials estimate that the capital costs of this
plant will rise by $1.6 million per annum at an inflation rate of 10%. In
Ohio the 25% non-federal share is borne locally. This means that Bowling
Green's cost will rise by $400,000 per annum, or $100,000 per quarter. The
City questions whether it wouldn't have been as cheap to pay for its own
plant in 1971, rather than to have waited for the federal 201 grant machinery,
since the time lapse has negated, through inflation, the value of federal
reimbursement. In the meantime, the university and not Bowling Green legally
MR-20
-------
owns the land on which the town's present sewage treatment plant is located.
Bowling Green traded that tract for a larger chunk of university-owned land
a mi if.- riway from the present site. This larger tract was to bo the sit«> of
the new plant proposed for the 10 mgd facility.
City officials have met with company officials and employees, and
plan to meet with top Heinz officials in Pittsburgh, to see if the plant
will reconsider its decision. The city has little room for maneuver,
since Heinz1 one-third use of the capacity must be reflected in Heinz1
paying that share of the capital costs. The city is also attempting to
attract other potential employers to the community. Local tomato growers
are seeking new outlets for next season's crop.
It is not possible to determine whether PL 92-500's industrial cost
recovery requirement or other economic considerations caused Heinz1 decision.
An international representative of the Amalgamated Meat Cutters and Butcher
Workmen said "[the company] admitted that even if the [sewer] assessment
remained the same, it had made an economic decision to close the plant."
This opinion was supported by a local newspaper which said that consolidation
of the pet food operation at the Iowa facility was the major reason for
Heinz's decision to close the local plant.
A general conclusion is that a law such as PL 92-500, which has
appreciable financial consequences for industry, will be used by some
companies as a reason for layoffs or shutdowns when other reasons may, in fact, be
controlling. In other cases, it may accelerate a decision to lay off
workers or to shut down, but the decision would have been made in any case.
The social impacts of PL 92-500 on Bowling Green may therefore be divided
into two categories: those that have occurred or are expected to occur
as a consequence of the Act, and those that have occurred or are expected
to occur because of the announced closing of the Heinz plant. The latter
cannot unambiguously be traced to the law, since it is possible that the
plant would have closed for other reasons. The case is discussed fully,
however, because the coincidence of plant closings "caused"by water pollu-
tion cleanup costs, with other economic factors is a common phenomenon
across the United States. The National EPA reports that for the period 1971
through the third quarter of 1974, some 145 plants were reported by
regional offices to have closed or threatened to close where pollution
control costs were alleged to be a factor. Of these 145, the split is 62
air, 68 water and 15 air and water. Of the 145, 69 actually closed and
MR-21
-------
76 threatened to do so. According to an EPA spokesman in Washington D.C.,
as many as 70% of the 76 threatened will probably not close, while several
that have closed later reopened.
The immediate social impacts of PL 92-500 on Bowling Green are: 1)
greater expenditures on the treatment plant and its planning, and 2) increases
and delays in building the new treatment plant because of the length of time
taken to meet EPA requirements. These increased expenditures and delays are
common to small, medium and large communities across the U.S. Their ramifi-
cations are not yet clear.
MR-2 2
-------
4.0 NON-POINT SOURCES
4.1 Agricultural Run-off
4.1.1 General Considerations
Agricultural runoff has been a major water quality issue in northwestern
Ohio for many years. While the social impacts of runoff reduction due to
P.L. 92-500 are as yet too weak to be detectable, they may become profound.
The Maumee River is known locally as "the Muddy Maumee." It is
yellow-brown from suspended solids, which are largely sediment from
agricultural run-off. In the Maumee River Basin, soil loss largely from
natural erosion ranges from 4-to-7 tons per acre per year. The high sediment
load is the result of geology, topography, hydrology, land-use practices,
farming practices, and channelization.
The adverse impacts of run-off are numerous. Runoff carries both
pathogenic and harmless bacteria, leading to potential health problems. It
changes water temperature, thus changing the capacity of the transporting
waters to support aquatic fauna and flora. This, in turn, affects commercial
fishing, sport fishing and other forms of water-oriented recreation. As
the load settles in the transporting waters, it clogs navigation channels and
tends to fill up reservoirs and lakes. These lead to dredging costs
and dredge spoil disposal, which have additional social impacts, and to
the filling up of reservoirs and lakes, which in turn raises the cost of and/or
reduces water supply. Runoff carries nutrients which increase eutrophication
tendencies, which again, adversely affect commercial fishing, sport fishing
and other forms of water-oriented recreation. Runoff tends to increase the
threat of flooding, property damage and loss of life downstream. It leads to
channelization as an attempted control measure in the area of the channelization
project. Channelization in turn is held by some to increase the sediment load
downstream.
4.1.2 Dredging
Dredging is required largely because of the sediment load from agri-
cultural runoff. The Army Corps of Engineers dredges the federal channel
in the lower Maumee at a cost estimated by one planning agency official at
$8 million per annum. The Toledo Port Authority contracts out periodic
dredging of the harbor at a cost averaging $250,000 per annum.
MR-2 3
-------
This is passed on in the form of higher fees for berthing, loading and unloading.
Some 240 acres have recently been set aside to receive the dredged material.
The Lake Erie Wildfowlers1 Association brought suit to stop the plan, on water
quality grounds, but lost. The Port Authority has commissioned University of
Toledo scientists to undertake a five-year study of the environmental impacts
on the Bay of the diked dredge spoil disposal plan. The first phase —
baseline data on water quality in the Bay — is completed. The 240 acres
are felt to be sufficient to meet disposal needs over the next ten years. A
Port Authority spokesman noted that Toledo was fortunate in this respect.
Other ports on Lake Erie are concerned with possible closing at some future
date because of lack of sludge disposal space.
4.1.3 Channelization
Channelization consists of reshaping a waterway's cross-section by
changing its bank and/or bed, buttressing stream walls and straightening the
waterway's course. Agricultural runoff from fields is one of the factors in
deciding on channelization. As soil from fields is eroded by natural weathering,
it clogs drainage tiles (which underlie farmland in this area) or drainage
ditches, or both. The farmland is prone to inundation for this reason, in
addition to flooding if the waterway level rises.
The purpose of channelization is therefore to increase the waterway's
capacity to convey water so as to alleviate flooding in the vicinity of the
project, or to increase water supply, or to help the passage of water-borne
traffic.
In increasing the waterway's capacity, channelization increases the
amount and velocity of water flow. This, in turn, leads to increased erosion
from streambanks and to flooding downstream. The former increases the sediment
load directly. The latter increases it indirectly, since flooding increases
runoff from the flooded area downstream.
Thus, the load results not only from agricultural runoff from fields,
but also from channelization, whose adverse environmental consequences have
been listed by the Bureau of Sport Fisheries and Wildlife, U.S. Dept. of the
Interior, as:
o Removal of aquatic and wildlife ecological niches in and around
the stream directly and through the drainage of adjacent wetlands.
MR-2 4
-------
• Increased water pollution in the project area and downstream
from the act of channelization and from the induced agricultural
activities in the vicinity of the project after completion.
• Lowering of groundwater levels in the vicinity of the project.
• Increased erosion and flooding downstream.
The adverse socioeconomic impacts are loss of recreational potential
— fishing and hunting — and related expenditures; property damage from
erosion and flooding; displacement or loss of rare, endangered and unique
fauna and flora. It is argued that, in a sense, channelization transfers
runoff and flooding problems from upstream to downstream, exaggerating them
in the process. The issue, therefore, pits upstream farmers, homeowners and
city officials against their counterparts downstream.
Controversy on channelization is growing in several parts of Ohio.
In the Maumee River Basin it focuses particularly on the Little Auglaize,
a rural river 100 miles southwest of Toledo, which is a tributary of the
Maumee. Thirty miles of its 187 miles have been channelled in recent years.
The local Conservancy District and the Soil Conservation Service have plans
to channelize the total length of the river. The plan is at present in
abeyance until Environmental Impact Statements are prepared and hearings held
on them, in accordance with the National Environmental Policy Act of 1969.
A local farmer has brought suit successfully against the local Conservancy
District for damages to his property. Several other farmers are now in the
process of filing similar suits.
In general, however, farmers in the vicinity of the project appear
to benefit from channelization. It reduces the tendency to flood,
and it usually leads to an increase of about four acres per farm in
the amount of land a farmer owns or can cultivate. For one farm in north-
western Ohio, the gain was 30 acres.
4.1.4 Farming
To date, PL 92-500 has had no identifiable social impacts on farmers,
but once again, future impacts may be profound. Two facets of the law are
expected to affect farmers: (1) the requirement that states set water quality
criteria for interstate and intrastate waters and (2) the 208 planning.
Under the first, a conceptual approach is the setting of suspended
solids water quality criteria, loads for stream segments and the allocation
MR-2 5
-------
of loads to farm units. This has not happened, partly because EPA has placed
its initial emphasis on controlling point-source rather than non-point sources
of pollution, and partly because the state seeks legislative ways of dealing
with the issue. Hearings are now being conducted by the state on means to
control agricultural and urban runoff. The state is also working directly
with the farmers through Soil and Water districts and the Soil Conservation
Service of the U.S. Department of Agriculture. In this work, the local 208
planning agency is expected to play a role which is as yet undefined. At
present, the 208 Agency is engaged in a water quality monitoring program for
sediment loads. Its recent Areawide Waste Treatment Management Plan lists
possible corrective measures and notes the need for integration of its plan
with that of the ongoing plans of the Great Lakes Basin Commission's Level
B Study.
Since there are financial incentives to the farmer not to control run-
off, achieving control will require considerable delicacy and coordination. Not
cultivating to the edge of the drainage ditches (i.e., leaving an unplowed
strip around the perimeter of fields) loses crop acreage. The crops which
provide better ground cover, such as alfalfa, are less profitable than (soy)
beans, corn, oats and wheat, which provide less ground cover. In addition,
farmers stand to gain additional land in the act of channelization.
MR-26
-------
5.0 RECREATION
Most of the water-oriented recreation in the Maumee Basin consists
of pleasure boating and fishing in the Toledo area in the Maumee River, Maumee
Bay and Lake Erie's western end. Data are available by county for pleasure
boat registration. For Lucas County, the numbers are:
1974:
1973:
1972:
1971:
1970:
13,754
12,789
12,550
12,108
11,373
For the year 1974, but not for earlier years, a breakout by type of
boat is available. Thus:
TOTAL: 13,754
Outboard: 7,698
Inboard: 2,563
Row/Canoe: 2,321
Sail: 915
Others (kayaks, etc): 257
Not all these boats are berthed in Lucas County. No data are avail-
able, but it is commonly acknowledged that boats berth as far as 50 miles
away on Lake Erie. The demand for berth spaces in Toledo — the Maumee and
Ottawa Rivers — exceeds the supply.
The growth in boat registration squares with the experience of marine
sales companies and marina owners in the area. Boating and pleasure boat
sales and use are generally held to show a steady trend upwards in recent
years. The trend of sales has apparently slackened somewhat with the reces-
sion, particularly for the smaller boats, whose buyers tend to have lower
incomes. There is no apparent slackening in the demand for more expensive
boats — $25,000 and up — whose owners are presumably less affected by the
recession. There is a detectable relative increase in sailboat sales, possibly
because of the increased price of gasoline. Informants typically state that
MR-2 7
-------
pleasure boat owners are mixed by income, occupation, race and age. Those
with lower incomes or blue collar jobs, which includes the bulk of blacks,
buy smaller boats. Upper income white collar whites buy the more expensive
boats, while sailboats are bought especially by the young. No hard data are
available on boat ownership by demographic group. It is not possible to
isolate water quality improvement as a determinant of these trends. Nor is
it possible to isolate the effects of PL 92-500 on improving water quality
in the Toledo area. Cleanup efforts antedate the law. In fact, there is
little scientific evidence on trends over time in water quality in the lower
Maumee, Ottawa River (a major Toledo tributary) and Maumee Bay.
Newspaper articles covering this issue and people interviewed refer
to such factors as industrial and municipal water pollution control expendi-
tures, higher water levels of Lake Erie in recent years, observed lesser
amounts of algae bloom, debris and oil and grease on the Lake, larger fish
runs and increased fishing, as evidence of improving water quality in the
Toledo area.
People do not swim in the lower Maumee or the Bay. There is little
water-skiing. It is widely regarded as too polluted. A recent University
of Toledo study concluded that fecal coliform concentration in the Bay is
extremely high, but further studies should be done, because levels of
concentrations at beaches may be somewhat higher than the open water samples
that were taken.
We noted earlier that an EPA/TMCOG study measured fecal coliform
concentrations discharged by Bayview Treatment Plant in September 1974
as the raw sewage equivalent of 2 million people. Ohio EPA's 303(e) report
of May, 1974 states that the total fecal coliform water quality standard
for the Maumee at Toledo is violated 50% of the time.
Data on fecal coliform made available by the City of Toledo's Board
of Health show that fecal coliform criteria have invariably been exceeded
at five monitoring stations on the Maumee in the vicinity of Toledo for the
period 1969-1974 (first half). The secondary contact criterion of 1000/100
ml for boating, fishing and wading was exceeded in 78 out of 99 samples taken,
while the primary contact criterion of 200/100 ml for swimming and water
skiing was exceeded in 95 out of 99 samples taken. Thus, in 1973, a spokesman
MR-2 8
-------
for the Toledo Pollution Control Authority stated that "The river is not
fit for swimming... from at least Maumee (3 miles upriver from Toledo) on out
to the bay." A spokesman for the state's Department of Health in 1973
said that people who swim or ski in the Maumee around Toledo are taking "a
serious risk" of getting typhoid fever, dysentery and hepatitis. The Health
Commissioner of Toledo and Lucas County said the same year that "Swimming
in the river would not be advisable, and there would be some relative health
hazard from water-skiing."
Fishing on and around the lower Maumee and the Bay is generally held
to be higher. There are no hard data, except that of state-issued sport
fishing licenses by type of license. The latest data, by county, was com-
piled in 1972.
LUCAS COUNTY - SPORT FISHING LICENSES ISSUED
Non-Resident Resident Aged Permanent
Year Total Resident Annual Temporary 60-65 70+
1972 4,110,639,921 839 346 NA NA
1971 3,622,335,333 583 307 NA NA
1970 2,983,629,219 357 260 NA NA
1969 3,282,630,052 423 357 1367 627
1968 3,318,630,608 483 402 1097 590
A state spokesman explained that the temporary drop over this period
was a reflection of the $2 increase in the cost of the license — from $2
to $4. The same thing happened in the late 1940s when the cost was
increased by 50* to $1. The effect of increasing water quality on fishing
licenses is not isolable from changes in income, leisure time, and travel.
Several informants are, however, convinced that water quality is improving
in the lower Maumee, that fish runs are improving (small mouth bass and
pickerel) and that as a consequence there is more sport and casual fishing.
As one informant put it, "I estimate 5000 fishermen — the most I've ever
seen — spent dawn to dusk fishing at Walbridge Park (3 miles upriver from
downtown Toledo) last weekend at the best Maumee pickerel run you ever saw."
No one, however, suggested that the sediment load from agricultural runoff
had diminished. "It's still the muddy Maumee".
MR-2 9
-------
6.0 WATERFRONT DEVELOPMENT
Recent waterfront developments in Toledo reflect perceptions that
water quality in the Maumee is improving or is expected to improve.
At present, Toledo has three Maumee riverfront parks, (one with
access to the river), and six marinas. There are 12 marinas on the
Ottawa River, which enters Maumee Bay just above the Maumee River. With
the exception of the three parks, both banks of the Maumee within the
City of Toledo are lined with power plants, railroad tracks, salt piles,
highways and commercial buildings. This is changing.
The City and Urban Renewal (which bought riverfront land in the late
sixties) are planning to expand the downtown park. It is a vest-pocket
park at present: a quarter-acre of city-owned property, with a few picnic
tables and shrubs overlooking the river. The plan is to enlarge this to
a 10-acre, 6-block park, with the help of Urban Renewal and Community
Block Development Grant monies (Housing and Urban Development Act of 1974).
The enlarged park, it is hoped, will include a marina, a motel, a boatel, a
city/state office building, and a commercial office building. It is further
hoped that these properties will yield revenues for continuing expansion
of riverfront development property, including housing. Plans are underway
to upgrade the second of the three city parks, at least by providing boat
access. The City recently purchased 50 acres of land on the riverbank oppo-
site the downtown section. A master plan, to be published in May, 1975,
by a Pittsburgh consulting firm, has been commissioned by the City. It is
hoped that the 50 acres will include access to the river for sailboats and
a winter storage area for them.
MR-30
-------
7.0 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bureau of Outdoor Recreation, Lake Central Region. "The Maumee River. A
Summary of the Federal-State Study Team Findings." November, 1973.
Federal Water Pollution Control Administration, U.S. Department of the
Interior, Great Lakes Region. "Report on Water Pollution in the
Lake Erie Basin, Maumee River Area." August, 1966.
Great Lakes Basin Commission, MRB Series No. 4. "Maumee River Basin
Level B Study. Interim Report." August, 1974.
Ohio Environmental Protection Agency. State of Ohio. "Maumee River
Basin Waste Load Allocation Report." Spring, 1974.
Sandusky Register. 1971-1975. Various dates.
Toledo Area Chamber of Commerce. "Toledo." Brochure, undated.
Toledo Area Chamber of Commerce. "Toledo SMSA." Undated.
Toledo Area Chamber of Commerce. "Welcome! A Guide for New Residents."
January 1975.
Toledo Area Chamber of Commerce. "Fact Sheet. City of Toledo, Lucas
County and Metropolitan Area." Undated.
Toledo Blade. 1971-1975. Various dates.
MR-31
-------
OBSERVED/PROBABLE SOCIAL IMPACTS DY LOCAL SOCIAL GRO'JPS:
•WUSLL RIVLR BASIN. OHIO
Ul
NJ
SOCIAL IMPACTS
Industrial Investment in Water
Pollution Control
Ire'. serial Employment . Plant Closings
\gncuitural Use of Sewage Sludge/
bluiiso Odor
Public Se.'er System Co&ts
Opportunities for Water-Based
recreation
Fish and Ivildlife Habitat
Perceived Wortn of Areas Adjacent to
Kater Bodies
Goal-Setting ard Decision-Making
Coordination of Vfaste^ater "anagement
Planing with Ot*icr Social Goals
Lard Use Planning Activity
2C1 Grant Processing Tune
feater Quality Improvement
Potential Agricultural Runoff
Restrict ns
§
•Q.
Industrial
Employees. Mo
Lnrqa Firms
r
i
r+ E
1 Industrial Tm\
ens • Smal I I i
-
Farmers
4-4-
-
-
4J
2,
Waterfront Pro
Developers and
Ko.iltor?.
++
++
+
+
SOCIAL
IMnrine Sales
l.«it Jbl n hncnts
++
++
+
+
!fl U
mJ H
o o
** = -0
Privdte Consul
(PJanninrj, Ceo
Fn'f inccrincj an
F n v i ronnc'p t j 1 )
, ,
+
+
+
+
+
V.
f
c
1 Industrial Own
Shareholders
IT
o
o
c
0
r
,
+
++
+
+
w
p
Riverfront Pro
Owners
,
+
+
+
++
+
+
+
^i
Conscrvationis
.
+
?
+
++
+
+
?
+
+
GROUPS
C
Citizen PJanni
Groups
+
7
+
+
+
+
7
+
+
Riverfront Res
dents - Renter
+
+
+
+
-?
+
+
+
Boaters
+
+
++
+
+
+
Sports Fisher*?
+
+
++
++
?
?
+
n
0
t
WjJdlife Kccrc
ists (Hunters)
'
?
?
+
7
?
?
?
?
?
7
Taxpayers
•
?
7
-
••*
-?
7
+?
?
?
7
Uscis of Publi
£>ewcr Service:)
-
-
Low Income
Rosldents
-
+
+
+
+
KesidcnLs Near
^ludqc Dispopn
^itos
c
o
£
•-
V
C.
H
U
c
3
i
'
_
7
-
+
+
?
+
+
-
+
+
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
abcdef ghij k
m n o p q r s t
-------
NOTES
ON OBSERVED/PROBABLE SOCIAL IMPACTS BY LOCAL SOCIAL GROUPS
MAUMEE RIVER, OHIO
[ If 1
Many plants have reported the use of consultants in designing waste-
water treatment facilities.
[ 3s ]
This is an observed disbenefit. Whether it will be typical will
depend on the solution of the odor problem.
[ 4r ]
Low income residents are by definition disproportionately burdened by
taxes which are constant (in this case per unit use of water) across users.
Although not as regressive as they were, because there is now no reduction
in the tax (sewage rate per unit of use) with increasing water use, the rates
are still regressive.
[ 5d 5e 5h 5m 5h ]
The assumptions common here are that there is in the Toledo area a
potential demand for water-oriented recreation that will be realized if and
when water quality improves, since facilities including access will follow the
improvement, and that these groups represent the most heavily affect direct
and indirect beneficiaries of increased opportunities.
[ 6e 6h 6j 6n 60 ]
The assumptions underlying these entries is that channelization will
decline, that this will reduce the extent to which fish and wildlife habitat
is destroyed along stream banks in the vicinity of the project and downstream
where flooding is exacerbated by channelization.
t 13c ]
These disbenefits assume that no ways can be found that will reduce
runoff short of acreage restriction, crop restriction, change in crops grown,
change in tillage practices, and that these will significantly reduce the
MR-3 3
-------
profitability of fanning. This assumption may turn out to be incorrect
because only minimal changes along these lines will suffice to reduce agri-
cultural runoff to meet water quality standards, or because other ways can be
found that reduce profits less or because subsidies may be introduced to make
up the losses in profits, or all three.
MR-34
-------
OBSERVED/PROBABLE SOCIAL iCTS BY LOCAL SOCIAL CROUPS
"-A'_" : MVfl BASIN, OHIO
SOCIAL IMPACTS
Industrial In\cstnent in Water
Pollution Cor.tLol
Industrial E-nplo/ment Plant Closings
Agricultural Use of Sewage Sludge/
Sludge Odor
Public Sewer System Costs
Opportunities for Water-Based
Recreation
Fish and Wildlife Habitat
Perceived WortH of Areas Adjacent to
hater Bodies
Participator of Citizen Groups ir.
Coal-Setting and Decision-Making
Coordination of Mastevater Management
Planning with Other Social Goals
Land Use Plannirc Activity
2Ci Grant Process ng Tme
Later Cuality Inprovenent
Potential Agricu.ltv.ral Runoff
lndustri.il
FnlJloyeos Mcdium-
I.drtiQ 1 1 1 ris
I
E
E
E
E
W
E
I
I
Ilnduot rid 1 LmpJoy-
cos Small I inns
W
I
W
I
E
E
E
E
W
E
I
I
Farmer «;
E
W
E
E
E
W
E
C
E
1 Waterfront Property
Dcveloixirs und
Poalt-ors
E
E
E
W
E
W
E
E
E
1 Marine Sale**
FstaM ishmvnts
E
E
E
W
W
W
E
E
E
Priv.iLc Consultants
(Planning, Lconotnic,
Enginoct intj and
LnviiijiiiiunLcil)
E
I
E
I
E
W
E
E
E
IlnduslriaJ Owners/
Shareholders
w
i
E
E
E
E
E
W
E
*
E
E
Karma Owner b
E
E
E
W
W
W
E
*
E
E
s
IRlvftfront Property
Ovnui<
E
I
E
I
I
W
E
"
I
E
OCIAL
Conscrv.it. lotus ts
E
I
E
I
W
W
I
•
I
E
GROUPS
Citizen Planning
Groups
E
I
E
I
I
W
I
I
E
Riverfront Resi-
dent*; - Renters.
E
I
I
I
I
W
E
I
E
Boaters,
E
I
I
W
I
W
E
•
E
E
1
E
I
I
W
W
w
E
•
E
E
Wildlife Recrualion-
ists (Hunters)
E
E
E
E
W
W
E
•
E
E
Taxpayers
?
'
w
i
i
?
w
?
•
•3
Users uf Public
Scwei Services
I.o«r Incotrp
Residents
E
I
I
W
E
E
W
E
I
E
E
k< ff
n i'.
s i
t»
f H
V 3 Z
o •-* «
a r v.
E
E
W
E
E
E
W
E
•
E
Municip.il GOVIM tunvnt
E
C
E
E
I
I
W
E
I
E
E
9
10
11
12
13
abode f
Key to Chart Notations:
g h i j k I m n
P Q
E = Rough estimate based on judgment of case study researchers.
A = Anecdotal information from local residents.
I = Interview data gathered from multiple local respondents.
IA = Informed anecdotal information from knowledgeable local residents.
W = Written response.
? = Unknown - insufficient information available for judgment.
-------
DEMOGRAPHIC AND ECONOMIC COMPOSITION OF LOCAL SOCIAL GROUPS
MAUMEE, OHIO
SOCIAL GROUPS
Industrial Employees:
Medium-Large Firms
Industrial Emp_oyees:
Small Firms
Farmers
•
Waterfront Property Developers
and Realtors
Marine Sales Establishments
Private Consultants (Planning,
Economic, Engineering &
Environmenta 1
Industrial Owners/Shareholders
Marina Owners
Riverfront Property Owners
Conservationists
Citizen Planning Groups
Riverfront Residents - Renters
Boaters
Sports Fishermen
Wildlife Recreationists (Hunters)
Taxpayers
Users of Public Sewer Services
Low Income Residents
Residents Near Sludge
Disposal Sites
DEMOGRAPHIC AND ECONOMIC GROUPS
Female
X
X
X
X
X
X
3
£
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
o
m
V
V
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
o
\D
•H
n
O
VO
A
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
Majority
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
Minority
X
X
X
X
X
High School Graduate
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
College draduate
X
X
X
X
X
Pos t-Gradua te
X
X
X
X
X
X
0)
B
M
X
X
X
X
Moderate Income
1
H
f
X
X
X
X
X
X
MR-36
-------
MERRIMACK VALLEY
TABLE OF CONTENTS
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
1.0 BACKGROUND INFORMATION
1.1 Graphic Summary of Water Quality Information
1.2 Graphic Summary of Present Recreational Uses
1.2.1 Merrimack River
1.2.2 Nashua River
2.0 CASE STUDIES IN URBAN, RIVER-ORIENTED RECREATION
2.1 Nashua, New Hampshire
2.1.1 Social and Demographic Profile
2.1.2 Ownership Patterns
2.1.3 Plans for Water Recreation
2.1.4 Constraints on Plan Implementation
2.1.5 Assessment of Benefits and Costs
2.2 Lowell, Massachusetts
2.2.1 Social, Economic, and Demographic Profile
2.2.2 Current River-Oriented Recreational Activity
2.2.3 Plans for Water Recreation
2.2.4 Constraints on Implementation of Plans
2.2.5 Assessments of Benefits and Costs
-------
The Merrimack Valley Case Study was a joint
effort between this study and another contract
(WQ5-ACO-52) between Abt Associates Inc. and
the National Commission on Water Quality.
Because of the dual purpose of this particular
case, it follows a format distinct from the
others and has a narrower focus. However,
it provides a unique and valuable contribution
to the overall study. Because of its uniqueness,
this case study will not be synthesized in the
following chapter.
-------
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
Nashua and Lowell are case studies in contrast. In the former
instance, pollution abatement efforts have resulted in some perceptible
water quality improvements (diminished odor, for example) but changes in
patterns of use have failed to occur. People in Nashua, through long
conditioning, simply do not recreate on or near the river. Close examina-
tion of the Nashua and the Merrimack Rivers and their shoreline quickly
confirms the reason for this bias.
Beyond some theoretical discussion of the implied connection between
the growing need for recreational opportunities in Nashua and the potential
of a clean Merrimack, the possibility of developing the recreational pro-
mise of local water resources has scarcely been broached. Indeed, in the
words of the city planner's office, "no one of sound mind would develop
water-based recreation plans". Present perceptions and historically negative
attitudes toward Nashua's Rivers tend to make any aspirations for water-
oriented public recreation politically unfeasible.
As a result, the recreation benefits attendant on major improvements
in water quality are completely conjectural. Surely, there are none to be
cited as actual. Since there appears to be a low degree of confidence in
promised river clean-ups, there has been no detectable activity in terms
of real estate transfers, public or private. A few individuals have mused
aloud about opportunities inherent in bargain price purchases of riverfront
property, but actual speculation, if any, is covert. Beyond the Conserva-
tion Commission's talk of easements to provide public access "someday", Nashua
residents appear to have no expectations of their rivers or of their own offic-
ials with respect to recreational development.
Lowell, Mass., on the other hand, has recognized the foregone benefits
(i.e., costs) of poor water quality and acted vigorously to capitalize on
the recreational potential of its rivers and canals. Expressed in and through
the Urban National Park concept, programs being undertaken by Federal, Common-
wealth, city and private interests all are directed toward establishing the
public's traditionally close relationship to Lowell's natural and man-made
water courses. Virtually every type of water-oriented recreational activity
is represented in some element of the Urban Park plan; private boating, fishing,
passive enjoyment, swimming, public water transport, etc.
MV-1
-------
The principal beneficiaries of a reassociation between Lowell's
citizens and their water-dependent history will be residents and property
owners in the old, dense city core. With the exception of absentee owners
like the Proprietors of Locks and Canals, these people tend to fall into
lower income and minority classifications. Indeed, in terms of water-
related recreational opportunities, they appear to be severely disadvantaged
by a general lack of mobility. Now, water contact sports are enjoyed either
in municipal pools or at distant fresh and saltwater beaches inaccessible
by public transportation. For the correlation between ethnic and income
patterns in Lowell's downtown area, and the distribution of Urban Park
project elements, see the following maps.
MV-2
-------
1.0 BACKGROUND INFORMATION
1.1 Graphic Summary of Water Quality Information
Since the Merrimack Regional Assessment (Contract # WQ5-ACO-52) devotes
considerable space to specific water quality parameters, this social impact
assessment in the Merrimack Valley presents only a generalized picture of
water pollution as it impinges on recreational activity. The following maps
indicating zones of heavy point-source discharge are based on engineering
reports and NPDES permit information. They are intended simply to give
graphic emphasis to the point that industrial and municipal discharges have
their most deleterious effects in urban areas where recreation demands are
greatest. For specific treatment of current recreational activities in the
Nashua, New Hampshire, and Lowell, Massachusetts areas, see Sections 2.1.2
and 2.2.2 respectively.
MV-3
-------
7I°55' 50'
I I
r- r
V ---. ' KA50.N I BROOXLIIiEl v
NEW IPSWICH \£- \ \ I HOLLIS J»
71°55' 50'
HIGHLY IMPACTED AREA
(DISCHARGES DENSELY
PACKED)
35
INDUSTRIAL DISCHARGEi
MUNICIPAL DISCHARGE O-
MV-4
-------
7I°30'
NEW HAMPSHIRE
MASSACHUSETTS
\
FITCHBURGVj*,
02468 Km
| | J f 111 It 1
O 1 2 3 4 5 6 Mi
7I°55'
HIGHLY IMPACTED AREA'
(DISCHARGES DENSELY
PACKED)
7I°30'
INDUSTRIAL DISCHARGED ^((ICIPAL DISCHARGE JO-
MV-5
-------
7!°20
7I°25'
7!°20'
DUNSTABLE
42°40'
42°35'
LONG*/POND V Mass
7I°20
7^25'
HIGHLY IMPACTED AREA
(DISCHARGES DENSELY
PACKED)
INDUSTRIAL DISCHARGE
MUNICIPAL SISCHARGE_
—42°40'
—42°35
0 I 2 3 4 5 6 Km.
i i i i i i i
i
3
4 Mi.
-------
42°45
42°40'
HIGHLY IMPACTED A!
(DISCHARGES DENSEl
PACKED)
INDUSTRIAL DISCHAf
O MUNICIPAL DiSCPARC
•42°45'
7I°I5
4 Mi.
-------
7I°00
70°55'
42°50
i
oo
70°i>0'
70°45'
42°50'
42°45'
\SEABROOK
\
LAKE ATTITASH
MERRIMAC
K:G-LV \'>-t.'.m AREA
!D;S:-.;-;£S :ENS:LY
I1;::"-.:;. ::SCHAP.GE
O- '•••J>::C".:L ::SCHASGE
—42°45'
7!°00
4 Mi.
-------
1.2 Graphic Summary of Present Recreational Uses
1.2.1 Merrimack River
Between its northern-most extremity and Concord, New Hampshire the
river is bounded by hills and ridges. South of Concord, the surrounding
terrain gradually flattens but is punctuated by rolling hills of lesser
elevation and by an occasional drumlin until the flat coastal plain of
Massachusetts is reached where the river empties into the Atlantic Ocean.
Extensive flood plains are found in the river valley particularly
where the river course undulates in several oxbows; e.g., in the vicinity
of Boscawan, Penacook, and Concord, New Hampshire. In these same areas,
expanses of sand dunes line the shores providing a natural and scenic
uniqueness to this segment of the river.
The naturally occurring "falls" (rapids) of the river have, for the
most part, been used as flood control or hydroelectric power dam sites;
e.g., Sewall, Garvin, Hooksett, Amoskeag, Mill, and Pawtucket Falls. Conse-
quently this visual amenity has been lost; however, there are areas on the
river where rapids and riffles occur, e.g., Moores Falls, New Hampshire
(Goffs Falls), and Franklin, New Hampshire. Because of the frequency of the
dam locations most of the flowage would be considered flat water.
That portion of the Merrimack River Valley extending northward from
Chelmsford, Massachusetts to its origin is not heavily urbanized. This
section of the valley generally supports a rural atmosphere of open space.
Pasture and field lands appear infrequently in the almost continuous forest
cover. Few areas in the world have such extensive forests of mixed hard-
woods and white pine as this northeastern portion of the Appalachian High-
lands. Few areas in the world can compete with this region in terms of
autumn foliage. Brightly colored maples, birches, beech, oak, and ash
interspersed among the conifer green of white pine provide recreative plea-
sure to thousands of people who journey to the valley each year during late
September and October. There are a number of archeological and historical
points of interest, wildlife sanctuaries and natural areas associated with
the river basin. '
7This material is largely adapted from the Interim Report prepared in
March, 1974, by Abt Associates under Contract NO. WQ5-ACO-52.
MV-9
-------
General categories of present water use are listed for the Merrimack
River by river reach in Table 1. The Merrimack River is used for a wide
variety of purposes. Some, such as water supply, recreational uses, and
fish propagation would appear to be in conflict with other uses, such as
industrial processing and waste assimilation. Clearly, the "clean" uses of
the river are interspersed rather than juxtaposed with the "dirty" uses of
the river. That the variety of uses shown in Table 1 can coexist at all
can be credited to the size of the stream, its ability (however slight) to
recover from gross insult and the multiplicity of types of river environment
offered.
Water contact sports are permitted from Rocks Village Bridge in
Haverhill and West Newbury to the Atlantic Ocean. No bathing is sanctioned
on the Merrimack River in Massachusetts. In New Hampshire, the Merrimack
is used for boating, water contact sports and fishing, while public bathing
is voluntarily restricted to certain areas in Manchester, Hooksett, and
Concord where young people bathe at popular swimming holes.
Although the Merrimack River Basin is well provided with major high-
way accessibility, the number of public access points to the river proper is
quite limited (Table la). Opportunities for camping and picnicking are
severely limited by lack of developed public facilities along the river shore.
These problems are recognized by both states as presently limiting more in-
tensive use of the river as a recreational resource.
1.2.2 Nashua River
In general the aesthetic setting of this tributary of the Merrimack
River parallels that of the lower Merrimack Basin of which the Nashua River
is an integral part. Unlike the much larger Merrimack River, however, the
Nashua River has not the capacity to support both "clean" and "dirty" uses
(Table 2). Passage on the North Nashua/Nashua River system is obstructed
by many dams. The North Branch is very urbanized and industrialized. Waters
of the mainstream are so heavily polluted that water based activities are
discouraged. However, water oriented activities such as canoeing and fishing
are currently pursued on Pepperell Pond which partially fills an ancient melt-
water basin behind the dam at East Pepperell.
Land along the Nashua mainstem (in contrast to the North Nashua) is
essentially undeveloped, making the mainstem upstream from Nashua, N.H.
MV-10
-------
'TABLE
PRESENT USES OF THE MERRIMACK RIVER1
River Reach
Franklin to Penacook
Penacook to Concord
Concord to Amoskeag Dam,
Manchester
Amoskeag Dam to Cohas
Brook, Manchester
Cohas Brook to Nashua
River mouth
Nashua River moutn to
NH/Mass State line
Nil/Mass State line to
Tyngsboro, MA
Tyngsboro, MA to
Pawtucket Dam, Lowell
Pawtucket Dam to
Fish Brook, Andover
Fish Brook to Lawrence
Dam
Lawrence Dam to
Creek Brook, Haverhill
Creek Brook to Rocks
Village Bridge, West
Ncwbury
Rocks Village Bridge
to Atlantic Ocean
Estuary Basin, Newbury
and Newburyport
4J
C
>> O)
CL+J
O. <0
3 OJ
oo i-
^—
j-
O) JC
fO •!-
/
/
01
C
•r-
4J
10
CO
4->
O
to
4-)
C
o
CJ
1/1
S— J -J
0) 5-
-I-J O
IO OL
S CO
/
^—
fO
c
o
•r—
4-» D"
(O C
S- +J
O fO
cu o
cc. co
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
c
o
1 -r-
•O -4->
r— «O
•r- O1
^•g {O
Q.
-o o
c s-
(U Q-
x: QJ
(/> u~
•r- B^-
U. r—
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
O1
C
c-
01
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
n—
/o
S-
^3
4~*
r—
3
(J
•r— CO
.5- QJ
C7> CO
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
c
•^
r—
O en
O c:
< ^ «^
u>
r— to
(T3 d>
•i- O
I- 0
•(-> S-
IO D_
13
•o -o
c cz
f— i
ro
r—
•r™
£;
•r™
to
LO
^
CL>
•4— >
CO
*a
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
J
/
1
Adapted from Table A in: Mass. Div. of Water Pollution Control, 1974
Merrimack River Water Quality Survey and from, data in New Hampshire
Water Supply and Pollution Control Commission, 1974. Merrimack River
Basin Water Quality Management Plan.
MV-11
-------
TABLE la SOME PUBLIC ACCESS AREAS, MERRIMACK RIVER
Area Description Location
Shoreline
Acreage Frontage Activities
Morrimack River
State Forest
Boscawen, NH
150
NH Fish and Game East Concord, NH 1
Dcpt.
NH Fish and Game Concord, NH 1
Dept.
NH Fish and Game Hooksett, NH 1
Dept.
(2)
Piscataquog River Manchester, NH 2
Park
Greely Park
Deer Jump
Reservation
Riley Park
Nashua, NH 3
Andover, MA *•
Lawrence, MA 5
1.4
1.2
125
3200'
400' Boat launching site
400' Boat launching site
Boat launching site
None
125 1500
95.8 12,150'
? 1,200'
Boat launching site.
Outdoor games.
Walking, picnicking
Outdoor games, walking,
picnicking
Boat launching, hiking,
picnicking, walking for
pleasure, sight-seeing,
horseback riding, nature
study.
Boat launching ramp, pic-
nicking, walking for
pleasure, sightseeing,
outdoor games
Cashman Park
Parker River
Wildlife Refuge
Newburyport,MA 6
Salisbury Beach Salisbury,
State Reservation
11.8
Newburyport, MA7 4650
520
Boat launching, camp,
outdoor games, walking
for pleasure
Some swimming, picnicking,
Walking, interpretive
trails, nature study,
wildlife photography
Boat launching site at
Black Rock Creek
MV-12
-------
TABLE 2 PRESENT USES OF THE NASHUA RIVER1
River Reach
North Nashua, Whitman
River and Flagg Brook,
Fitchburg to confluence
with South Nashua,
Lancaster, MA
Nashua mainstem,
Lancaster to NH/Mass
State line
Nashua mainstem,
NH/Mar:s State line
to confluence with
Merrimack River
0
«x
-------
potentially a rather scenic reach. In proximity to this part of the stream
are parks, forests and wildlife areas (Table 2a) which illustrate how the
river's potential might be realized should improved water quality permit
water based activities in the future. Near the confluence of the Nashua
and the Merrimack, for example, is Mine Falls Canal Park, a 320 acre muni-
cipal park which presently provides outlet for a number of kinds of recrea-
tion activities (Table 2a). Environmentally oriented groups such as the
Nashua River Watershed Association are active in efforts to improve the un-
satisfactory environmental quality associated with the poor condition of this
river.
Public Perception of the Merrimack and Nashua Rivers
Recreational activities associated with water range from those requir-
ing considerable body contact (e.g., scuba, surfing, bathing, kayaking, water
skiing), through activities requiring little contact (e.g., fishing and boat-
ing) , to use situations where water serves as an environmental amenity, com-
plementing a land based activity (e.g., picnicking, walking for pleasure,
sightseeing, nature study, and camping). Water quality requirements for
these activities vary from high quality, needed for contact recreation, to
rather low quality, which may be permitted without seriously detracting from
land based activities.
Water quality criteria monitored by agencies concerned with pollution
control include: dissolved oxygen, temperature, biochemical oxygen demand,
suspended solids, and coliform bacteria. In addition, tests are frequently
performed to determine pH and the presence of such chemical constituents as
ammonia, nitrates, phosphates and cholorides. To evaluate potential public
use, however, it is also necessary to view water quality through the eyes of
the lay citizen. To this end, several studies have dealt with public percep-
tion of water quality indicators. Factors most frequently identified as
meaningful indicators are as follows:
1. Unpleasant odors
2. Murky or cloudy water
3. Obvious chemical degradation — suds, films, etc.
4. Mucky bottom
5. Presence of litter and trash
6. Dead fish
7. Weeds and algae
8. High water temperature
9. High bacterial counts
10. Obvious sewage outfalls
MV-14
-------
TABLE 2a SOME PUBLIC ACCESS AREAS, NASHUA RIVER
Area Designation Location
Shoreline
Acreage Frontage
Activities
Mine Falls Canal
Park
Pcpperel Pond
Groton Town
Forest
Ft. Devens
Military Reser-
vation
Ox-bow Nat'l
Wildlife Refuge
Pheasant Farm
Mass. Dept. Fish
and Game
Nashua, NH
Pepperel, MA?
320 Est. 2 1/2
Groton, MA 2
Ayer, MA 2
Ayer, MA 3
Ayer, MA *»
1 1/4 Est. 200'
500 Est. 2 miles
Est. 8 miles
600 Est. 12,000'
96.9
Hiking, picnicking,
Nature and Historical
study, Walking for
pleasure, outdoor games
Hiking, picnicking,
walking for pleasure
Nature study, canoeing,
fishing, hunting,
horseback riding, winter
sports
Boat launching area,
hiking, nature study
Camping, picnicking,
hiking, nature study,
Boat launching area
Walking, nature study
Boat launching
3,000' Sightseeing
1 N. Trottier
2 M..Stothart
* W. Forward
11 P. Oatis
Nashua, NH Recreation Dept.
Nashua River Watershed Assoc.
U. S. Fish and Wildlife Service, Boston, MA
Mass. Div. Fish and Game
MV-15
-------
These are not necessarily listed in order of importance to health. Probably
the most frequently observed indicators, detracting from recreational uses of
water from a public point of view are:
(1) Unpleasant odors
(2) Dead fish
(3) Obvious chemical or sewage contamination
In this context, the lower reaches of the Merrimack River (between
Lowell and West Newbury) and the North branch of the Nashua are judged to
be generally unattractive to the recreationally minded citizen. The full
recreational potential of the Nashua mainstern and the Merrimack River as
far upstream as Manchester has yet to be realized.
The following recreational use maps indicate the detrimental impact
poor water quality has had on recreational activity on the Merrimack water-
shed. Note, especially the markings on urban areas like, Nashua, N.H., and
Lowell, Massachusetts.
MV-16
-------
KEY TO RECREATIONAL USES REACH MAPS
O NO RESTRICTION DUE TO WATER QUALITY
(CONTACT OR NON-CONTACT)
0 CONTACT NOT RECOMMENDED; OTHER USES
UNRESTRICTED BY WATER QUALITY
© NON-CONTACT USES LIMITED
/*••**• »-V^IIV»l*« A r% *"» II T T »l^» \
ct uur\ i inu>
© RECREATION RESTRICTED TO RIVER BANKS
© UNSUITABLE FOR ANY RECREATIONAL USE
PUBLIC LAUNCHING SITES
MV-17
-------
25'
20 -
10 -
05'
43°
00"
55 -
50' -
42°
45''
\ ^ \ KASO.N I BROOKLI.'iE \ ^JJy
\t\ \ \ HOLLIS iff^m
\ \
-------
7I°20'
7I°25'
7I°20'
DUNSTABLE
42°40' —
42°35
Ys_ <$/ / ~
—42°40
—42°35'
7!°20
7I°25'
0 I 2 3 4 5 6 Km.
i i i i ill
T T
4 Mi.
-------
N)
42°45'
43040'
7I°20'
7I°I5
7I°!0
7I°05'
'42°50'
'42°45
7I°I5
4 Mi.
-------
7I°00
i
to
to
70°55'
7D°50
NEWTON
42°50'—
42°45' —
70°45
\SEABRCOK
\
LAKE ATTITASH
MERRIMAC
-42°50'
—42°45'
7I°00'
70°55
0 1 2_ 5 6 Km.
0 1 2 3 4 Mi.
-------
2.0 CASE STUDIES IN URBAN, RIVER-ORIENTED RECREATION
2.1 NASHUA, NEW HAMPSHIRE
Nashua, New Hampshire is situated close to the Massachusetts border
in the Merrimack and Nashua river valleys. Since earliest times, Indian
tribes living there viewed it as a "paradise - a fertile spot amid barren
plains", but continuous use of the rivers and the land has diminished the
quality of the environment considerably.
2.1.1 Social and Demographic Profile
Nevertheless, the city of Nashua and its surrounding towns and commu-
nities are experiencing rapid growth. Since the 34 square miles of Nashua
proper was incorporated as a city in 1853, its property tax base has grown
to $15,257,008. Total assessed valuation is now on the order of $428,939,589.
The property tax rate is $36.30 per $1,000 or 79 percent assessment. The
community now has two hospitals, two libraries, two newspapers, two radio
stations and one museum and cultural center.
Between 1960 and 1970, the population grew from approximately 39,000
to 55,000. The 1975 estimate is closer to 65,000. Of the 55,820 inhabit-
ants of Nashua in 1970, 99.3 percent were white and 0.5 percent were black.
Persons of foreign birth or parentage comprised 30.7 percent of the city's
population, with the largest group coming from Canada. The population of
Nashua included 20,579 persons under the age of 18 or 36.9 percent of the
population, and 4,765 persons 65 and over or 8.5 percent of the population.
The median age for the city was 26.7.
Of the population 25 and over, 25.5 percent had a grade school educa-
tion or less, 56.6 percent were high school graduates, including 23.7 per-
cent who had completed some college. About 11.3 percent of the population
25 and over in the city had completed four or more years of college.
More residents of Nashua were employed as operatives, including
transport, than any other occupational category. The second and third lar-
gest occupational fields were professional, technical and kindred workers, respec-
tively. More people were employed in manufacturing than in any other
industrial category. The second and third largest industries were wholesale
and retail trade and professional and related services. Agriculture, fores-
try and fishing accounted for only 0.4%, while entertainment and recreation
services employed another 0.7%.
MV-23
-------
NASHUA; 1970 CENSUS
Total
Population
55,820
Ethnicity
% white
% black
% foreign birth
or parentage
99.3
0.5
30.7
Age
% under 18 36.9
% 65 and over 8.5*
Median Age 26.7
Education
Income
% completed elementary
% completed secondary
% completed some college
% completed 4 yrs. college
25.5
56.5
23.7
11.3
% less $5,000
$ $15,000 or more
% between $5,000-$15,000
% $25,000 or more
% below poverty
11.8
22.3
65.9
3.7
4.3
Median Income - $10,861
Employment
Industrial and occupational categories are listed
below in the order of their frequency:
Occupations
Operatives
Professional
Technical
Clerical
Industries
Manufacturing
Wholesale and retail'trade
Professional (related services)
1969 figure
MV-24
-------
The median income in 1969 of Nashua families was $10,861. Families
with income under $5,000 were 11.8 percent of all families in the city,
whole families with income of $15,000 or more accounted for 22.3 percent.
Thus, 65.9 percent of the families had incomes between $5,000 and $15,000
while 3.7 percent had an income of $25,000 or more and 4.3 percent were
below poverty level. On a per capita income basis, every man, woman and
child in the city averaged $3,272.
New Hampshire's attractive environment and its comparative tax ad-
vantage are two major lures to Nashua. Add to this a small city with a
strong industrial base and excellent transportation providing access to all
points in New England and New York City and Nashua becomes a base promising
stability as well as aesthetic appeal.
An increased demand for water-based recreation has accompanied rapid
growth. Today, neither river can support any contact recreation. Water-based
recreation in Nashua is particularly lacking. There is only one municipal
pool, with a back-up from YM-YWCA facilities. Both the Nashua Country Club
and the Nashua Swim and Tennis Club have swimming facilities, but they are
available on a membership basis only. There are a few ponds and lakes in
the immediate vicinity, e.g. Robinson Pond in Hudson and popular Silver Lake
in Hollis. The latter is rapidly becoming polluted through overuse. The
other ponds, lakes and ocean beaches suitable for swimming, or intense water-
oriented recreation are at least one hour by car from Nashua and largely
unaccessible by public transportation.
There are few organizations in Nashua whose specific interests include
water oriented activities. The Conservation Committee is actively involved
in acquiring conservation easements on the banks of the Merrimack and is
joined in enthusiasm by members of the Audubon Society. (It is common for
one individual to be a member of both societies.) The Parks and Recreation
Department originated with a land donation by Horace Greeley for city park-
land. As a consequence of this somewhat unique beginning, the parks and
recreation department is dedicated to preserving the parks as well as making
them publicly available.
MV-25
-------
The Parks and Recreation Department annually publishes a pamphlet
which delineates the recreational activities in the city of Nashua. In it
may be found a comprehensive list of all the recreational and cultural
associations in the city. "A large number of special interest groups exist
in Nashua. They serve to foster and supplement a wide range of activities.
Some of these groups and programs are offered in conjunction with the Public
Libraries, the Arts and Science Center, YW-YMCA, Girl's Club and Boy's Club.
These six agencies join with the Nashua Park-Recreation Department to form
the nucleus of the City's recreational and cultural activity."
The Merrimack River Watershed Association (MRWA) has not had the
same degree of success as the Nashua River Watershed Association. The MRWA,
unlike the Nashua group, has failed to spark interest in and aggressive action
on behalf of the Merrimack River. However, there is some hope that it will
become active once more.
The City Planning Board intends to create a steering committee to
look at the downtown area and is developing an overall park and recreation
plan which will include city and region. But at this moment such a committee
does not exist.
2.1.2 Ownership Patterns
The Boston and Maine Railway has had the right of way along the river
bank from the beginning of Nashua's history. Tracks stretch the entire length
of the city. This barrier has converted the river bank to an "island" which
varies in depth from 100 to 700 feet between the tracks and the river. Con-
sequently, water's edge is not readily accessible, except in those places
where the railroad has provided crossings. (See Map 2.1) Due to the prevail-
ing dangers of train movement, the rail company is not enthusiastic about
providing free and easy access. And, because it is B & M's prerogative to
grant crossings, it is not expected that many new ones will be built. The
presence of this right-of-way is a mixed blessing. Certainly, lack of access
to the water has deterred undesirable development along the water's edge, but
at the same time, it has inhibited access for recreational activities. However,
it is not clear that this disincentive to reaching the river bank would be
so effective if the condition of the water were enticing enough to attract people.
Greater Nashua, N.H., An Indepth Profile, Chamber of Commerce, 1974.
MV-26
-------
MAP 2.1
OWNERSHIP PATTERNS IN NASHUA
City Owned Land
Privately Owned Land
Boston & Main Land
I A I Agricultural Land —Hudson
{Privately Owned)
-------
Freight transport is the main purpose of the railway, although there
is some possibility of re-establishing commuter service to Lowell, Mass.
The railway has always provided a very important source of transportation to
local industry. As a transit link, its future seems assured by the projected
need for environmentally acceptable and economically feasible mass transpor-
tation.
Other than the right-of-way, the B & M Railway owns the two widest
strips of river frontage up to the confluence of the two rivers. Beginning
at the Nashua-Tyngsborough line, all the land is B & M property to Farmington
Road. At this point, the land between the tracks and water narrows rapidly,
and the privately owned Nashua Country Club begins. The municipal sewage
treatment plant abuts the Country Club- Beyond this point, the land becomes
railway property again - almost up to the confluence of the Nashua and Merrimack
rivers. From Crown Street to the actual mouth of the Nashua, the land is used
for flood control. Behind this dike is the only spot where there has been
residential development. This area consists mostly of older homes and is
the point where the bridge crosses to Hudson.
Above the confluence, water quality begins to improve somewhat. Here
the land is all privately owned and relatively desirable since the distance
between tracks and river is greater here than anywhere else on the Nashua
reach of the Merrimack. The land is parceled out to three owners. The
old golf course is owned by a private individual who is attempting to acquire
a permit to build condominiums on the site. A portion of this land houses the
Nashua Swim and Tennis Club which is also privately owned. The next sizeable
parcel of land, Greeley Park, represents 30 acres of municipal land with 1500
feet of shoreline not currently in use. Some 95 acres of parkland above the
tracks serve the community in a variety of ways. The last piece of land, and
interestingly enough, the portion with the greatest depth between tracks and
river is the land owned by Koppers Corporation. This is the only part of the
land being used for industrial purposes.
The opposite bank of the Merrimack, in Hudson, is almost all owned
privately. Except for an area near the bridge, which has some development
and private homes, the land is mostly used for agricultural purposes.
MV-28
-------
2.4 Attitudes and Expectations
Historically, the existence of the railbed at river's edge has been
a psychological if not a physical barrier to public use of the river. It
is probable that even when the river was swimmable, railway officials dis-
couraged recreation near the tracks. When a bikeway was proposed to run
along the riverside, railway officials refused to give approval because of
its proximity to rail traffic.
As a consequence of historically poor water quality and access, there
is essentially no recreation on or near this part of the Merrimack. A few
stray power craft may find their way up the river, but there are no marinas
and no docks. An occasional sailboat is sometimes sighted in the vicinity
and one person reported having seen a brave (or lost) water skiier. Appar-
ently, there are points along the water's edge where small boys fish for
carp which are reputedly inedible.
Perceptions of the river vary. Some feel it is "dirty and to be
avoided" while others are "itching to get out there". In Thoreau's day
it was a beautiful river and it still has much to recommend it. There is
hope, therefore, that it will be rediscovered. People feel that the water
will be cleaned and that boating will be possible in the future, but most do
not expect immediate change.
Passive recreation, such as picnicking, walking, hiking, birdwatching,
etc. could occur in a few places. The unused portion of Greeley Park, or
the Golf Course are good possibilities for these types of activities. If
they do take place, the activities are completely casual, since the area
has not specifically been set aside.
2.1. 3 Plans for Water Recreation
Most people have not started to think about the implications of
clean water since markedly cleaner water is yet to be seen. Even the Planning
Board indicated that "no one of sound mind would develop water-oriented rec-
reation plans here....the water quality is so bad".
The Conservation Commission is the most active group with plans for
the land. This group would like to acquire easements along the Merrimack,
both from the Boston and Maine Railway and from private owners. The Commission
MV-29
-------
is in different stages of achieving these goals. A strip of land extending
from the confluence of the Nashua and Merrimack rivers almost up to Greeley
Park has been promised. It would extend 100-200 feet back from the bank along
the water.
The area would be retained in its natural state and mostly passive
recreation would be encouraged. In addition, the conservationists have hopes
for a small boat shed at a point on this land where the two rivers meet. Such
sports as rowing, sailing, sculling and canoeing will be encouraged. These
aspirations represent long range goals since there is minimal boating on the
river at this point. The Conservation Commission has other plans for pro-
tecting the land and, as a consequence, intend to reserve land for passive
recreation. To this end they are also seeking easements from the city in
Greeley Park and from the Koppers Corporation. Should the Commission acquire
all it seeks, a greenbelt will be developed along the most of the urbanized
reach of Nashua's side of the river.
The City Parks and Recreation Department is mainly interested in
Greeley Park. The 30 acre section on the river is divided from the larger por-
tion of the park and has never been developed. There is some evidence of
recreational use there but some types of recreation (e.g. motorbikes and
motorcycle riding) are not approved. Presumably, bird watchers frequent the
area, but they leave no signs. Since Greeley Park is above the confluence of
the two rivers, there is an expectation that the river will be cleaner here.
However, one look at the water and the mudline completely dashes any desire
to get close to the water. Consequently, park officials have no plans, "just
visions", for the area. Priorities for development here rest mostly on the
possibility of constructing a boating dock and a fishing pier. Opening the
area to picnicking and hiking is also high on the list if the Merrimack ever
gets clean. These activities are envisioned, but have no formal expression
in planning documents. Actual body contact use of the water is only a
"long-range dream".
MV-30
-------
2.1.4 Constraints on Plan Implementation
Nashua was not built with the Merrimack in mind. Lifestyles in
the city do not include the river, which is little more than a divider be-
tween Nashua and Hudson, something to stay upwind of on a particularly close
day. Consequently, very few people think of it as a possible source of
entertainment. It would not occur to anyone to clean Merrimack's shores,
because it has been too dirty too long. Original planning attitudes and
present perceptions of the river constitute a basic obstacle to developing
water-based recreation plans.
The presence of rail traffic near the river is certain to present
some impediment to use and development of those areas controlled completely
by the railroad. The rail corporation's attitudes toward selling the land
which they now hold are not known. It seems unlikely that they will develop
it for recreational use. Overall, intransigence on the part of the railway
may not be a constraint. Viewed in terms of preserving the land, it actu-
ally produces a net benefit.
Conflicting needs for educational facilities and a local match for
sewer funds are in competition with the recreation plan for available dol-
lars. The cost of installing the sewage treatment plant is about a million
dollars. Compared to that, the $100,000 necessary to develop an area like
Greeley Park does not represent a quantitative impediment. The city has
already invested money in the development of other recreational areas and
anticipates planning for further investment. The fact is that most of the
development would come from the private sector which apparently has funds.
The financing and implementation of sewage and treatment plants are the
highest priorities of state, regional, and local officials. Since comple-
tion and success of these projects will determine the river's return to
quality and usefulness, focusing interest at this level is appropriate and
necessary. This focus could, however, be considered a constraint if secon-
dary aspects, such as developing a recreation plan, are not considered at
the same time.
MV-31
-------
2.1.5 Assessment of Benefits and Costs
Development pressures attendant on achieving clean water will con-
stitute a social cost. When the land at water's edge becomes valuable and
attractive to developers, there may be pressure on the Conservation Com-
mission and others to give up their options on the land. The loss of this
greenbelt area would be a loss to society.
The wealthy stand to gain from the potential increase in property
values. Map 2.1 , which shows the income groups and where they live, is
illustrative of this probability. On the other hand, it may be safe to say
that the less well-to-do who live closest to the water's edge would be the
most likely beneficiaries in terms of a variety of new opportunities.
Since recreational facilities would be close by, their investment in a day
of recreation would no longer include the cost of transportation to distant
salt or fresh water bodies.
Property owned by lower income people would also rise in market
value from river cleanup, but tax assessments would also rise, making the
net gain an individual question, governed by the owner's decision to sell or
retain holdings.
MV-32
-------
2.2 Lowe11, Massachusetts
2.2.1 Social, Economic and Demographic Profile
The City of Lowell, Massachusetts, the Middlesex County seat, is
situated at the confluence of the Merrimack and Concord Rivers 25 miles
northwest of Boston, 45 miles from Worcester, 100 miles from Portland, Maine,
and 229 miles from New York City. At first glance, its standard descriptions
fail to distinguish it from any other Yankee industrial center of moderate
size. On closer examination, however, the statistics reflect Lowell's unique
history as America's first planned industrial city and suggest a distribution
of the benefits from restoration of the water resources which made that his-
tory possible.
Lowell became an ideal site for a "Spindle City" boomtown through a
conjunction of natural and man-made factors. Initially, Merrimack's function
as a transportation artery from the hinterlands to a regional marketplace at
Newburyport made Lowell attractive to entrepreneurs. Since the river fell 32
feet at Lowell, enterprising businessmen built the Pawtucket Canal to bypass
the rapids and allow uninterrupted passage to the sea. Shortly after the 1.5
mile Pawtucket Canal was completed in 1797, other financiers undertook con-
struction of the Middlesex Canal, a waterway intersecting the Merrimack above
the Pawtucket and providing passage across 27 miles of countryside, direct
to Boston. Far more elaborate than the first canal, the Middlesex, when
completed in 1303, sported 50 bridges and seven aqueducts. Its effect on the
Pawtucket was devastating. By 1820, when Waltham textile industrialists came
to view what is now the Lowell area, they found a bankrupt transportation
canal and an agricultural community of 200 people.
Significantly, Lowell's history begins with an adaptive reuse of an
obsolete technology. The builders of the Waltham Experiment saw the Pawtucket
Canal not as a liability, but as a feeder for power canals whose six-knot
current would turn water wheels under mill buildings and textile machinery,
and empty into the Merrimack again once its energy was spent. The widening
of the Pawtucket Canal and construction of the canals began in 1822. By 1839,
Lowell was heralded by some as the textile manufacturing capital of the United
States and, by others, of the western world.
See Tables 1, 2 and 3.
MV-33
-------
By 1826, Lowell's population had grown to 2500; 1000 employees at the
Merrimack Manufacturing Co. (1822), 236 machine shop employees, 400 textile
workers at the Hamilton Co. (1825), 200 Locks and Canals Co. workers, and 637
other citizens. From that time on, the growth rate became exponential.
• 1833 12,000 residents, including 5000 millworkers of
whom 3000 were female
« 1836 18,000 residents
As the output of the mills increased, the available labor supply of Yankee farm
girls was supplemented by immigrant labor from Europe. By 1840, the population
stood at 21,000, second in Massachusetts only to Boston. More importantly,
Lowell had begun to develop the rich ethnic diversity which still characterizes
the city.
• In the 1820's Irish laborers walked from Boston to Lowell
to begin construction work on the Lowell canals and mill
foundations; by the 1830's, one-sixth of the population were
of Irish birth or parentage;
• Scotch weavers were recruited to work in the carpet factory
(1829);
• Immigrants from Great Britain were recruited as designers
and engravers for printing in the Print Works of the
Merrimack Company;
• The first French-Canadians came to Lowell in the early 1840's;
subsequent waves of French-speaking workers settled in "Little
Canada"; and by the 1880's had a thriving community which
published the first French-Canadian daily newspaper in the
United States, L'abielle,-
• The first Greek families arrived in Lowell in the late 1840's;
however, large influxes came in the early 1890's and between
1910-1920. The Greeks established the first Greek-American
day school in the United States in 1901, utilizing a bilingual
curriculum to serve the residents of the Greek neighborhood,
the "Acre";
The history of these well-bred young women who became "spinsters"
under a system of industrial paternalism has great social significance both to
Lowell and American industrialism. See M. Southworth, The Rover and its City;
An Outline of the History of Lowell, Massachusetts, Lowell Model Cities
Education Component, 1971.
MV-34
-------
« Shortly after the turn of the century, a sizeable Portuguese
community began to develop, with immigrants coming from both
the Cape Verde and Westward Islands.
e Before the anti-immigration laws of 1919 were passed, numerous
on the ethnic [sic] communities had been established in Lowell;
notably Russians, Poles, Lithuanians, Finns and Scandinavians.
More recently, Lowell has become the home of many Black and
Spanish-speaking people.^-
Records of the Hamilton Manufacturing Company reflect the changing
ethnic composition of its workers.
U.S. born Foreign born
1844-46 92% 8%
1854-56 48% 52%
By 1912, fully 40% of the total population of 100,000 were non-English speaking.
In 1930, 73% of Lowell residents were either foreign born or of foreign paren-
tage.
Lowell has never been and is not now an ethnically homogeneous city.
In fact, the national enclaves established during the peak immigration periods
persist to this day. The "Little Europes" of the city have been modified only
by the ravages of ill-conceived urban renewal projects and trends among second
and third generation ethnics to migrate to the suburbs. Relating the 1970
census data on ethnic composition to actual geography reveals interesting
neighborhood natterns. Generally, the successive waves of in^nigrants
have settled first in the city core and later spread outward from the downtown
area to suburban areas. As a result, those groups closest to the urban core
tend to be the most recent immigrants. (See nap 1.1).
Comparing this information to income data by census tract, we find
that low-income families and individuals are also concentrated in ttie downtown
area. (See Map 1.2 and accompanying chart.) Indeed, as Map 1.3 indicates,
persons below the poverty level (1970) tend to live not only in the central
business district, but also in areas with generally high minority concentra-
tions. Other locational indicators of disadvantaged persons include the Model
Cities Area, minority housing, and lead paint poisoning prevention target areas
Human Services Corporation, 1971. HSC is a holding company geared to
providing services to urban populations. Its chief activities center in edu-
cation, the adaptive reuse of mill architecture, neighborhood revitalization,
and preventive mental health programs.
MV-35
-------
indicated in Map 1.4. This combination of'factors is extremely significant
to the water-based recreation plans and the distribution of their benefits.
MV-36
-------
CANADIANS (643) f—CANADIANS (1239)
POLES (204)
PUERTO RICAN (68)
MAP 1.1
ETHNIC CONCENTRATIONS
BY CENSUS TRACTS (1970)
1 Census tracts
• 25 Persons
^K Indicates highest concentration
within an ethnic group, not
ethnic majority
IRISH (336)
UNITED KINGDOM (224)
POLES (214)
CANADIANS (700)
IRISH (547)*
POLES (337)*
UNITED KINGDOM (220)
ITALIANS (115)
CANADIANS (1396)
UNITED KINGDOM 244
IRISH (324)
RUSSIANS (132)
UNITED KINGDOM (251)
IRISH (233)
BLACK (119)
BLACK (2111*
PUERTO RICAN (111)'
BLACKS (98)
ITALIANS (65)
IRISH (235)
MV-37"
-------
MAP 1.2
MEDIAN INCOME
Census tracts
25 Persons
Significantly low median
income for families and
individuals ($1,814-84,517)
MV-38
-------
MAP 1.2 KEY
Median Income of
Families and
Census Tract Unrelated Individuals
City of Lowell Number Median
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
693
2027
1870
1194
1381
2133
1472
1174
559
705
944
1165
1310
1418
939
1728
1350
1055
1547
801
910
1305
1284
1042-
2766
$ 3,054
$ 8,523
$ 8,359
$ 7,410
$ 6,024
$ 8,997
$ 5,877
$ 1,814
$ 3,142
$ 2,500
$ 5,094
$ 5,957
$ 8,725
$ 9,187
$ 9,517
$ 9,750
$ 8,135
$ 6,432
$ 4,517
$ 6,048
$ 8,167
$ 8,059
$ 9,819
$ 5,629
$10,497
MV-39
-------
PERSONS BELOW POVERTY LEVELS IN THE CITY OF LOWELL
BY CENSUS TRACT
CENSUS TRACTS IN THE LOWELL SMSA.
CITY OF LOWELL INSET MAP
Source: Bureau of Census
i
Northern Middlesex Area Commission
September 1972
6000 feet
AREAS WHERE THE NUMBER OF PERSONS BELOW
POVERTY CONSTITUTES 7,6% OR flDff OF THE LOCAL POPULATION
Map 1.3
MV-40
-------
MAP 1.4
LEAD PAINT POSION
PREVENTION PROGRAM
Census tracts
S&Sijv Model citites area
Concentration of
minority housing
MV-41
-------
TABLE 1
Population Data
Total Population 94,239
Racial Data
White: 93,062
Negro: 786
% Negro: .8%
Age Composition
Total
under 5 years
5-9 years
10 - 14 years
15-19 years
20 - 24 years
25 - 34 years
35 - 44 years
45-54 years
55-64 years
65 and over
Females, all ages
49,671
4,113
4,355
4,440
4,228
4,405
5,014
4,870
5,842
5,046
7,359
Males, all ages
44,568
4,318
4,349
4,458
4,456
4,160
5,066
4,527
5,161
4,018
4,055
The data in this and the following charts are taken from tract tabu-
lations in Tables PI through P20 of the 1970 census for the Lowell SMSA.
MV-42
-------
TABLE 2
Population; Ethnicity
Native of native parentage: 62,438
Native of foreign or mixed
parentage: 23,615
Foreign born: 8,227
Foreign stock: 31,842
United Kingdom 2,857
Ireland 4,075
Sweden 201
Germany 436
Poland 1,937
Czechoslovakia 20
Austria 120
Hungary 43
U.S.S.R. 771
Italy 749
Canada 11,284
Mexico 24
Cuba 243
All other and not reported 9,082
Persons of Spanish
Language 1,079*
Persons of Puerto Rican
birth or parentage 385*
Local planners suspect gross underenumeration of Spanish-speaking
persons in Lowell's census figures.
MV-43
-------
TABLE 3
Population; Income,
Income Below Poverty Level,
and Education
Income
Median Income: $9,495
1969 income of aggregate families and unrelated individuals:
less than $1000 532
$1,000 - $2,999 1354
$3,000 - $5,999 3618
$6,000 - $9,999 6866
$10,000 - $14,999 6685
$15,000 - $24,999 3275
$25,000 - $49,999 455
$50,000 or more 69
Income Below Poverty Level
Percent of all families 8,5
Percent receiving
public assistance 32.1
Education
Negroes Spanish-speaking
Median school yrs.
completed 11.3 10.7 10.0
Percent high school
graduates 45.0 39.5 38.8
MV-44
-------
2.2.2 Current River-Oriented Recreational Activity
The City of Lowell, the major urban center in the nine-community
Northern Middlesex Area Commission Region, is very densely populated and
accounts for 43% of the region's 1970 population. Lowell's 9,220 land and
water acres represent but 7% of the regional total. Interestingly, though
Lowell demands almost half the swimming, picnicking, camping and boating
facilities, it supplies only 6% of swimming opportunities and 2% of camping
2
resources. Swimming resources in Lowell in 1970 were found by the state to
be 100% municipally owned, as were picnicking and boating facilities. State
areas provided 100% of camping facilities.
The following inventory of leisure resources compiled in August, 1973,
offer some perspective on the role of water-oriented areas and facilities in
Lowell's overall recreational picture.
Picnic Area
9 Lowell/Dracut state Forest, Trotting Park Road
Campground
• Lowell/Dracut State Forest, Trotting Park Road
Hiking and Nature Walks
• Lowell/Dracut State Forest, Trotting Park Road
Swimming
• Shedd Park, Boylston & Rogers Streets (Route 38)
• North Common, Fletcher & Cross Streets
• O'Donnell Park, Gorham Street, across from Edson Cemetery
• McPherson Field, Bridge Street and Eustis Avenue
Boat Launching Ramp
• Merrimack River, Pawtucket Boulevard (across from the
Speare House Restaurant) Route 113
See Eastern Massachusetts Supplement; Massachusetts Outdoor Recrea-
tion Plan, Department of Natural Resources, Bureau of Planning, December 1972.
2
Regional Recreation and Open Space and the Urban Cultural Park,
Northern Middlesex Area Commission, May 1974.
MV-45
-------
Motor Boating
• Merrimack River
Canoeing
• Concord River
• Merrimack River
Fishing
• Merrimack River
• Concord River
• Beaver River
Hunting
• Lowell/Dracut State Forest, Trotting Park Road
Ice Rink
• John J. Janas Memorial Skating Rink, Douglas Road
• Beaver Brook (natural)
Bicycle Trails
• Lowell/Dracut State Forest
Playgrounds
• McFerson Park, Bridge Street
• Gage Field, Bridge Street
• Highland Park, Stevens Street
• Alumni Field, off Rogers Street and Village Street
• Kitterage Park, Andover Street and Nesmith Street
• Father Kirwin Park, Lawrence Street
• North Common, Fletcher and Cross Streets
• South Common, Thorndike and Summer Streets
• Bartlett Field, behind Bartlett School, Wannalancit
Street
e Shedd Park, Rogers Street (Route 38)
MV-46
-------
• Father Maguire Park, Mammoth Road
• Clemente Park, Middlesex Street
• O'Donnell Park, Gorham Street
• Hadley Field
• Fort Hill Park
Stadium
• Cawley Memorial Stadium, Douglas Road
Concert Hall
• Lowell Memorial Auditorium, East Merrimack Street
Information Center
• Greater Lowell Chamber of Commerce, 176 Church Street
Educational Institutions
• Lowell State College, Broadway and Wilder Streets
• Lowell Technological Institute, Textile Avenue and
Riverside Street
o Lowell/Dracut State Forest, Trotting Park Road
Train Station
• Off Thorndike Street
Scenic Viewpoint
• Fort Hill Park, Rogers and West Rogers Streets (Route 38)
• Merrimack River, Pawtucket Falls
• Canals and Locks: Pawtucket (1796); Swamplocks (1823);
Lower Pawtucket Locks (1823); Merrimack Locks (1823);
Middlesex Canal Locks; Hamilton Locks (1826); Western
Locks (1831); Eastern Locks (1835); Wamesit Locks (1846);
Northern Locks (1848); Francis Gate Locks (1850)
Museums
Whistler House (1825), 243 Worthen Street
Parker Gallery, 243 Worthen Street
MV-47
-------
Art Galleries
• Gallery 21 (open by appointment)
Historic Cemeteries
• Mammoth Road
• School Street
• Old English, Gorham Street
• Hildreth Family, Hildreth Street
• Butler Grave and Monument, Hildreth Street
Historic Buildings
• Gate Houses; Western Canal Gatehouse (1847); Northern
Canal Gatehouse (1847), School & Pawtucket Streets
(central, northwest); Merrimack Canal Gatehouse (1847),
Merrimack & Dutton Streets (center); Francis Gatehouse
(1850), Broadway Street & Pawtucket Canal (central, west)
• Mill Buildings; Appleton (1828) , Central Street;
Boott (1835), Bridge Street; Hamilton (1825), Market
Street; Lawrence (Ames Textile 1830), Perkins Street;
Massachusetts (1839), Bridge Street; Suffolk (Wannalancit
1830)
• Associated Mill Community Buildings; Glass Workers Long
House (1802); Yorick Club (Merrimack Manufacturing Com-
pany 1830); Town Hall (1830), Merrimack Street; Agents
House (Lowell Day Nursery 1830); Corporation Housing
(1835), Cabot Street; Row House (1835), Appleton Street;
Linus Child House (Agents House for Boott & Massachusetts
Mills), 67 Kirk Street; Commercial Block (1840), 350-374
Merrimack Street; Headquarters, Proprietors of Locks &
Canals on Merrimack River (1840) , Broadway and Dummer
Streets; Commercial Building (1850), 29 John Street;
Old Stone Tavern (1824), 267 Pawtucket Street; Old
Worthen Tavern (1841), 143 Worthen Street; Old County
Jail (1856), 201 Thorndike Street; Lowell Gas Company
Building (1860) , 22 Shattuck Street
a Churches; St Anne's Church (1825), 10 Kirk Street; St.
Anne's Rectory (1826), 8 Kirk Street; First Baptist
Church (1826), Church Street; South Congregational
Meeting House (1823), 76 Merrimack Street; St. Paul's
Methodist Church (1839), 34 Kurd Street; All Souls
Church (1842), Bartlett Street (now Christ Church
United); Worthen Street Methodist Episcopal Church
(1842) , 225 Worthen Street; St. Joseph the Worker
Church (1850), Lee Street; St. Patrick's Church (1854),
MV-48
-------
Suffolk Street; St. John's Episcopal Church (1861),
260 Gorham Street; St. Jean Baptiste Church (1896),
725 Merrimack Street; Holy Trinity Greek Orthodox
Church (1904), Lewis Street
• Public Buildings: Town Hall (1830), Merrimack Street;
Market House, Old Police Station (1857), Market Street;
Central Fire Station (1889), 120-142 Middle Street; City
Hall (1893), 375 Merrimack Street; Memorial Auditorium
(1922), East Merrimack Street; J.F.K. Civic Center (1972),
50 Arcand Drive
e Historic Houses; Spaulding House, Pawtucket & School
Streets; Jarathmail Bowers House & Barns (before 1671),
Parkhurst Road; Parker House and Monument (before 1700),
137 Pine Street; Tyler Mansion (1840s), 16 Tyler Park;
Round Stone Houses (1870), Wannalancit Street; Gustav
Fox House (1850), 725 Merrimack Street
• Technological Sightseeing; Father John's Medicine
Company (plant tour), 73 Market Street; Prince Spaghetti
Company, Prince Avenue
• Factory Stores (contact the Greater Lowell Chamber of
Commerce for additional information): Educator Biscuit
(cookies, crackers), 27 Jackson Street; Leo Joyal
Furniture Factory Outlet, 685 Lawrence Street; Bill's
Mill Mart (fabric), 95 Bridge Street; Old Mother Hubbard
Dog Food Company (dog and cat food), 143 Tanner Street;
Carol Shoe Company (shoes), Crosby Street; Jean Alan
Products (rugs), 1857 Middlesex Street; Clayton Hosiery
Mills, Inc. (hosiery, knit wear), 95 Bridge Street; Com-
fort Bedding & Furniture, Inc., 155 Thorndike Street;
Forge Mills (yarn), 200 Market Street; C.F. Hathaway
Company (dress shirts), 27 Jackson Street; New Knit
Manufacturing Company (men's sweaters), 21 Nottingham
Street; Stoddards Bakery, Inc. (baked goods), 99 Mammoth
Road; Thorndike Factory Outlet (assorted goods), 145
Thorndike Street; Vincent Factory Shoe Outlet, 210
Middlesex Street; Fenway Factory Outlet (ready-made wear},
95 Bridge Street; Cote Bread, Inc. (Sunbeam Bread), 1320
Middlesex Street; William Tanner Company (hosiery), 12
Perkins Street; Gene's Hi-Grade Ice Cream, 139 Lakeview
Avenue; Charles Santos & Sons, King Street
Historic Markers
• Meeting House Hill, Summer Street, commemorating John
Eliott's Indian Chapel
« Original Railroad Tracks, Lucy Larcom Parkway, Merrimack
Street
• Ladd & Whitney Monument (1865), City Hall Plaza
MV-49
-------
o Winged Victory (1867), gift of Dr. James C. Ayer, City
Hall Plaza
• Lincoln Monument, Lincoln Square
o Lucy Larcom Parkway (1844), Merrimack Street
From all available sources, it appears that from 1930 to the early
70's the history of river recreation in Lowell was one of ever-diminishing
opportunity. Pollution levels in the Merrimack and, to a lesser extent, the
Concord Rivers forced the closing of formerly well-patronized bath houses and
made the "ole swimming hole" the haunt of daredevils. Indeed, even recrea-
tional boating now associated with direct water contact dwindled in popularity
as a result of unattractive, unsafe water conditions and growing dependence
on the automobile for access to rural recreational settings. For at least
three decades, Lowell's principal natural assets — the Merrimack, the Con-
cord, and the network of canals between them — were not available as out-
lets for the people of the city. From once pleasurable associations
with the water, the local resident moved first to apathy and then finally to
aversion.
Today, with the attention being drawn to the Urban National Cultural
Park and its numerous water-related components and activities, the nega-
tive image of the city's water resources has begun to change dramatically.
As water quality improvements are made by virtue of upstream point-
source controls, fishing becomes more productive and the catch more
palatable. One angler questioned about his favrite "snot" volunteered
that "within a couple of years when they fix the dams here and at
Lawrence and start the salmon runs again, people will be fighting for every
inch of standing room." Indeed, the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service has pub-
lished a report on fish passage facilities proposed for the Essex and Paw-
tucket Dams which together with flow regulation, continuing pollution curbs,
and successful stocking programs should restore the anadromous fishery by
the mid-1980s. The Lowell Regatta, a semi-annual crewing competition on
the Merrimack, now embellished with ethnic festivities, attracts thousands of
spectators to riverbank areas. An account in the Lowell Sun published May
19, 1975, described the previous weekend's Regatta as "only a prelude" to
the bigger, more popular Fall event. The annual Eastern Motorboat Champion-
ships, for its part, attracts a similar throng of power enthusiasts. A
MV-50
-------
passer-by encountered in a downtown crowd said, yes, her whole family had
attended one or another civic function along the river and she fully expected
to swim in the Merrimack as she had fifty years ago before she "passed on."
Despite these hopeful signs, Lowell's water-oriented recreational
opportunities remain far from fully developed. Apart from some limited pri-
vate boating and fishing, river-related activities are largely passive. The
City owns seven riverside recreation areas totaling 49.6 acres. Their fea-
tures are as follows:
Boulevard Park One Bath House (closed)
Rowing, Storage
One Boat Ramp
Picnic Area
Pawtucket Street Park One Parking Area
One Picnic Area
One Tot Lot
One Play Area
Wannalancit Park Sitting Area
Ferry Landing Park Sitting Area
First St. Playground Two Tennis Courts
Hunts Falls Station Undeveloped Passive Park
Concord Riverbank Undeveloped Passive Park
Especially noteworthy among riverside park sites is the Pawtucket Street
Park, developed recently under the Legacy of Parks Program. Located adjacent
to the one remaining in-city boat club above the Pawtucket Dam, this passive
recreation area has rapidly become the most popular in Lowell. Robert
Malavich, acting Director of the City Development Authority, felt that
people had responded with remarkable speed to pleasant open space within
sight and sound of the Merrimack.
The effect of that green grass is enormous. It means a lot
to lie back on green grass when you haven't got any at home.
If Pawtucket is an indication of the kind of use we'll get at
the other waterside areas as they're rehabilitated and devel-
oped, passive parks in Lowell will mean a major change in the
recreation habits of our urban people — especially the very
old and the very young.
MV-51
-------
As far as swimming is concerned, people still either use municipal
pools or travel to lakes and ocean beaches in nearby New Hampshire or Essex
County, Massachusetts. Some hardy young people were observed swimming in the
Merrimack just above the gate house to the Pawtucket Canal and playing in
white water just above the last falls of the Concord River. (For the distri-
bution of all city-owned open space, refer to Map 2.2.)
In addition to its substantial holdings along the shores of the Mer-
rimack, the City's water-oriented resources must include the extensive
canal system built between 1792 and 1848 for passage and power. Though the
waterways and their associated buildings will not become important recrea-
tionally to local residents until the Urban National Cultural Park is com-
plete, certain elements of the system have already proven to be pedestrian
magnets. For example, as part of a $2.5 million park improvement program
undertaken by the City within the past two years, the banks of the Western
Canal in the vicinity of Holy Trinity Church (Greek Orthodox) have become a
pleasant promenade area, well-lit and provided with comfortable bench seating.
Though the small shade area created by young trees planted among the brick
walkways was scant protection from a broiling May sun, elderly people living
in the neighborhood were observed kibbitzing at a card game in progress and
young matrons with toddlers or baby carriages took advantage of the welcome
rest spot. Again, as with riverside passive areas, canalbank opportunities
for relaxation and contemplation of the water already appear to be warmly
received.
In summary, current water-oriented (riverside and canal) recreation
is largely confined to passive enjoyment, summer-season recreational boating
(principally for fishing), and special boating events. Public access, where
it is currently available along the Merrimack is provided by the City. The
Commonwealth of Massachusetts has no riverbank holdings and Federal property
is limited to a single parcel adjacent to the Concord. Private sector recrea-
tional resources on the Merrimack include a single marina which offers $2
cruises upriver to the Vesper Country Club during the summer, and private
landowners who, wittingly or unwittingly, provide trespassers with access to
the Concord River. This latter area, it should be noted, houses the most re-
cently arrived immigrants to Lowell — black/Spanish-speaking communities
both poorly housed and restricted largely to street-corner recreational acti-
vity.
MV-52
-------
-------
2.2.3 Plans for Water Recreation
The Urban National Cultural Park
The generally sanguine attitudes and high expectations of Lowell
residents toward their river/canal resources center on the much-publicized
plan for a Lowell Urban National Cultural Park (UNCP). Though it is not
possible to recapitulate all the information developed by the Human Services
Corporation and the City Development Authority about the Urban Park plan,
it is important to understand that its many diverse components are a cele-
bration of Lowell's past as it has shaped the present and will continue to
influence the future. Lowell was America's first planned industrial com-
plex complete with a social order and a modern corporate structure. Its
development as the world's chief textile center and its legacy of social
dynamism is the focus for the Urban Park's re-examination of America's
industrialization process.
In Lowell can be seen technology and architecture, in its
urban growth and settlement pattern, in the institutions for
labor recruitment and discipline, in the literature reflecting
community aspirations and conditions, and in the cultural and
ethnic diversity which was characteristic of American urbani-
zation. . .
The physical resources to be unified under the plan are numerous
and inextricably a part of the urban fabric begun by the initiators of the
2
Lowell Experiment in 1839. They include:
This and subsequent materials are taken from Lowell Urban Park,
Human Services Corporation, 1974. ~~
2Ibid.
MV-54
-------
'» b Miles uf CanaLs in Ihe City
• I'nwtuckel
• Merrimack
• Kastrrn
• Hamilton
• Western
• Northern
Navigation Locks
• Kraiuis Gale Locks ||
• .Suamp Lotks (|
• Viirihrrn Canal Lucks
• Lower Lin ks (|
Operating (iatehouses
• .Swamp Links (pnor
•* 1 .JMLI L.,ll\., .,.. ll.r
> Til 1111,11!
• Merrimack
• Northern Canal Wall
• Francis
• I'auluckel
Other Canals-
(1716)
(182))
(IH)'i)
IIHJfa)
I lit 1.2)
II84H)
7<)b-l«-|0)
7!lt>-l8',lll
(IH4HI
79b-IH'iU)
to IH4K)
.0 I.'1. J.SJ
(IN!7|
(IM47)
(l«47)
(1H4K)
(1847)
Middlesex Canal drill)).
lonm-iiing the Merrimack
liner \allc-\
• Uanieset Canal (INIb)
Ueiii.iinmi; Mill Complexes
• ll.imjltiiii^™"
• Appltlun
• Lawrence
• Sul folk
• HIM,It
• Massaihusells
(IH2H)
(IH)II
(1H1I)
(18)-,)
Churches
Oicr 75 ihunhes representing fliffiTenl rihnic
firuups and mam prmiding unique sw.»l ser-
Mle^ alung unh speaal mvnts of vlhnu in-
terest
Ilisiuru Houses
• A\cr Huusc (Circa 1870). corner of
I'awluckc-t S. School Street*
• The Whistler Hou.se (IWi). 24) Wiirthern
Street
• The Manse (firca lH4b). Andoxer Street
• hpaulding HIM se (Circa 1716). I'auluckel
Street
• Jerc-lhmell Uuuers Huuse &. Darns (Circa
1671), r>0 Wouri Street
• I'arkc-r fmuse ipnur lu 1700), 117 I'me
•^Ireel
• T\ler Mansum (IH4()s). IG T>lc-r I'ark
• Uuiintl Hi.usr (lh7U). Wannalancii Street
• CUistavus KIIX Mou&e (IMOUI, 72ri
Mtriiniatk Street
• Iknjamm I'virce House
• \arnum Iliiuse (Circa 17()i). ~i't Varnum
Terrace
• l)ullc-r Huuse (Cina 1HI>) ).) I Aniliiver
.street
• Numeriius examples uC I l*lh-t cnlur\
(liiniesiic rc-snlcnti.il architecture
Olile-i Chartered Sur\i\ ing Manufaclurinn Cur-
iM.ralh.n ... the- l.'
I'riipnetiirs i.r Lucks & Canals on
Merrimack Kixer (I79J)
Assp.
Mi|| Comnnin.!>
• Btioti Mill liimrdini: IMUSI UNIL-I r.-.i
• Ulll^-. ViOlklTs 1,1111, |l,,||. n-li.i
• >.,rn« C.luS iMi.-rinia-k ^:.iii
Anpni > Il.,nsr. Iniilj
• Am-nl-. KOIISP (Lowell Ua\ N
• L'mi-ll C.a< l.i^hl Cii.niiii.i PuildTi^ u1-:
Shdltuck Slreil
• Cnrp.,r,jlion Hoj-ini: (Ihf) Cahnl MI.U
• ll'iv lluusc IISJJi Apjili-lon Str.et
• Lmjs Pliild Mi,u- (Ap, .H* H,,.,.,,. |,>, H..I
MiKtmhuseiis Mills), 67 Kill Stn-i
• r»niniemal Illmk ilxi'.' IV) )71 Mi'ni'.H
• Ft.rmei Heod.iu.in,, I'r,.i)rioK,rs of I „
CsnaK on Mrrriniri^k J'uirr (|MIOI, rirouiv,^
I)'. miner Streets
* Ten -^-^.i1 ]'„ '.' - i_--n. jn i i ^,
• Old Mime Tavei.i il-Jn .'1,7 I'autuilm
• Old Northern 'I avern 11 H.I) in Wurim
Public l!u luin^.
'•ii.il
• Old Count, Jail il«,6i 2ill Ihurmli^i <:r.
• Town Hall (I,s30> M.-rnniRil. Str..-t
• Markel HOI.-.P (Old l-oli ,. >ifli,on )„,-, v
Si rc-et
• Cfiitul FireSi«non Cf.'O). IJd ] ;.> %,,^ ')
• City Hull (IH9I). 375 .%fcrnmack Sirei:
• Old Counn Courthouse (IfiJO). Clorlur.i >:i
The tissue holding these different geographical cultural and archi-
tectural elements together is the network of Lowell's waterways. Focused
on the power canal system begun in 1792, the Urban National Cultural Park
will include the river banks of the Merrimack and Nashua, all the Locks and
Canal properties and their respective adjacent banks. Map 3.1 indicates
the area in downtown Lowell identified with the Locks and Canals component
of the Urban Park.
-------
nhm [heOMrn [
hi the Proprietor* d Lockv ,md
*0 irtimjjn.il Kink
MAP 2 LOCKS & CANALS HISTORIC DISTRICT
Historic Districts Study Committee
Lowell, Mass.
\
Map 3.1
The Park also embraces area outside the central business district, linking
existing state parks and other waterways like the Middlesex Canal. Map 3.2
indicates the regional planning commission's view of the Regional Recreation
Core to which Lowell's UNCP would relate. Its features include properties
• Along both sides of the Merrimack River within the city limits;
• North of the Merrimack River along bicycle trails by two routes
into Lowell/Dracut State Forest;
• Extending downstream toward Lawrence as part of a regional bikeway
system - on the north side of the Merrimack River; and a bikeway
and trail network on Concord River to Manning State Forest;
• Physically linking the system along Old Middlesex Canal from
Manning State Forest to Merrimack River.
MV-56
-------
wm \
•V>V 'L--L . — \.
. :v .vJ ~n r\ VAJE- i i ^
:«3c^r*aj&s
Map 3.2
MV-57
-------
The recreation opportunities to be developed under this proposed
complex of public and private facilities are both comprehensive and exten-
sive. Virtually every kind of leisure encounter with water has been
included in the State-supported sub-set of the UNCP Plan. The Heritage
Park is planned as an aggregation of dispersed sites connected by a land
and water circulation system. Its utilization of Canal and river bank
2
areas are described as follows:
The banks of the entire Lowell canal system (10 miles) which
are not built upon, and all of the undeveloped banks of
the Merrimack and Concord rivers in Lowell (12 miles)
would be considered part of the Heritage Park (Fig. 10).
All canal and river banks in the park would be protected
by acquisition or easement where feasible, and other-
wise by application of the Scenic Rivers Act. Protec-
tion of these resources would be facilitated by the
fact that almost all of these canal and river banks are
presently owned by either the City, the Proprietors of
the Locks and Canals, or Lowell educational institutions.
The purpose for protecting canal and river banks would be
threefold: (1) they would provide access facilities for
water-based recreation, such as barge landings, public
boat launch and dockage areas, canoe rental sites, etc.,
(2) they would provide areas for land-based recreation,
such as walking and bicycling, fishing, picnicking,
sunbathing, etc., and (3) they would provide a buffer
between the water and adjacent developed land. Undev-
eloped and protected canal and river banks insure that
visual and physical access to the water will not be
obstructed in the future.
Watercourses
Canal watercourses would be developed to accommodate various
types of small boat and barge traffic. Bridge clearances
on the primary boating canal, the Pawtucket, are presently
adequate. However, bridge clearances would have to be
improved at several locations in the system in order to
accommodate boating on the Western, Merrimack, and Eastern
Canals. Restoration of the four sets of locks in the sys-
tem, dredging, and minor alteration of the canal system
for safety purposes (safety booms, etc.) must precede any
recreational boating activity on the canals.
The Commonwealth's Department of Natural Resources has broken out
part of the UNCP concept as its own $9 million Lowell Heritage State Park.
References here are to a document of the same name published by DNR in
August, 1974.
2Lo'well Urban Park, 1974.
MV-58
-------
River watercourses (the Merrimack and Concord Rivers) would
be used for power boating, sculling, canoeing/ etc. Dams and
river shallows would restrict the type and range of boating
traffic on these watercourses at least for the short-run
future, as these impediments require special attention by
governmental agencies concerned with river navigability.
However, the Merrimack River upstream of the Pawtucket Falls
dam is currently a fine boating resource with no restraints
on navigability between Lowell and Nashua, New Hampshire.
Maps 3.3 to 3.6 present the overall conceptual plan for the state
park and two of its riverbank areas, one each on the Merrimack and Concord
Rivers.
MV-59
-------
Legend
Barg*
Private Boat
— Foot Path
....... Bjke Route
1000
i
N Seal* In te«t
cr..: .a
b
c:i:j
0
o
kO
I
1
-------
NORTHERN
CANAL
WALK
TREMONT
YARD
PARK
ntown
Commercial
FRANCIS
GATE
PARK
Legend
•••• Barge
—— Private Boat
mmmm Foot Path
!•!•! Bike Route
^^ Q »o
100O
N Seal* In (Ml
-------
Note: Park Boundary at Boulevard
Right-of-Way
Parking for 24Cars
and Boat Trailers
Public Boat Access
Legend
Foot Path
Bike Route
0 1OO 3OO
N Seal* In feet
Parking 60 Cars
Parking for 12 Cars
and Boat Trailers
/—Existing
'&*£ Boathouse
.-Barge
Landing
-Orientation Center/
Comfort Station
Public Boat Access
il ,-IJ
4
-------
25 Boat ^lips
'' • "'" — /i'~ ? f"* / . ,
;^?JlM^^-^;/^'
,.. v 6
r. Orientation Center & Comfort Station'
, : '.] i.' , ••-•••
^-^-;Compatible Use ;
V'-j [U
f-X '• r
' (j> "" ^^~L~. L'ower Locks'.. I
"
V '• >• \
-r-
Viewing Rtetforrji
" • • '
Legend ''" ' tV ^"\-~ . s
Foot Path - -V---X-- - \X ':•£ ,
§-«-• r* ^-'x^ \ \ ? 1 fl) T" —""
Bike Route ^"-" \ \ . o
. Boundary--< - ,, \ \ \v^; 'f
o too too spo
Sc*l» In (••!
i-1. i -, j-
--. n.i i.,...
^
\
8
/. o
-------
Beyond the pluralistic physical features of the Urban National
Cultural Park, its multi-jurisdictional character is one of its most
important features. The UNCP calls for inputs by federal (National Park
Service), state (ONR) and local units of government as well as the heavy
involvement of the private sector. Indeed, as the following display of
Lowell resources and their respective owners/actors shows, full implemen-
tation of the Urban Park concept cannot occur without rigorous and simul-
taneous activity by both public and private institutions. (See p. MV-65)
The need for careful orchestration becomes even more obvious when
budgets for elements of the Park plan supported by different agencies are
considered. Estimates for capital costs (inclusive of land acquisition
and exclusive of operation and maintenance) in six major categories of Park
components have been furnished by Human Services Corporation. Current
dollar commitments from <
are indicated separately.
dollar commitments from combined federal, state, local and private sources
Total Capital Committed
Park Component Cost Funds (5/75)
• Canal and Related Parks Preservation $ 15,068,000 $ 6,940,000
• Riverfront Parks and Facilities 5,780,000 1,401,000
• Central Business District 7,933,000 3,533,000
• Transportation (regional, local,
Park circulation including
canal barges) 77,725,000 21,000,000
• Education, Recreation, Cultural 25,644,000 2,548,000
• Development/Management 1,346,000 1,214,000
TOTALS $133,514,000 $36,636,000
Relationships to Water Quality
At these levels of expenditure for expanded water-related recreational
and educational experiences, the issue of water quality is critically impor-
tant. Commenting on the pivotal role that a "fishable-swimmable" Merrimack
will play in the future of the Urban Park and of Lowell, Acting Director
Malavich of the City Development Authority emphasized the psychological stake
the public now has in clean water.
Funds allocated, spent, or included in the Lowell Heritage State
Park proposal.
MV-64
-------
KHAGMKNTS OK TIIK LOWRLL MODEL
.'il
K<'.y Ki'stun IT
I uurll/Dr-irut Si.iti.
1-oriM
C'nnnl Sv-ttm, inilucling
ggitihousr. canal hanks
.Si Inter! mills or sections
thereof
Mcinmack & Concord
]?ivpr:> — water duality
r^ipr Ra nl»s/Concord &
Mcmmack
Downtown Architectural
Ch.u ncteristlcs
Klhnic Attributes
Majoi undeveloped urban
!.-.nd ,;.-.: ccl.
Selected small downtown
sites for ddaptive reuse
Middlesex Canal
Manning State Park
'•Mm.itional
In-uiutions
F)fsi ription J Ownership
Northern hnclior i>f jj Stale
uVvcl op mi nl arc a D
li.G milis of uaLcrwa^j] for
J)oatiiiff. rnnucuiK & barge
sirviif, adjactnt bicycle &
walking iiails
Along Lowell canals, for
adaptive leuse projects,
commerce, housing, social
services, etc
Private
Private
In ii\<-r onl\ l| ^^^^^j^j^^^LJj^l
In caimls (w.ticr flow)
Bicvcle and walking
recreational activities
Period architecture
Historic landmark sites
Major impact of industrial
migration pattern, ethnic
enclaves, strong cultural
identities
In center citv (parking
lots) along PawtuckPt
Canal, Old Police Station
etc
Downtown Lou ell and
adjacent to canals
Connected .Nierrimack-
CJmrJcs Riv (?rs linhinS
Lo«ell/Diacut to Mann-
iinc State Forest
Southern anchor of dev-
elopment area
Information and knowl-
edge base for historv of
Lov.ell and region
Exhibits, workshops, lec-
tures, seminars, walking
tours, etc
Private
Public/Private
Private
Private
f~< t
Pnv ate
JPublic/Pnvate
State
Cit> — public schools
Model Cities
Education
Component
State — Lowell
Technological
Institute,
Lowell State College
Private — parochial and
private
schools.
Historical
Society
Itcsponmliilit v
Department of N.itural
Ivesnurccs
Proprietors of Lncks
&. Canals
fxe/v»7f-)
Doott Mill.
Wannalancit Mill,
etc
Corps of I.nfiijie-irs
Lock1- & Canals
City of Lowell £ State
and Private Owners
Private with assistance from
City Development Authoritv,
Chamber of Commerce,
Lowell Historical Commission
Ethnic voluntary associa-
tions, religious groups, retail
and commercial sectors
Cit\ Manner,
Citv Con..?"l
Private owneis
Historical
Commission
Department of Natural
Re*oiirci's
Department of Natural
Resources
Citv of Lowell
State of Mas.-arhiisett*
Private Corporations
Model Cities Program
Source: Lowell Urban Park, Human Services Corporation, 1974.
MV-65
-------
Failure to clean up the Merrimack would be very damaging
to local morale, now that the regattas and the Urban Park
have become more real. The general public is counting on
using both rivers and the canals for in-city recreational
purposes and all hell will break loose if they are dis-
appointed .
Dr. Gordon Marker, Human Services Corporation, added that even boating on
the canals, though not technically considered contact recreation, would
foster such intimate relationships with the water that "people will inev-
itably put their hands and feet into it." This fact together with a his-
tory of illicit swimming in the canals as old as the system itself makes pub-
lic health considerations of paramount importance and underscores the need
for thorough renovation of point source discharges upstream of Lowell and
attention to non-point sources in local watersheds. The Commonwealth's
Department of Natural Resources concurs. Its plan for the Heritage Park
highlights water quality as a major success criterion.
Because rivers and canals play such a major role in the Heri-
tage Park proposal, water quality will have an important bear-
ing on many of the components in the proposal. This inter-
relationship between water quality and Park components is
reflected in the proposed Park development schedule. The
importance of coordinating water quality improvement efforts
with the development of the Heritage Park cannot be over-
stressed; federal, state, and local agencies and individuals
concerned with water quality should work together to ensure
that Lowell's water resources are developed to the fullest
extent possible for public recreational use and enjoyment.
One local observer summed it up this way: "Lowell's whole history
has been dependent on water and its future is no different. We're so deeply
committed to the Park Plan that if the Feds and the state and local boys
don't make good on clean water, we're screwed."
Lowell Heritage State Park, Department of Natural Resources, 1974,
MV-66
-------
2.2.4 Constraints on Implementation of Plans
Beyond the restoration of water quality, three other key factors
in the realization of Lowell's Urban National Cultural Park construct
deserve consideration. First, naturally, is the issue of money. Should
any of the agencies responsible for supporting various elements of the Park
plan fail to fund them adequately, the overall timetable for completing the
Park will be delayed. Worse still, there is danger of contagion - that is,
one actor could point to the failure of another as an excuse for defunding.
Dr. Marker (HSC) tended to discount the problem of obtaining much of finan-
cial support by focusing on the canal system. "A million dollars in the
right place would get things rolling and three or four million could open
up 5.6 miles of formerly private waterways to the public. Once you had
that, there would be no problem with the rest."
Next is the all-important question of access to the water.
Much of the desirable land along the Merrimack is already publicly
owned and the development of facilities can proceed as quickly as funds
become available. The situation on the Concord and the canal system
is quite different, however. In the former case, shoreline areas
are almost entirely privately held and distributed among numerous resident
and absentee owners. No data are yet available, but the Department
of Natural Resources is investigating ownership as a part of its Heritage
Park plan. Current estimates for land acquisition and protection account
for $2.9 million of a $5.7 million total. Fortunately, though the canals
and their embankments are also privately owned, they are the exclusive pro-
perty of the Proprietors of Locks and Canals, a corporation financially
unable to undertake recreational development of the system independently.
Either acquisitions on fee or access through easements are a foregone con-
clusion. For a generalized view of current ownership patterns see Map 4.1.
MV-67
-------
LOWELL HERITAGE STATE PARK
».4 x- \
"**» • s> * "1 ,•»•*** ' . '' * *
V
;
OWNERSHIP
3SSK*
'•. •"' , "* •;'' ' V ^" '.'"• ."^;' -i>i €*' **•• i--^ll
VV\U ^fc^M? T-P«f:^:^& ^i- •••;^Kif'
i^" ; ^VT 4M HA-^f SW^^m H^VlIlw
•-••»' • ' .rir5»., •.?•#••/»!*•»•*.•:*,•• ..- " •• \. -, - : HI
>-'; v \ -*, ,. *., Vvv^ '••'
V ':X>, Ui
'•.''•V1 &K -''' #^ T
'**$£& #Y •• -\fi i
::••:.. v*f, •.•• ./,v\'/., -,v \\|
v "-vv'n
! • : •'••". '".-;!.-.-"-» •*;$
\ "V',::'-:' -^ f*M//
N *- • i t.v ifci'/.'y ML
•'• !'-.:.•".!'.•-.-" >-^ •* v/v^ti-, ;;••'.- .t-i,l..!.wr.^v c>-.. ''-- •
_;•--.-- ::i;/./ , g^Sg ."--.vl Vv...,u 4n\ .,- i ';.^:
' I ,. " '//•' • 7/J X« (V*S!il>*3L '*' f - ' \ "T^^-TT1*^- 7^fci-"- ^ ^^ '"' '' * '""'" ^
--4- »it .*JM '. • /• '• t flP*M*li/i ' ^* * -i* "" ^ *^»«^ -«' >_ >k. -'~ '- - = '<•
.«.--- i ), s1 &v*jt*-i .T^.^WLrrKfilk ' ^ -• '*• ^^Jfcs^----^--K- v,1 ••""'
14"' - I' '' - '''/ ^-^ ,/'.' "i'^^f^^ '• r\ '• j-z^-a' "*' *"" "^- ^^^*^»te
'•' -•"''''•'• '" ..: * -)[,...._'.,* V '* : . x*"'' ";,~'''''J - ,, ••*'" • 'v. ' / v' i'l'('*'* . $ ^'. '^"^ ^•Vs""""'^ %-"
•\- V -*' ' ••*- -^-^i •' i (**" -^ *'r'-"1''? '"-tt- •' t:- '. \\ VV" ->*^ '-'. :V*
4. ."•'' • • •' » ^- ' •'•'-*.* v - "'% * V ^Irv''''', "^,.- i &* yj..^ _^
..'* ' ••' ,. ,»'"^" • ' " .*'* ' ' ** ^ V^tf "^'' jS-^ •"''' ' *!>• A i
-•'--. ft' i I* '. -••'' I • . •-%**' V !* • . -•'
MAP 4.1
OWNERSHIP PATTERNS
-------
A final constraint on realization of the Urban Park's full
recreational potential is the prevailing negative social psychology of
the Lowell area and the extent to which the local leadership can change it.
As a city with chronic unemployment problems and a long-standing reputa-
tion is an ugly mill town, Lowell can be said to suffer "self-image" problems.
To a large extent the publicity surrounding the Urban Park plan has posi-
tively influenced public opinion about the potentials of the city core.
People have had no or low expectations for so long, that the Park has become
an important focus for new pride in the historic productivity, ethnic diver-
sity, and loveliness of "the downtown area. Seven or eight thousand local
citizens have now seen a slide-tape show illustrating the Urban Park concept,
and planners working on implementing its various components generally feel
that the plan is a "real thing" in the public mind.
Politically, the Park is a firmly entrenched element of public policy
and there seems little danger of losing continuity even with a change of
personalities. City recreation expenditures related to the park plan are
assured of City Council support and even the ubiquitous threat of short-term
expediency in decision-making appears to be minimal.
MV-69
-------
2.2.5 Assessment of Benefits and Costs
As argued above, water quality restoration is a crucial element in
Lowell's Urban National Cultural Park and in the regional open space and
recreation plans developed around it. The physical goals of the overall
park scheme are calculated to renew the traditionally intimate relationships
that city-dwellers have had with their waterways. By upgrading and expand-
ing its physical resource base within an historic context, Lowell will soon
be able to provide its citizens with a new and wider horizon of social and
economic expectations.
The Urban National Park opens a whole new chapter in the his-
tory of Lowell. It guarantees a new flow of money into the
city, sets the tone for the revitalization of the downtown
area, prepares Lowell for its sesquicentennial anniversary,
helps make the city more attractive to tourists and new
industry. And it will open up new jobs. It will do all this
while preserving and actually building upon the city's unique
historical foundations.
More specifically, the Park's physical components will give Lowell
citizens the opportunity to integrate recreational activity into the patterns
of everyday life.
Instead of building elaborate transportation systems to get
people out to recreation areas, we'll be able to give them
recreational experiences right here. The Park makes it
possible for people in the city to recreate right in their
own back yards, often literally.^
By virtue of its focus on the river and canal systems honeycombing the
oldest parts of Lowell, the Urban Park will confer its principal benefits
on the least mobile, who are most in need of open space experiences.
Referring back to the demographic data presented in Section 2.1.1,
it is clear that urban core residents tend to be the economically and soc-
ially disadvantaged. By happy accident, the thirty or more physical elements
of the UNCP plan fall primarily in the central business district, in old
neighborhoods adjacent to canal properties, or along riverbanks in ghetto
areas. Comparison of Maps 1.1 through 1.4 with the distributive pattern
of project sites in Map 5.1 below makes the correlation obvious. In the
Lowell Sun, August 21, 1974.
2
Robert Malavich, Acting Director, City Development Authority.
MV-70
-------
LOWELL DEVELOPMENT PROGRAM
Project Elements Location Map
- -N ^ i J to Mannin
^iMfetlJfc-JEores
Urban Cultural Park Component
Map 5.1
-------
PHYSICAL GOAL /^C'ANAI. SYSTEM ACCESS
Short K.nigf
7/71 — -,/7l,
Ntirlln in < 'Hirtl Link
Krsiiirntiiin <«.!)
Krniii i1- (lull1 l.oik
Keslorntiun I",))
Medium l{.ni(!e.
7,'7'i — ii/7'i
I'l ilIU Is ( »,l*l I,(M k
KrsloriilioM > ompli lion ( « 1)
SwiimplcK ks Kesturalion I»S)
Lower I, oiks Restoration («0|
Secondarx Locks Restoration (*7)
LOIIH |{.ni[;i
l,\ I'lMl
Undue Clc.iram < Increases
Friiifh Sire it I'xKnsion Und^i-
DiilKni Sim 1 Undue
( .ilinl Sin i 1 Bridge
H Hi M KailiiMd UridKc-
rit Sw arnplo< k
Suffolk Mint HridRt
Ait i n Stn-i t Mrulijp
PHYSICAL COAI. 2 HIVKK AC CKSS
liuiilc\.ird I'nrk 1 = 1 '>»
(dork/ho. it rnnip on Mcrnmaik
Hi\ir. |>arkni(!l
IConiord C'anot Center («lrt)
PHYSICAL COAL /S^'AKK LANDS F)KVKI.OI'MKNT ^C. IJKAl TIKIC-X'I IO.N
( ,n\ i:u HANK AND c \N.\L IJAVK
Bonli^.inl I'.irk (»!'))
(Mfinin.Hk HIMT llai'k ilexclup-
nient. linul^i npin^, hie\(lc iind ualk
ing tr|
linpru\(.mcn( Uonumii'd)
Cnn.il hike paths («2t)
Northcin Canal Walk l«l)
completion
Franiib Canal«a> Park f-4)
Western Canal Extension (»«J2)
Concoid Ri\er Bank
Improvements ("--IGl
Mi mm, ilk KIMI Hank (»!"
-------
case of the Concord River, especially, disadvantaged people without trans-
portation to out-of-area water recreation resources will be direct benefic-
iaries of the acquisition and protection proposals made by the state on its
UNCP-based Heritage Park Plan.
Naturally, low-income, ethnic group residents will not be the only
recipients of benefits. Property-owners on or near canal walkway areas or
tourist facilities will doubtless see a substantial increase in the market
value of their properties. This effect is neither unforeseen nor undesir-
able, since private sector participation plays a major part in the financial
viability of the overall UNCP concept. Since private ownership patterns are
extremely complex and no parcel data apart from that being developed by the
state for riverfront properties along the Concord are available, the identity
of abutter-benefiters remains unknown.
An exception of major consequence is the Proprietor of Locks and
Canals. Stockholders in that venerable institution tend to be local civic
leaders, prominent businessmen, and a number of absentee participants. Of
any single group with a vested financial interest in the Park area, the
Proprietors stand to reap the most substantial profits from the sale of
access rights to canal and locking facilities. Estimates for the acquisition
of such properties in fee or easements for 5.6 miles of canal banks range
between $3 million and $4 million.
Finally, DNR estimates that by 1983 the state's Heritage Park could
attract 700,000 to 1,000,000 visitors annually. The multiplier effects of
that visitor-day volume are substantial and deserve separate study. The
Heritage Park Plan (1974) sums up its forecast of benefits with a hopeful
look toward the future of America's Spindle City: "A decision by the Common-
wealth to invest in the future of the Lowell area through the development
of the Heritage Park recommended here may lead to other investments by pri-
vate concerns as well as city and federal agencies. Working together, a
renaissance of this outstanding example of America's industrial past may be
achieved, and the Utopian dream of its founders for a humanized cityscape
realized."
MV-73
-------
Bibliography
NASHUA
City of Nashua, Park and Recreation Department. Recreation Handbook, 1975.
Greater Nashua Chamber of Commerce. Greater Nashua, N.H.; An In-Depth
Profile. Nashua, 1974.
New Hampshire Council for the Humanities. Growth in Southern New Hampshire.
Nashua Public Library.
U.S. Department of Commerce. 1970 Census Profile of Nashua and Metro Area.
U.S. Department of Commerce, Social and Economic Statistics Admini-
stration, Bureau of the Census, 1970.
LOWELL
City of Lowell, Community Development Authority. Cartographic materials
and Leisure Resources Catalogue. August, 1973.
Land Use Plan, September, 1972.; Recreation Department. Parks and
Recreation Facilities, June 1973.; Capital Improvement Program,
1972 - 1978.
Commonwealth of Massachusetts, Department of Commerce and Development.
Monograph, City of Lowell. January, 1970.
Commonwealth of Massachusetts, Department of Natural Resources, Bureau of
Planning. Eastern Massachusetts Supplement; Massachusetts Outdoor
Recreation Plan; Doc. No. 6470. December, 1972.
A Proposal for an Urban State Park in Lowell, Massachusetts.
August, 1974.
Community Teamwork, Inc. Lowell Lead Paint Poisoning Prevention Program.
April, 1973.
Human Services Corporation. Manuscripts entitled Research Findings, Empiri-
cal Knowledge, and the Need and Will to Put Them Together (Chapter II)
and Seeds of Disfunction and Renewal (Chapter III), P. Mogan.
Lowell Urban National Cultural Park; Total Capital Investment for
Park and Related Programs. May, 1975.
Lowell Urban Park. 1974.
MV-74
-------
Northern Middlesex Area Commission. Incomes and Poverty in the Northern
Middlesex Area. September, 1972.
Open Space and Recreation Plan. 1973.
Regional Recreation and Open Space and the Urban Cultural Park.
May, 1974.
Second-Phase Recreation Core Study. June, 1972.
Short-Range Program for Open Space Acquisition. 1974.
U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census. Lowell, Mass. SMSA. 1970.
MV-75
-------
CHAPTER FOUR
CROSS-CASE STUDY ANALYSIS AND SYNTHESIS
4.1 OBJECTIVES AND ORGANIZATION
The purpose of this chapter is to detect and describe those common-
alities and patterns which might be generalizable across the case study com-
munities and from the case study communities to other communities, as well as
future stages of the implementation of the Act. As was described in Chapter
Two, the time and resource constraints on this study did not permit the ideal
design for these purposes. However, the design of this study does permit a unique
type of analysis which we believe to be of considerable merit. In the remain-
der of this section we will describe the general analytic approaches and pro-
cess chosen for this analysis. In the remaining sections the outputs of the
actual analyses will be presented and comparative demographic and cross-site
analysis will be reported and analyzed.
The overall objective of this study was to sketch the probable impacts
of the Act on various social groups. Since our efforts at achieving this ob-
jective are based on the study of eight communities, the credibility of this
study's results would be significantly strengthened if one could examine the
similarities and differences between these communities and the rest of the
nation. The availability of U.S. Census data on these communities and the
nation made such an analysis possible. This demographic comparison is de-
scribed and reported in Section 4.2.
After addressing the issue of how representative our communities are,
we will discuss the cross-site commonalities and themes. We will present
two distinct approaches to the cross-site analysis. First, in Section 4.3
we will present the qualitative themes that the core staff of the project
observed while assisting in the development and review of the case studies.
Hence, that section represents the judgement of the senior professionals.
Next, Section 4.4 presents an attempt at a quantitative synthesis of the case
studies. As was seen in the discussion of the analytic techniques available
to the study in Section 2.2 (Chapter Two), there is a general lack of quanti-
tative techniques appropriate to situations where the number of non-quantita-
tive observations are as limited as is the case in this study. However, an
4-1
-------
approach to quantification employing what could best be described as an
"aggregate incidence" approach was developed and applied to the case study
summary charts. This process will be described at the beginning of the quan-
titative section.
Before proceeding to the cross-site analysis sections, it should be
stressed that the inferences contained in these sections are tentative/
for reasons cited in preceding chapters.
4-2
-------
4.2 COMPARATIVE DEMOGRAPHIC ANALYSIS
4.2.1 Introduction
In this study, eight communities were chosen from among 122 candi-
dates whose population characteristics were unknown. These candidates in
turn were selected non-randomly from approximately 16,000 communities. In
such a situation, typical of examinations of social or economic impacts,
inferences about the generalizability and transportability of findings to
the larger population must be guarded, due to the multiple problems result-
ing from non-random selection.
The magnitude of these problems is rapidly becoming more apparent,
as social scientists turn their attention to the particularistic problems
2
surrounding policy and evaluation research. Unfortunately, solutions to
the problem have not been as plentiful as treatises on it. However,
through a fortuitous series of events, a unique opportunity presented it-
self in the case of this study. In the spring of 1973, the Bureau of Cen-
sus, in cooperation with the National Center for Educational Statistics
(NCES) within HEW completed the aggregation of the 1970 United States
Fourth Count Census Data which emphasized the social and economic charac-
teristics of the U.S. population.
A general and authoritative discussion of these problems can be
found in Chapter 13 of K. Kish, Survey Sampling, New York: John Wiley, 1965.
Briefly, there are two classes or problems: internal and external validity
of the findings. Internal validity refers to the requirement that the inde-
pendent variables unambiguously (not confounded) predict changes in the de-
pendent variables. External validity refers to the generalization of the
findings to groups other than the one studied.
2
Several excellent statements on the various facets of the
general problem are available. See James S. Coleman, Policy Research in the
Social Sciences, Morristown, N.J.: General Learning Press, 1972. Other dis-
cussions by Paul Lazarsfeld and John Tukey, respectively, can be found in
1974 Social Evaluation Conference Minutes, Cambridge, Mass.: Abt Associates
Inc. (forthcoming)
A technical description of the Fourth Count Data, as well as a
summary of the 1970 United States data, can be found in the U.S. Bureau of
the Census, Census of Population: 1970, General Social and Economic Charac-
teristics, Final Report PC91-C1, United States Summary, U.S. Government
Printing Office, Washington, D.C., 1972.
4-3
-------
4.2.2 Objectives and Scope of the Analysis
Although the Fourth Count Data have a series of limitations, their
availability presented the unique opportunity to compare the eight selected
units with the U.S. population from which they were drawn. (In Section 4» the
selected community group will be compared with the population from which they
came.) In using the word "group" rather than "sample", we mean to emphasize
the difference between our group and the random and purposeful connotations
attached to the word "sample". The objective of this analysis is not the
typical comparison of a sample with a population, but the comparison of ob-
served communities to the population. We are not setting out to demonstrate
that the selected communities could have been randomly drawn from the popula-
tion given some artificial confidence level, but rather to describe the simi-
larities and dissimilarities between the communities and the population.
It is important to note the utility of this approach for research
and evaluation studies. Rather than attempting to demonstrate that the re-
sults of this study can be generalized to all units, we work to identify
the major demographic constraints on our ability to generalize our findings.
We thus provide the interested reader with some of the information needed to
help interpret our findings. Depending on his/her needs, she/he can "trans-
port" our findings to communities similar to those in our study.
In addition to examining the differences between the selected sites
and the population from which they were drawn, the data contained within the
tables provides an opportunity to look at the "profiles" of each of the indi-
vidual communities. Although these examinations are qualitative in nature,
the examination of the total data set from each site facilitates an under-
standing of the degree to which particular sites have uniquenesses limiting
the degree to which our study's findings can be generalized. Taken together,
the examinations of the cross-site and within-site trends provide an impor-
tant context within which to interpret the findings of this study.
1These limitations are summarized in the National Center for Educa-
tional Statistics1 User's Manual for 1970 Census Fourth Count (Population)
School District Data Tapes, U.S. Office of Education, Washington, D.C., 1973,
4-4
-------
4.2.3 Variable Groups
Simultaneous with the development of computer files containing data
on the communities, project staff and consultants reviewed the variables
available for each community. The purpose of the review was to select vari-
ables for inclusion in this study. Although multiple criteria (implicit or
explicit) were applied by each reviewer, the overriding criterion was the
relevance of any particular variable to the objectives of this analysis, as
well as to those of the larger study.
The result of these deliberations was the identification of eight
indicator groups:
• Mobility Indicators, including birthplace, length of residence,
and region of residence variables,
• Ethnic Composition Indicators, including native language and
parentage indicators,
• Family Structure Indicators, including parent presence and
sibling structure indicators,
o Educational Attainment Indicators, including indicators of
public versus private school populations and years of
schooling completed,
• Economic Structure Indicators, including age of labor force,
unemployment, income source indicators, and occupational
profile data,
• Poverty Indicators, including the percent and nature of
community families below the poverty level,
c Income Structure Indicators, consisting of indicators of the
dollar income of community members, and
• General Demographic Indicators, including sex, total population
and housing count data.
4.2.4 Data Analysis
After the variables were identified, population percentages were
computed for each variable. For example, if a community had 1,020 males and
980 females, the community record was assigned 51% male and 49% female
4-5
-------
values. After each community was assigned a percentage value for each
variable, the means and standard deviations for each variable were calcu-
lated. For example, the eight communities had an average of 49.1% males.
The foregoing procedure was followed for all but three variables, "Total
School District Population", "Total Housing Count", and "Average Per Capita
Income", which were analyzed directly without transformation.
4.2.5 Statistical Procedures
Since data were available on the entire U.S. population from which
the communities came, comparisons between the eight selected communities and
potential case study communities were straightforward. The t-test for com-
paring a sample to a population where the population mean is known was
employed. This test should be viewed as an approximation and not as an
exact test, due to the small number of cases involved. For example, the
small number of cases prevented the application of the F-test for equality
and variances usually applied prior to the application of the t-test.
This pairwise comparision procedure between the selected communi-
ties and the potential case study communities had the obvious disadvan-
tage of overestimating the number of significant differences, since, based
on random effects, one would expect a certain number of comparisons to fall
in the tail of the distribution. Unfortunately, considering the non-ortho-
gonal nature of the variables and the mean vectors for the groups, the
traditional simultaneous test of the equality of all means for any two-
groups comparison was clearly inappropriate.
The geographic definition of the communities corresponded exactly
to the census data in six of the ten case study communities. However, in
two of the sites, census data was used that represented only the populations
immediately surrounding the body of water of interest. Overall, this de-
limitation could have introduced no more than 4% error into the estimates
offered in this analysis, given the homogeneity of population distribution
within the case study sites.
o
A discussion of the t-test can be found in B.J. Winer, Statistical
Principles in Experimental Design, New York: McGraw-Hill, 1962. For those
interested, the standard deviations can be found in Addendum 2.
See W.L. Hayes, Statistics, New York: Holt, Rinehard & Winston,
1963, p. 352.
4
A good discussion of the problems of indeterminacy can be found in
P. Horst, Personality, San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1968.
4-6
-------
4.2.6 Findings
Case Study Communities Versus the U.S. Population
In the following four sections, the results of the analysis for
each variable group of the case study communities versus the U.S. popula-
tion will be discussed. It should be emphasized that the limitations of
this analysis discussed previously qualify all of the following generali-
zations .
Mobility Indicators
Although there was a general trend in the data that indicated that
the sites selected for study were more mobile than the general population,
only one of these differences, contained in Table 4-1, were statistically
significant. Hence, it appears that our case study sites were, at the time
of the census, approximately similar to the general U.S. population in terms
of the origins and prior.mobility of the community populations.
Ethnic Composition
The ethnic composition of the communities in contrast to that of the
U.S. population is presented in Table 4-2. The percent of the case study
community populations with native parents was higher than the national
average. In contrast, the percent of those who declared English as their
native language was significantly lower than the national average. Although
these appear to be incongruous results, they indicate that several of the
case study communities contained ethnic minority communities that retained
their cultural cohesiveness beyond the first generation.
Family Structure Indicators
As an examination of Table 4-3 indicates, there were neither statis-
tical differences nor noticeable parallels between the family structure
profiles of the case study communities and the total U.S. population.
Educational Attainment Indicators
In spite of the presence of a large college population in one case
study community and the existence of a substantial parochial school system
in another community, the aggregate educational attainment profile of the
case study communities versus the U.S. population differed only in the area
4-7
-------
of the percent of the population with less than seven years of formal
schooling. Clearly, the results in Table 4-4 point toward the conclusion
that the case study communities contained a less than representative sample
of those with limited formal education.
Economic Structure Indicators
The array of economic structure indicators, presented in Table 4-5,
showed a consistent pattern of difference. The case study communities
contained significantly less than average elderly, welfare, and farm popula-
tions. Interestingly, the occupational profile of the economic structure
of the communities does not differ significantly from that of the general
population. This is, at least in part, an artifact of the computational
procedure employed by the Bureau of the Census which calculates the occupa-
tional profile based only on those who are actually employed at the time of
the census.
Poverty Indicators
As portrayed in Table 4-6, the findings in the area of poverty
indicators were consistent with those in the economic 'structure area. The
case study sites were statistically underrepresentative of the population in
the low income strata.
Income Structure Indicators
The income structure indicator depicted in Table 4-7 reflects the
trends and differences noted earlier. The case study populations clearly
have fewer low income populations than the general U.S. population. Inter-
estingly, the average income of the case study sites was very close (within
$25) of the U.S. average. This was due to the corresponding absence from
all but one of the case study communities of high income persons and families.
Although this trend was noted in several other indicator sets, the
income structure indicators also showed that the case study sites had a
significantly larger percent of its population in families as opposed to
individual settings.
General Demographic Characteristics
The analysis of Table 4-8 was limited by the lack of comparable
national averages for mean population and housing counts per community.
4-8
-------
TABLE 4-1
PERCENT FOR CASE STUDY COMMUNITIES AMD U.S. POPULATION
MOBILITY INDICATORS
__
VARIABLES
PLACE OF BIRTH.
% of Native Popu-
lation Born in
Same State
% of Native Popu-
lation Born in
Northeast
% of Native Popu-
lation Born in
North Central
* of Native Popu-
lation Born in
South
% of Native Popu-
lation Born in
West
* of Native Popu-
lation Born
Abroad
% Won- Reported
State of Birth
FAIRFAX
COUNTY
VIRGINI*
29 2
17.4
12.3
27.2
6 2
2.8
4 9
KETCH I KAN
ALASKA
38.7
3.9
13.2
7.3
31.1
0.9
4.9
ESCAMBIA
BAY
FLORIDA
46.4
5.8
6.8
32.7
3 0
1.0
4.4
BLOCK ISLAND
RHODE ISLAND
57.5
27.7
5.2
4.7
0
0
4 9
MUSKEGON
MICHIGAN
74.8
1.4
7.8
8.4
O.S
0 3
6.5
LOVELAND-
GREELEY
COLORADO
50.1
2.7
26.9
7 3
8.4
0 6
4.1
MAU&1EE RIVER
TOLEDO, OrilO
72.3
3.3
7 1
10 9
0 6
0.5
5.2
! 'lERRiyACX
\ALLEY
XASSACHUSETTS
80.2
12.9
1.4
1.0
0.4
0.5
3.6
"EV. rCa
CASE S7JDY
56. r
9.4
10.1
12.4
6.3
O.S
4.8
TOTAL U.S.
POPULATION
68.0
4.2
I
6.4 ;
i
8 0
!
7.6 1
t
" i
4.6 i
i
i
1
i
4-9
-------
VARIABLES
RESIDENCE IN 1965
% Residing in Same
House as 1965
% Residing in Same
County as 1965
But Not Same House
% Residing in Same
State as 1965 But
Not Same County
%Lived in Differ-
ent State in
1965 - NE
% Lived in Differ-
ent State in
1965 - NC
% Lived in Differ-
ent State in
1965 - South
% Lived in Differ-
ent State in
1965 - West
FAIRFAX
COLNTY
VIRGINIA
37 7
11 7
12 7
5 7
4 6
10.8
5 2
KETCH I KAN
ALASKA
36.6
24.3
7.2
2.?
3.6
1.9
16.6
ESCAMBIA
BAY
FLORIDA
47 0
23.3
4.2
2.7
2.9
9.6
3.0
BLOCK ISLAM: VOSKEGON
RHODE ISLAX3 ; XICHIGAN
;
61 7 j 59 2
11.1 j 25.6
0 4.3
22.7 i 0.3
2.1 1.8
0 ' 1.2
0 ' 0.3
I
GREELEY
COLORADO
35.1
25.1
16.2
1.2
7 0
2.0
5.B
•.•Jn."£E RIVER
TOLEDO, OHIO
58 5
26.1
3 5
0.8
2.0
1.8
0.5
MERRIMACK
VALLEY
MASSACHUSETTS
57.2
22.7
7.2
5.5
0
0.4
0.2
.-'.EA.-i FCS
CASE ST-J^
SITES
49.1
21.2
6 9
5.1
3.0
3.5
4 0
TOTAL U.S.
POPULATION
53.0
23.3
8.4
1.4
2.0
3.2
2.1
Continued . . .
4-IC
-------
VARIABLES
RESIDENCE IN 1965-
% Lived Abroad in
1965 - Armed Forces
% Lived Abroad 11
1965 - Non-Amed
Forces
% No Reported
Residence in 1965
FAIRTAX
COUNTY
VIRGINIA
1.1
4 0
6.6
KETCHIKAN
ALASKA
0
.2
7.2
ESCAMBIA
BAY
FLORIDA
0.7
1 2
5.5
BLOCK ISLAND
RHODE ISLAND
0
0
2 4
HoSKEGON
MICHIGAN
0.2
0.3
6.9
LOVS1A::D-
GSZSIEY
COLORADO
0.4
0.6
5.6
MAUMEE RIVER
TOLEDO, OHIO
0.2
0.4
6.1
MERRIMACK
VALLEY
MASSACHUSETTS
0.1
0
6 7
t'.EAI. ! Orl
CASE STJUY
SIT1S
0.3
0.8
6 0
TOT^L U S.
FOP^LATIO',
0.2
1.2
5.2
Continued . . .
4-11
-------
VARIABLES
DATE OF LATEST MOVE:
* Moved to Present
House in 1969-1970
% Moved to Present
House in 1968
%Moved to Present
House in 1967
% Moved to Present
House in 1965-1966
% Moved to Present
House in 1960-1964
* Moved to Present
House in 1950-1959
% Moved to Present
House Before 1950
% Always Lived in
Present House
FAIRFAX
COUNTY
VIRGINIA
29.2
14 7
9.3
13 0
17.6
10.6
1.7
3.3
KETCH IKAN
ALASKA
36.4
12.9
7.8
9.7
12.5
10.5
2.7
7.4
ESCA.MBIA
BAY
FLORIDA
30.8
10 7
6.6
11 2
15.9
13.2
6 2
5.5
BLOCK ISLAND
RHODE ISLAND
17.4
7.2
8.2
4.2
17.2
4.2
22 0
19.8
MUSKEGON
MICHIGAN
21.3
8.4
7.0
10.3
16.3
17.8
12 0
6.9
LOVELAND-
GREELEY
COLORADO
39.8
11 4
7.7
10.6
15.4
8.9
3 S
2 4
MAUMEE RIVER
TOLEDO, OHIO
19.7
9.9
7.5
11.0
17 4
18.2
10.6
5.7
MERRIMACK
VALLEY
MASSACHUSETTS
17.9
16.6
6.3
12.2
18.4
14.1
8 5
6.1
MEAIJ FOR
CASE STUDY
SITES
26.6
11 5
7.6
10.3
16.3
12.2'
8.4
7.1
TGTJ>L U.S.
POPULATION
23.4
•»
9 30.1
*
17.1
15.6
7.7
6.1
probabilities
*p<0.05
4-12
-------
TABLE 4-2
PERCENT FOR CASE STUDY COMMUNITIES AND U.S. POPULATION:
ETHNIC COMPOSITION
VARIABLES
ETHNIC COMPOSITION •
% Native Parentage
% Foreign Stoc-t
% Native Englis--
Speaking of To. si
Population
FAIRFAX
VIRGINIA
87.1
12.9
88.8
KETCHIKAN
ALASKA
84.4
15.6
84.2
ESCAMBIA
BAY
FLORIDA
94.5
5.5
90.5
BLOCK ISLAND
RHODE ISLAND
84.8
15.2
82.8
MUSKEGON
MICHIGAN
82 2
17.8
79.6
LOVTLA"!D-
GREELEY
COLORADO
85 9
14.1
76.8
MAUMEE RIVER
TOLEDO, OHIO
84 2
15.8
78.7
MERRI.-ACK
VALLEY
MASSACHUSETTS
80.4
19.6
81.2
CASI S7V7:'.
sins
85.4
14.6
82.8 *
717::. j S.
'
33.5
15.5
1
1
36.3 '•
!
i
probabilities
*p<0.05
4-13
-------
TABLE 4-3
PERCENT FOR CASE STUDY COMMUNITIES AND U.S. POPULATION:
FAMILY STRUCTURE INDICATORS
VARIABLES
FAMILY TYPE-
% Husband-Wife
Families
% Male-Headed
Families
% Female-Headed
Families
CHILD/PARENTS-
% Persons £18
Living with
Both Parents
% Persons <18
Living with
One Parent
% Persons £18
Living with
No Parents
FAIRFAX
COUNTY
VIRGINIA
93.4
1.4
5.2
90.9
7.5
1.6
KETCH I KAN
ALASKA
88 4
4 9
6 7
81.3
12.3
6 3
ESCAMBIA
BAY
FLORIDA
85 2
3.0
11.8
77.9
17 3
4 8
BLOCK ISLAND
RHODE ISLAND
99.93
0
.07
78.3
21.7
0
MUSKEGON
MICHIGAN
84 7
2.5
12.8
78.2
17.6
4.3
LOVE LA ND-
GREELEY
COLORADO
89.2
3.1
7.7
84.5
11.7
3.8
MAUMEE RIVER
TOLEDO, OHIO
83.8
3.3
12.9
79.5
16.9
3 7
MERRI.aCX
VALLEY
MASSACHUSETTS
89 9
3 0
9 6
85.8
12 7
1 5
••EA:J res
CASE STUDY
SITES
89.3
2 7
8.3
82.1
14.7
3.3
7CTA1 U.S.
POPULATION
86.4
2.8
10.8
82.7
13.4
3.9
4-14
-------
TABLE 4-4
PERCENT FOR CASE STUDY COMMUNITIES AND U.S. POPULATION
EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT INDICATORS
VARIABLES
PUPIL POPULATION.
* of School
Population in
Public Schools
% of School
Population in
Parochial Schools
% of School
Population in
Private Schools
% of Total
Population in
College
% Total Population
in All Schools
FAIRFAX
COUNTY
VIRGINIA
86.4
5.8
7.8
2.7
34.2
KETCHIkAN
ALASKA
95.3
2.1
0.2
2.4
30. 1
ESCAMBIA
BAY
FLORIDA
84 2
6 9
9.0
3 0
29 7
BLOCK ISLAND
RHODE ISLAND
100
0
0
0
0 1
MUSKEGON
MICHIGAN
83.9
13.4
2.7
2 5
28 8
LOVELAND-
GREELEY
COLORADO
94.9
1.9
3.2
16.2
39.0
MAUMEE RIVER
TOLEDO, OHIO
77.4
20 0
2 6
3.4
27.9
MERRIMACK
VALLEY
MASSACHUSETTS
95 5
0
4.5
1.2
27.7
CASE ST-~t
SITES
89 7
6.3
3.8
3.9
27.2
TC7AL U.S.
POPULATION
87.6
8.8
3.6
3.4
29.3
4-15
-------
VARIABLES
YEARS OF SCHOOLING-
* Persons >_ 25
with 0 Years of
Schooling
% Persons > 25
with 1-4 Years
School
% Persons > 25
with 5-6 Years
School
% Persons > 25
with 7 Years
School
% Persons > 25
with 8 Years
School
% Persons > 25
with 9-11 Years
School
% Persons > 25
with 12 Years
School
% Persons >_ 25
with 1-3 Years
College
FAIRFAX
COUNTY
VIRGINIA
0.4
1.1
2.1
2.2
4.0
11.4
31.4
17.1
' KETCH I KAN
ALASKA
0.9
1.5
1.9
1.4
10.9
18.9
36.6
13.3
ESCAMBIA
BAY
FLORIDA
1.7
5.0
6.7
7 0
9 3
21.1
30.8
9 5
BLOCK ISLAND
RHODE ISLAND
0
0
0
6.2
16.0
27 0
33.1
11 2
MUSKEGON
MICHIGAN
1.2
3.4
4.7
5.1
16.3
27 1
27.7
8.4
LOVE LA ND-
GREELEY
COLORADO
1.1
2.7
3.6
2.4
12.6
13.9
30.7
15.4
MAUiMEE RIVER
TOLEDO, OHIO
1.2
3.5
5.8
4.4
14.9
22.8
30.7
8.7
MERRIMACK
VALLEY
MASSACHUSETTS
0.4
0.1
2.8
4.7
11.0
28.4
34.8
18.7
MEAtl FOR
CASE STUDY
SITES
0.9**
2.2*
3.5*
4.2
11.9
21.3
32.0
12.8
TOTAL U.S.
POPULATION
1.6
3.9
5.7
4.4
12.8
19.4
31.1
10.6
probabilities:
* p<0.05
**P<0.01
4-16
Continued . . .
-------
VARIABLES
% Persons >_ 25
with 4 Years
College
% Persons >_ 25
with 5+ Years
College
VOCATIONAL
EDUCATION :
% Persons with
Vocational
Education
% Persons without
Vocational
Education
FAIRFAX
COUNTY
VIRGJNIfl
16.0
14 2
32.4
67.6
KETCHI.sAN
ALASKA
7.3
7.2
29.8
70 2
ESCAMBIA
BAY
FLORIDA
5.7
3 3
27.9
72.1
BLOCK ISLAND
RHODE ISLAND
4.8
o
1 7
25 0
75.0
MUSKEGON
MICHIGAN
3.5
2.5
25.4
74.6
LOVELAND-
GREELEY
COLORADO
7.9
9.5
19.5
80.5
MAUMEE RIVER
TOLEDO, OHIO
4 3
3 5
27.6
72. -4
yER^l/ACK
VALLEY
MASSACHUSETTS
3 8
3 0
30.9
69.1
KSi»H FOR
CASE STU3Y
SITES
6 7
5.6
27.3
72.7
TOTAL U S.
POPULATION
V 10.7
25.3
74.7
4-17
-------
If". 4-5
PERCENT FOR CASE STUDY Cc._.JNITIES AND U.S. POPULATION:
ECONOMIC STRUCTURE INDICATORS
VARIABLES
LABOR FORCE BY AGE
% Persons >_ 16
in Labor Force
Age 16-17
% Persons > 16
in Labor Force
Age 18-19
% Persons > 16
in Labor Force
Age 20-21
% Persons >_ 16
in Labor Force
Age 22-24
% Persons ^16
in Labor Force
Age 25-34
% Persons >_ 16
in Labor Force
Age 35-44
% Persons >_ 16
in Labor Force
Age 45-64
* Persons >_ 16
in Labor Force
Age 65+
FA:^F=,X
COUNTY
VT53TNIA
3 0
3 9
4.6
8.7
22.7
25.1
30.8
1.2
KETCHIKAN
ALASKA
4.5
3.6
4.9
5.4
26.7
19.9
31.4
3.7
ESCAMBIA
BAY
FLORIDA
2 0
6.1
8.4
12.1
22.0
19.8
27.6
2.0
BLOCK ISLAND
RHODE ISLAND
0
0
6.4
10.8
26.5
5.9
37.3
13.2
MUSKEPON
MICHIGAN
3.4
6.6
4.8
9.1
16.8
18.0
37.7
3.6
LOVEIAND-
GREELEY
COLORADO
3.1
8.6
10.9
9.1
20.6
17.2
27.2
3.3
MAUMEE RIVER
TOLEDO, OHIO
2.9
5.4
5.7
9.1
18.8
18.0
35.8
4.3
MERRIMACX
VALLEY
MASSACHUSETTS
2.3
3.3
3.2
5.3
22.7
21.2
36.8
5.1
MEAN FOR
CASE STUDY
SITES
2.7
4.7
6.1
8.7
22.1
18.1
33.1
4.6
TOTAL U.S.
POPULATION
2.8
4.8
5.4
8.3
21.1
20.4
34.4
4.3
4-18
-------
VARIABLES
YOUTH EMPLOYMENT:
% of Employed
Persons 14-15
Who are Male
% of Employed
Persons 14-15
Who Are Female
% of Persons 14-15
Who Are Employed
% of Persons 14-15
by Weeks Worked
1969
* Persons 2_ 16 WHO
ARE UNEMPLOYED-
FAIRFAX
COUNTY
VIRGINIA
68.7
31.3
8.8
15.3
2 0
KETCH I KAN
ALASKA
59.7
40.3
14.0
31.5
9 1
ESCAI1BIA
BAY
FLORIDA
84 0
16.0
4.7
8 6
4 5
BLOCK ISLAND
RHODE ISLAND
100
0
53 8
53 8
1.6
MUSKEGON
MICHIGAN
63.0
37.0
8.2
13 0
5.7
LOVELAND-
GREELEY
COLORADO
58.0
42.0
8.9
20.0
4.2
MAUMEE RIVER
TOLEDO, OHIO
76.5
23.5
9.2
15.3
4.4
MERRIMACK
VALLEY
MASSACHUSETTS
0
100.0
5.3
13.0
5.9
•••EAN FOR
CASE STiJDY
SITES
63.7
36.3
14.1
21.3
4.7*
TOTAL U.S.
POPULATION
67.7
32.3
10.2
15.8
2.5
probabilities
*p<0.05
Continued . . .
4-19
-------
VARIABLES
INCOME BY TYPE:
% Mage & Salary of
Total Income
% Non-Farm Income
of Total Income,
Self-Employed
% Farm Income of
Total Income,
Self -Employed
% S.S. or Retire-
ment Income of
Total Income
% P. A. or Welfare
Income of Total
Income
% Other Income
of Total Income
FAIRFAX
COUNTY
VIRGINIA
86.1
5.4
0.05
0.7
0.05
7.7
KETCHIKAN
ALASKA
85 0
9 6
0.007
1.9
0.3
3 1
ESCAMBIA
BAY
FLORIDA
80.3
6.2
0.3
2.9
0.7
9.6
BLOCK ISLAND
RHODE ISLAND
58.7
18.7
0.5
7.0
0.7
14.4
MUSKEGON
MICHIGAN
79.2
5.7
0.2
5.6
1.0
8.2
i
LOVE LA ND-
GREELEY
COLORADO
76.3
10.1
1.2
3.0
0.8
8.6
MAt'EE RIVER
TOLEDO, OHIO
79.6
4.7
0.1
4.5
0.7
10.5
MERRI!ACK
VALLEY
tlASSACHUSETTS
84.0
5.7
0.1
4.5
0.6
5.1
^EAN FOR
CASE STODY
SITES
78 7**
8.3
0.31"
3.8"
0.6"
8.4"
TOTAL U.S.
POPULATION
51.7
5.7
2.4
14.4
3.6
22.2
probabilities.
**p<0.01
Continued . . .
4-20
-------
VARIABLES
EMPLOYMENT BY TYPE:
% of Employed >_ 16
Engineers
% of Employed ^16
Physicians or
Dentists
t of Employed ^16
Other Health Workers
% of Employed >_ 16
Teachers of Elem-
Secondary Schools
% of Employed > 16
Non-Health Techni-
cians
% of Employed > 16
Other Professional
* of Employed >_ 16
Salary Mgr. Mnfact.
% of Employed >_ 16
Salary Mgr. Retail
% of Employed > 16
Salary Mgr. Other
FAIRFAX
COUNTY
VIRGINIA
4.8
0.8
1.5
4.1
2.4
16.2
0.9
1.7
10.6
KETCH I KAN
ALASKA
0.9
1.0
1.4
5.8
2.8
6.2
1.0
2.0
5.6
ESCAMBIA
BAY
FLORIDA
1.3
0.5
1.8
3.8
1.5
5.9
0.6
1.9
3.7
BLOCK ISLAND
RHODE ISLAND
0
0
0
7.9
0
7.2
4.6
0
4.6
MUSKEGON
MICHIGAN
1.3
0.7
1.9
3.0
1.3
3.4
1.2
1.1
1.9
LOVELAND-
GREELEY
COLORADO
1.0
1.1
1.9
3.8
1.5
9.1
0.8
2.1
4.6
MAUMEE RIVER
TOLEDO, OHIO
1.4
0.6
2.0
2.9
1.1
5.4
1.2
1.4
2.9
HERRI. XACK
VALLEY
MASSACHUSETTS
0 6
0.3
1.1
1.9
2.6
5.6
1.3
2.0
3.2
MEAN FOR
CASE STUDY
SITES
1.4
0.6
1.5
4.2
1.7
7.4
1.5
1.5
4.6
TOTAL U.S.
POFULAT: :
1.6
0.7
1.6
3.3
1.2
6.4
1.2
1.6 ;
4.0
4-21
Continued . . .
-------
VARIABLES
* of Employed >^ 16
SelE-Emp.Mgr . Retaal
% of Employed > 16
Self Emp.Mgr. Other
% of Employed > 16
Sales Worker Mnfact.
% of Employed > 16
Sales Worker Retail
% of Employed ^16
Sales Worker Other
% of Employed > 16
Bookkeepers
% of Employed > 16
Secretaries
% of Employed >_ 16
Other Clerical
% of Employed > 16
Auto Workers
% of Employed > 16
Mechanics Not Auto
* of Employed > 16
Machinists
FAIRFAX
COUNTY
VIRGINIA
0.4
0.4
1.5
4.3
2.3
1.9
9.3
12.2
1.0
1.4
0.1
KETCHIKAN
ALASKA
1.1
0.9
0.3
4.3
1.3
1.6
3.4
8.0
1.6
1.5
0.3
E3CJL.-.BIA
BAY
FLORIDA
0.8
0 7
1.4
5.2
1 6
2 0
4.8
10.5
1 3
3 8
0.5
BLOCK ISLAND
RHODE ISLAND
0
0
0
0
0
0
3.3
3.9
0
0
0
M'JSKEGON
MICHIGAN
0.6
0.4
1.1
4.1
0 7
1.8
4.4
10 1
1.0
1.0
1.1
LOVELAND-
GREELEY
COLORADO
0 9
1.1
1.3
4.8
2.3
2.2
4.8
10.8
1.4
1 3
0.1
MAUMEE RIVER
TOLEDO, OHIO
0.4
0.3
1.5
4.1
1.3
2.0
5.1
12.0
0.9
1.6
0.3
MERRIXACK
VALLEY
MASSACHUSETTS
0.3
0.6
0.6
2.3
1.8
1.8
2.6
9.1
1.0
2.1
1.1
KLHI FG?
CASE STJ'JY
SITES
0.6
0 6
1 0
3.6
1 4
1 7
4.7
9.6
1.0
1.6
0.4
TOT^L L S .
?0?UL?v?IO:.
0.8
0.7
1.5
4.0
1.5
2.0
5.0
11.0
1.2
2.0
0.5
1
4-22
Continued . . .
-------
VARIABLES
% Employed > 16
Metal Craftsmen
% Employed > 16
Carpenters
* Employed > 16
Construct. Crafts
Except Carpenters
% Employed > 16
Other Construction
Crafts
% Employed >_ 16
Durable Goods
No Trans
% Employed >_ 16
Non-Durable Goods
Ma nu fact.
% Employed > 16
Non-Mnfact. Indust.
% Employed >_ 16
Truck Drivers
* Employed > 16
Other Transport
Operators
% Employed > 16
Laborers Construct.
i
FAIRFAX
COUNTY
VIRGINIA
0.2
0.9
2.0
4.0
0.5
0.3
2.0
0.6
1.5
0.3
KETCH I KAN
ALASKA
1.4
1.8
2.9
5.6
1 1
3.8
4.2
1.2
1.1
1.5
ESCAMBI*
BAY
FLORIDA
0.8
1.4
3.7
5.7
1.3
5.4
4.0
1.6
2.2
1.3
BLOCK ISLAND
RHODE ISLAND
0
4.6
15.8
8.6
0
0
14.5
7.9
0
0
MICHlG™ LG°™D~
2.3
0.5
1.4
0.2
1.4
2.7
1
5.6 . 4.0
1
18.7
2.6
2.6
1.1
1.7
0.1
1.6
3.5
3.0
2.2
1.2
1.1
MAUMEE RIVER
TOLEDO, OHIO
2.0
0.6
2.0
6.0
11.1
2.4
3.2
1.7
2.4
0.5
MERRIXJCK
VALLEY
."ASSACKUSETTS
1.2
1.4
2.9
9.2
13 6
7.5
5.9
2.5
2.2
0 8
CA-SE STUDY
s:?-_s
1.0
1 6
4.2
6.1
6.0
3.2
4.9
2.4
1.5*
0 7
TCTAL US. i
POPULATION !
0.9
1-1 i
2.5
5.6
5.8
4.6
3.3
1.8
!
j
2.1
0.8 i
,
probabilities:
•?<0.05
4-23
Continued
-------
V\RI^3LES
% Employed > 16
Laborers Freight
% Employed > 16
Laborers Other
Non-Farm
% Employed >_ 16
Farmers £ Farm Mgrs.
% Employed > 16
Farm Laborers
Unpaid
% Employed ^ 16
Farm Laborers Paid
% Employed > 16
Service Work -
Cleaning
Employed > 16
Service Work -
Food
% Employed >^ 16
Service Work -
Health
% Employed > 16
Service Work -
Personal
FAIRFAX
COUNTY
VIRGINIA
0.7
0.7
0 1
0.009
0.08
1.1
2.3
0.6
1 4
KETCH I KAN
ALASKA
4.2
5.4
0
0
0
2.6
5.7
0.5
1.8
ESCAMBIA
BAY
FLORIDA
2.0
1.9
0 3
0.04
0.5
2.4
3 6
1.4
1.4
BLOCK ISLAND
RHODE ISLAND
0
0
7.2
0
0
0
0
0
0
MUSKFCON
MICHIGAN
1.8
2.6
0 1
0
0.2
3.5
4.3
2 6
1.5
LOVELAND-
GREELEY
COLORADO
1 1
2 4
1.3
0.03
1.7
2.7
6.1
1.9
2 1
MAUKEE RIVER
TOLEDO, OHIO
2.7
2.0
0.1
0.007
0.2
3.1
4.2
2.1
1.5
MERRIKACK
VALLEY
MASSACHUSETTS
1.0
2.0
0
0
0.5
1.0
2.7
1.9
0.2
MLAiN FOH
CASE STjDY
SITES
1 7
2.1
1.1
0.01
0 4**
2.1
3 6
1 4
1.2
TOTAL U S.
FOT-iJLATIO'i
1.8
1.9
1.9
N.A.
1 2
2.4
3.6
1.5
1 5
S A = Not Available
probabilities
**p<0.01
4-24
Continued
-------
VARIABLES
% Employed > 16
Service Work -
Protect.
% Employed > 16
Service Work - Othei
% Employed > 16
Service Work -
Private Household
FAIRFAX
COUNTY
VIRGINIA
1.6
0.4
0.9
KETCHIKAX
ALASKA
2.2
0.6
1 4
ESCAMBIA
BAY
FLORIDA
1.2
0 8
3.4
BLOC.< ISLAND
RHO3E ISLAND
0
0
9 3
MUSKZGON
MICHIGAN
1.4
1.7
1.3
LOVELA\'D-
GREELEV
COLORADO
1.1
0.9
1.1
MAU«4EE RIVER
TOLEDO, OHIO
1.3
1 2
1.3
•1ERRI1ACK
VALLEY
MASSACHUSETTS
1.3
0.3
0
"EV; FOR
CASE STuDY
SITES
1.3
0.7
2 4
TC1V L w . S .
POFLLATTO I
1.2 1
N.A.
l
1.5
l
l
i
N.A. = Not Available
Continued . . .
4-25
-------
TABLE 4-6
PERCENT FOR CASE STUDY COMMUNITIES AND U.S. POPULATION
POVERTY INDICATORS
VARIABLES
POVERTY INDICATORS:
% of Families Belov,
Poverty Level
* Individuals in
Families Below
Poverty Level
* of Children Age
5-17 With Family
Income Less Than
S3000
FAIRFAX
COJNTY
VIRGINIA
3.5
3 4
3.3
KETCH I KAN
ALASKA
7.8
6.5
7.0
ESCAMBIA
BAY
FLORIDA
15.3
15.5
12 8
BLOCK ISLAND
RHODE ISLAND
5.1
8.6
0
MUSKSGON
MICHIGAN
9.3
8.6
6.4
LOVELAND-
GREELEY
COLORADO
9.3
7.9
6.7
MAUMEE RIVER
TOLEDO, OHIO
8 8
8.3
7.6
MERRIMACK
VALLEY
MASSACHUSETTS
7.7
8.7
5.3
MEA'! FOR
CASE STUDY
SITES
8.4*
8.4**
6.1*
TOTf-.L U.S.
POPULATION
10.7
13.7
9.1
probabilities
* p<0.05
**p<0.01
4-26
-------
TABLE 4-7
PERCENT FOR CASE STUDY COM TIES AND U.S. POPULATION:
INCOME STRUCTURE
V -\RIA3LE5
.
INCOME LEVEL:
% Families Earning
Less Than S1000
% Families Earning
$1000-1999
% Families Earning
$2000-2999
% Families Earning
$3000-3999
% Families Earning
$4000-4999
% Families Earning
$5000-5999
* Families Earning
$6000-6999
% Families Earning
$7000-7999
% Families Earning
$8000-8999
% Families Earning
$9000-9999
% Families Earning
$10,000-11,999
FAIRTAX
COUNTY
VIRGINIA
1.3
0.8
1.0
1.3
1 8
2.3
2.6
3 4
3.8
4 0
9.7
KETCH IRAN
ALASKA
2.5
2.4
2 4
2.6
3.2
3 2
4.3
3.5
4.1
3.8
12.5
ESCAMBIA
BAY
FLORIDA
3.6
4.5
5.5
6 2
6 5
7.6
8.2
7 8
7.6
7 5
11.6
BLOCK ISLAND
RHODE ISLAND
0
0
5 1
6 0
9.4
10.3
9 4
5 1
16.2
6.0
6.0
MUSKEGON
MICHIGAN
2.2
2.7
4.7
5.6
5 1
5.6
6.7
7.9
8.9
8.3
13.3
LOVELAND-
GREELEY
COLORADO
1.8
3.0
5.3
5.7
6.4
7.0
7.2
5.9
7.7
7 3
12.1
MAU.'IEE RIVER
TOLEDO, OHIO
2 2
2 8
3 7
4.2
4.4
4 7
5.0
7.0
7.9
7.5
14.5
KERRRVCK
VALLEY
MASSACHUSETTS
1 3
0.9
2.7
4.8
5.4
6.7
6.2
7.7
9.4
6 7
14.9
MFA:. :-o-v
CASE StVDi
SITLS
1.9
2 1*
3.8
4.6
5.3
5.9
6.2
6.0
8.2
6.4
11.8
TOTAL U.S.
?C?^U.TIC:.
2 5
3.4
4.4
4.9
5.1
5.7
6.1
6.7
7.1
6.8
12.9
probabilities:
*p<0.05
4-27
Continued . . .
-------
VARI =,3LES
% Families Earning
$12,000-14,999
% Families Earning
$15,000-24,999
% Families Earning
$25,000-49,999
% Families Earning
$50,000 or More
AVERAGE INCOME
PER CAPITA:
INCOME BY GROUP:
% Family Income
of Total Income
% Individual Income
of Total Income
FAIRFAX
COUNTY
VIRGINIA
15.3
38.0
13.5
1.2
$4523
93.2
6.8
KETCHIKAS
ALASKA
20.4
28 2
6.8
0.2
$3667
85.0
15.0
ESCAMBIA
BAY
FLORIDA
11 3
9.9
1 9
0.5
$2583
83.0
11.9
BLOCK ISLAND
RHODE ISLAND
21.4
5.1
0
0
$2719
76.0
24.0
MUSKEGON
MICHIGAN
15.2
11 7
1.6
0.7
$2865
86.2
13.8
LOVELA:;D-
GREELEY
COLORADO
13.7
12 9
3 2
0.7
$2829
85.1
14.9
XALXEE RIVER
TOLEDO, OHIO
15 8
16 7
2.6
0 8
S3233
36 6
13 4
MERRIMACK
VALLEY
.MASSACHUSETTS
17.8
11 5
3.9
0
$2893
92.4
7.6
MEAN FOR
CASE STUDY
SITES
16.4*
16.8
4 2
0.5*
$3164
86.6**
**
13.4
TOTAL U.S.
POPULATION '
13.7
16.0
3.8
0 B
$3139
,
73.2
26.8
probabilities:
* p<0.05
**p<0.01
4-28
-------
TABLE 4-8
PERCENT FOR CASE STUDY COMMUNITIES AND U.S. POPULATION:
GENERAL DEMOGRAPHICS
VARIABLES
SEX:
% Males
I Females
MEAN POPULATION
COUNT :
MEAN HOUSI.IG
COUNT •
FAIRFAX
COUNTY
VIRGINIA
50.02
49 98
455,020
130,817
KETCH 1 KAN
ALASKA
51 9
48.1
10,041
3,265
ESCAMBIA
BAY
FLORIDA
49.9
50.1
205,334
65,141
BLOCK ISLAND
RHODE ISLAND
49 5
50 5
489
752
MUSKFCON
MICHIGAN
47.2
52.8
46,761
16,614
LOVEIAND-
GREELEY
COLORADO
49.8
50.2
47,334
14,927
MAUMEE RIVER
TOLEDO, OHIO
47.7
52.3
319,445
110,176
MERRIKACK
VALLEY
MASSACHUSETTS
46.7
53 3
MEAN FOR
CASE STUDY
SITES
49.1
50.9
TOTAL U.S.
POPULATION
48.7
51.3
N.A.
N.A.
N.A. = Not Available
4-29
-------
However, on the percent male and female, no significant differences were
observed.
Overall Case Study Profiles
As was noted earlier, the examination of the profile for each com-
munity's data was limited to a qualitative examiniation due to the absence
of an appropriate statistical procedure. Hence, the examination of the case
study profiles for each community was guided by general concerns that idiosyn-
cracies, either of import to the case study or of concern to those interested
in generalizing the findings of this study, be detected.
Key staff examined the Tables 4- 1 through 4-8 at length and the
consensus of this examination was that, although each and every community
had some/several particularities, the differences between the social and
economic profiles of the communities and the national averages were minimal.
For example, although the Loveland/Greeley case study area contained a
sizable college student population, the indicators for that community were
generally less than three percent off from the national averages.
In addition, the staff observed consistency between the case study
results and the Census data. For example, the Fairfax County case study
suggested that sewer moratoria had further excluded low income populations
from that area. Census data confirmed the underrepresentation of low income
people in the County population. Overall, the examination of the individual
community profiles revealed no negative findings of consequence to the case
studies or the generalizability of the overall study findings.
4.2.7 Conclusions From the Demographic Analysis
The major conclusion from the demographic analysis is that social
and economic profiles of the eight case study communities were remarkably
similar to the national population in 1970. Of the 139 individual variables
examined, only 20 statistically significant differences were observed.
Given sampling theory postulates, the independent sequential manner in which
the comparisons were made, and the limited number of degrees of freedom
available, it would not have been unreasonable to expect 10 "significant"
differences had the data tables contained random numbers!
4-30
-------
The major qualification of the above generalization is the clear
underrepresentation of high and low income populations, as well as the
elderly within the case study communities. Clearly, the interpretation of
those observations made concerning these populations should be given in-
creased "weight" by those interested in extrapolating from this study.
4-31
-------
4.3 SOME QUALITATIVE CROSS-CASE STUDY OBSERVATIONS
A qualitative look across the case studies resulted in observations
concerning four major aspects of the Act; (1) its water quality goals;
(2) the planning of the construction grant process; (3) the provision of
physical facilities designed to achieve the goals; and (4) the economic
costs of these facilities.
4.3.1 Goals: Water Quality Improvements
Although it is still too early for us to find and document dramatic
water quality improvements directly attributable to the Act, observable
progress in water cleanup has been made in many communities, and we can
be fairly sure of how the change will affect the communities involved.
The most significant impacts, as perceived by local groups, are
the recreation opportunities afforded by cleaner water, and associated
economic benefits, particularly in terms of tourism potential (or increase),
but also local recreation-oriented commerce. The extent to which local
groups will actually benefit from the new recreation opportunities depends
on numerous other factors, however, such as the degree of public access to
water bodies, local demand for new water recreation resources, and local
perceptions of the water body, particularly where there is a long history
of grossly polluted conditions. We find, expectably, that areas where
the water is now used for recreation, or has been within people's memory,
are those which stand to gain greater benefits the soonest (e.g., Escambia
Bay, Florida). At the other extreme are highly urbanized, industrial
waterfronts, such as Nashua, New Hampshire, where residents have never in
memory perceived the river as a recreational resource, and have low expecta-
tions for its becoming one.
In all cases, however, water clean up will significantly improve
the aesthetic quality of the water body, enhancing the self-image of the
community as a whole, and benefiting waterfront property owners in
particular.
4-32
-------
The recreational opportunities afforded by cleaner water will have
numerous indirect effects on local groups, notably in terms of increasing
the perceived worth of property adjacent to the water. In the case of
residential property, the benefits will accrue mainly to individual owners.
Where the waterfront is now in dilapidated condition, (e.g., Lowell, Mass.)
local governments are taking interest in refurbishment to benefit the
community at large and attract visitors.
Tourism is expected by most localities to be an important benefit
of recreation opportunities made possible by water clean-up. Both resort
communities where tourism has been hurt by polluted conditions and
communities with little or no previous history as tourist attractions are
looking forward to the economic benefits -of increasing numbers of visitors.
Tourism is regarded as the most likely prospect for the economic diversi-
fication sought by communities overly dependent on one or a few industries.
Commercial fishing is another industry that in some areas will
receive a substantial boost and long-term protection from PL92-500.
Outside of tourism and commercial fishing, communities are also looking
to water clean-up as an attraction to new industries with desirable labor-
demand and > waste characteristics.
Another important benefit — crucial in some fast growing areas —
is the implication of water pollution abatement for community water
supplies,' existing and future. There are numerous communities where growth
will effectively be curtailed in the not too distant future if water
supply ,intake areas are not protected or improved. This impact, which
generally has received relatively less attention at the local level than
the recreational aspects of cleaner water, could in the long run be the most
important long-term benefit to the nation as a whole, and will become the
fopus of greater concern with promulgation of the new drinking water
standards.
It is important to point out that within a given community, the
perceived worth of the benefits of improved water quality varies consider-
ably among interest groups. Those who will bear the highest costs of
achieving the clean-up — notably industrial owners and employees —
4-33
-------
understandably take exception to the goals of the Act. And there are
others, taxpayers, users of public facilities, and people with other
recreational resources available to them, who are not at all convinced
that the benefits outweigh the costs. Enactment of PL92-500, which
incorporates long hoped-for goals of conservationists, fishing and recrea-
tional tourist interests, as well as those of many homeowners, has
heightened, for the moment, the conflict between these groups and
waste-generating industries and their employees. The debate can be expected
to subside over time, however, as terms of compliance are worked out
and better understood and the Act is implemented evenly nationwide.
4.3.2 Mechanisms of the Act; Planning and Construction Grants
The provision of the Act for subsidizing the costs of planning and
constructing municipal treatment facilities substantially relieves the
economic burden on localities of complying with the pollution abatement re-
quirements of the Act. (This is not to say, however, that the remaining local
share is not still considerable. The cost issue is dealt with in a following
section.)
Aside from their purely economic aspects, the planning funds provided
under the Act are making significant changes in the way wastewater management
planning is carried out at the local level. Both professional and lay groups
perceive that facilities planning has become more thorough and is of
a higher quality than in the past; and, coordination of wastewater management
plans with other types of community and regional plans has been strengthened.
Important spin-offs of planning activities under the Act have also occurred:
initiation of other local planning efforts for water and land resources, and
a dramatic increase in the data base in communities available to local deci-
sion-makers and other interested people. One complaint that is frequently
lodged against the planning/grant approval process of the Act is the pro-
tracted time it takes, resulting in higher final costs due to inflation.
The Act's mandate for citizen participation in facilities planning
has brought some social groups into the goal-setting and decision-making
process for the first time/ but has not yet succeeded in attracting the
participation of low-income and minority groups in significant numbers.
4-34
-------
4.3.3 Collection and Treatment Facilities
The physical facilities constructed to collect, transmit and treat
wastewater in order to meet the water quality goals have a far-reaching
social influence, extending from the very localized effects of disrupting the
surface of the land on which they are placed, to changing entirely the out-
look for the future growth and development of a community.
The location of treatment facilities in a developed area may involve
the displacement of households or businesses, as occurred in Muskegon,
Michigan. Residents remaining near treatment sites to be built or expanded
complain about the odor and unattractive appearance of sewer facilities, and
consequent decline in the value of their property. On the positive side, con-
struction of new or expanded sewer facilities provides significant, albeit
short-term, construction employment and a few long-term operating and main-
tenance jobs. It should be pointed out, however, that construction jobs do
not necessarily go to local residents, particularly in small communities when
the contractor is likely to be hired from a neighboring city. Non-local con-
tractors may bring in their work force from outside.
Because provision of sewer facilities is one of the essentials for
intensive land development — industrial, commercial, and residential — the
location of wastewater collection systems and the capacity of treatment
plants is a major determinant of where and how much a community will grow.
Consequently, decisions regarding the placement and capacity of new sewer
facilities need to be carefully coordinated and integrated with other land
use and social goals of the community. PL 92-500 planning efforts have thus
moved many communities to undertake a thorough-going re-examination of their
goals for what they want to become. This process, although healthy in many
ways, has engendered considerable controversy among local social groups and
heightened ongoing conflicts over what is a desirable level of growth.
4.3.4 Compliance Costs
Even with 90% of total capital costs of municipal treatment facilities
subsidized by combined Federal and State contributions, the Icoal share is a
considerable cost for communities to absorb. Taxpayers will very likely
pay increased rates to help defray costs, and some of them may not be bene-
4-35
-------
ficiaries of the sewer system. User charges to cover operating and main-
tenance costs of the system, which are levied only on accual service
consumers, will also probably increase.
Industries have the choice of completely treating their waste to
required levels or of tying into a public facility after carrying out
whatever on-site pre-treatment may be required to make their effluent compatible
with domestic wastes. Large industries do not receive the benefit of public
subsidy. If they dispose waste to a public facility, they must, through a
cost recovery program, repay over time their share of the capital costs of
that facility, in addition to paying a user charge. Small businesses, on
the other hand, are eligible for a Federal subsidy to help cover their
treatment costs. The schedule of compliance with required effluent limit-
ations for industries is spelled out in the permits issued them under the
Act. Although the permit system is too new to have made documentable
social impacts, the range and types of likely effects are readily perceptible.
In the extreme worst case, of course, a firm would close rather than comply
with treatment requirements, and some firms have threatened to cease operations.
The impacts of closure would be most severe in a community highly dependent
on that firm for employment and tax revenue. Even if tourism or other
industries were to develop in the community, there would be a lag in re-
placement, with probable severe social disruption in the interim.
Industries in general will react to compliance costs by passing
them on to the consumer if their competitive position can bear that,
although their sales may decline. Costs might also (or instead) be
reflected in reduced profits, thus affecting shareholders. In some cases,
there will be worker lay-offs, to cut costs and/or as the result of decreased
sales.
4-36
-------
4.4 QUANTITATIVE CROSS-SITE ANALYSIS
4.4.1 Analysis Process
The process by which cross-site analysis was accomplished is outlined
in Figure 4-1. First, the case studies were summarized into two matrices, a
social impacts by social groups matrix and a local social groups by demogra-
phic and economic characteristics matrix. The marginals of these two matrices
were then examined for commonalities and patterns. The objective of this ex-
amination was to develop more aggregate level social impact categories and
social groups. As soon as the cross-site matrices had been developed, the
cell entries from the individual charts were coded and summed. Then the
average score for each cell was computed. Since the cell summary score in
the cross-site summary charts is crucial to the understanding of this section,
the computational procedure must be described in detail.
Computation of Cell Average Summary Scores
Each time an observed/probable social impact was attributed a positive
or negative effect on a social group it was entered into the computational
process. All other notation in the individual case study summary charts was
ignored, which means that the summary scores are "certainty" scores. Only
when an impact was actually recorded was a score assigned to a cell. This
means that "no impact conditions" and situations where insufficient data were
available were not coded; thus, the summary matrix scores are conservative
estimates of the effects of the Act. Given the practical and technical con-
straints on this study, such a conservative procedure seemed more than justified.
The exact computational procedure was that of an unweighted average.
A "++" was equal to +2, a "+" was equal to +1, a "-" was equal to -1, and a
"—" was equal to -2. All observations of impact between a particular impact
and a particular social group were then summed and the average computed. For
example, if social impact X occurred in four case studies, and it received
two "++"s and two "+"s on social group Y, then its cell entry in the aggre-
gate chart would have been +1.5. Although this process gives the appearance
of creating an interval scale complete with a zero point, these cell entries
are relative rankings.
4-37
-------
FIGURE 4-1
Schematic Presentation of Quantitative
Cross-Site Synthesis Process
Each case study's
results summarized
into two matrices
Social impacts by local social
groups matrix (Tables 3-1, 3-3,
3-5, 3-7, 3-9, 3-11, 3-13)
Local social groups by demo-
graphic and economic character-
istics matrix (Tables 3-2, 3-4,
3-6, 3-8, 3-10, 3-12)
i
Social impacts analyzed for
commonalities and patterns
Local social groups analyzed for
commonalities and patterns
Cross-site list of social impacts and
social groups (cross-reference of case
study impacts and groups to synthesized
categories provided in Table 4-9)
I
Cell entries computed
(See Section 4.4)
Cross-site social impacts by
social groups matrices completed
(Tables 4-10 through 4-12)
Tables completed and
analyzed (Section 4.4.3)
4-38
-------
It should be quickly noted that several potential weaknesses of this
approach did not, in fact, materialize during the analysis process. For
example, had social impacts on the groups been drastically different under
various community conditions, then the averaging process would have had
dubious merit and a process that focused on dispersion rather than central
tendency would have been called for. However, as Graph 4-1 shows, the actual
distribution of the cell scores for the aggregate analysis matrices showed
only eight cells where the costs and benefits averaged to zero. In a later
section we will return to this graph, since the curve is obviously skewed
more towards social benefits than costs.
4.4.2 The Aggregate Social Impact and Social Group Categories
The first step in the analytic process, as detailed in Figure 4-1,
involved the construction of aggregate social impact and social group cate-
gories. The creation of these categories mandated that local social groups
and seemingly diverse social impacts be placed into more aggregate categories.
Of necessity, this introduces some potential for distortion since groups and
impacts do differ within particular regions and communities. To minimize
the problem, no attempt was made to force all social groups and impacts ob-
served in the case studies into the aggregate categories. As it turned out,
approximately 84% of the social group categories were directly transferred
to the aggregate matrices. However, the social impacts offered a much larger
challenge. After several iterations, a typology of social impacts that en-
compassed approximately 71% of the social impacts observed within the case
studies was developed. These aggregate impact categories and the individual
case study categories were collapsed into each aggregate impact category.
(See Table 4-9 for details.)
4.4.3 Findings
The preceding analytic process resulted in Tables 4-10, 4-11, and
4-12. Even at this level of aggregation, these are still complex tables,
and each will be discussed independently. The marginals of the tables warrant
a separate discussion.
4-39
-------
20
10
Graph 4-1
Distribution of Cell Total Scores:
Aggreyate for All Matrices
-2.0
2.0
4-40
-------
AGGREGATE SOCIAL IMPACT CATEGORJIb
KEYED TO INDIVIDUAL CASE STUDY SOCIAL IMPACT CATEGORIES
1 0
1 1
1
1
1
1
1 2
1
1
1.
1.
1.
1
1
1 3
2 0
2.1
2.2
2 3
2
-------
TABLE 4-9 , rtTINJED
AGGREGATE SOCIAL IMPACT CATEGORIES
KEYED TO INDIVIDUAL CASE STUDY SOCIAL IMPACT CATEGORIES
1
AGC,H|r,A'II SOCIAL IMPACT CATLGORIES
3.0
3.1
3.2
3.3
3.4
3.5
4.0
5.0
6.0
6.1
6.2
7.0
8.0
8.1
8.2
PUBLIC REVKIJUl AND COSTS IMPACTS
Increase in Property Tax Revenues
Increase in Sales Tax Revenues
Increase in Utility Rates
Additional Public Sewer Svstem Costs
New Recreation Building Costs
ECONOMIC EFFECTS OF ABATEMENT ON NON-WATER
RELATED COMMUNITY BUSINESS
DIRECT IMPACTS OF WATER QUALITY IMPROVEMENTS
(WATER, ODOR, AND HABITAT)
RECREATIONAL ACTIVITY IMPACTS
Increases in Recreational Activity
Increases in Tourism Rate
INCREASE IN LEVEL OF COMMUNITY COHESION AND SELF IMAGE
INCREASES IN CITIZEN PARTICIPATION IN GOVERNMENTAL
DECISION MAKING AND PLANNING ACTIVITIES
Increase in General Citizen Participation
Increased Formal Political Action by Interest Groups
RELEVANT CASE STUDY IMPACT CATEGORIES
Ketchikan 1-2, Block Island 1-13, 2-13, 3-13
Ketchikan 1-3
Block Island 1-14, 2-14, 3-14, Escambia - 19
Maumee - 4; Loveland - 8; Greeley - 6; Muskegon - 8
Escambia - 7
Ketchikan 1-9, 1-17, 2-5, 1-1, 2-10, 1-11, 1-16, 1-10, 2-9, 1-15,
Loveland - 2; Muskegon - 4; Greeley - 2; Fairfax - 3; Escambia - 3
Loveland - 6, 7, Greeley - 9, 8, Muskegon - 6, 5; Maumee - 12, 6;
Ketchikan 1-21, Fairfax - 17, 16
Muskegon - 12; Loveland - 5; Escambia - 5, 6
Block Island 1-11, 2-11, 2-11, Muskegon - 13, Ketchikan 1-5
Ketchikan 2-11; Block Island 3-15
Muskegon - 17, Escambia - 16, 15, 14; Ketchikan 2-4; Fairfax - 14,
Maumee - 10
Ketchikan 2-2, Fairfax - 12, 11, 10, 9; Muskegon - 16
The abbreviations contained in this column are keyed directly to the Case Study Social Impact
by Social Group charts presented after each case study in the proceeding Chapter. For example.
Block Island 2-4, means that the social impact presented on line 4 of the second Block Island
SuTimary matrix has been aggregated into the particular aggregate impact category
4-42
-------
Implications of the Aggregate Categories
The process of creating the aggregate social impact categories re-
inforced what we believe to be a central finding of this study. As the first
series of aggregate social impact categories documents, the most overwhelming
single finding is that the major social impacts of the Act occur in the area
of construction activity. Construction workers, builders, realtors, and
those financially involved in this process are the groups and individuals who
will most frequently suffer social costs and enjoy benefits associated with
the Act. In every case study, construction-related impacts and groups were
observed even though the focus of many of the investigations was in another
area. For example, in Ketchikan the mere possibility of the plant closing
was associated with a noticeable decline in local construction activity.
The second and third social impact categories are property value
changes and the public revenue consequences. Property values have changed
or will change as a result of the Act. The effects of these changes, as we
shall see in the next section, preclude considerable benefits for certain
groups but also will produce some additional costs to other groups and local
governments.
The remaining aggregate impact categories are also important. Although
recreational impacts were observed, it should be noted that only under certain
conditions were recreational changes associated with water quality changes.
For example, waterfront access to bodies of clean water leads to their in-
creased use for recreational purposes. Finally, the Act will clearly produce
increased citizen participation in local government by both individuals and
special interest groups, based on the extent to which cleanup results in costs
and benefits to affected parties.
The aggregate social group categories that emerged from the analytic
process are also of interest. The four main group types that emerged from the
process were:
• Occupational Groups,
• Special Groups,*
• Governmental Agency Groups, and
• Economic Ownership Groups.
*
The definition of special groups can be found on page 4-4.
4-43
-------
In addition, the demographic characteristics of the gorups affected by the
various impacts have been estimated from the data supplied in the summary
charts. Since the degree of social impacts was not estimated quantitatively
(nor could it be) directly on the demographic group in the case study summary
matrices, the effects of the observed social impacts on the demographic
groups are noted for the reader by an "X" and are not quantitatively estimated.
The significance of the aggregate social impact groups that emerged
from the analytic process should not be overlooked. It is particularly in-
teresting to note that, based on the evidence contained in this study, the
effects of the Act will most often be felt through an individual's occupation.
In addition, the occupations that were observed to be impacted by the Act
represent a significant portion of the American work force. Similarly, the
economic ownership groups also represent a substantial number of individuals
and families. Although it is not possible to estimate the number of indivi-
duals that belong, in some sense, to the various special groups noted in the
study, it seems clear that a great many Americans will be, in some way,
directly impacted by the Act during the implementation decade.
Social Impacts on Occupational Groups
Sixteen of the thirty occupational groups in the cross-site summary
matrix, Table 4-10, have one or two entries. In such cases, the social im-
pacts of the Act on the particular social group are straightforward. Rather
than focus on these categories it seems more important to discuss the groups
which will receive a number of social impacts. As an examination of the Table
will indicate, the impacted occupations fall into three categories;
One; Those occupations which will incur social benefits as a result
of the act;
• Sanitary Engineering Professionals, Planning Professionals, and
Private Economic Engineering, and Environmental Consultants.
(Columns bb, cc, dd.) Under all conditions the Act increases
demand for the services of these occupational groups and provides
them opportunities for involvement in the political decision
making and planning process.
• Employees of waterfront industries and water-related service in-
dustries. (Columns w and y .) From fishing tackle suppliers to
recreation area food vendors, employees in these industries will
receive benefits as the quality of the water increases.
4-44
-------
TABLE I-10
CROSi-SITI SUMMARY OF SOCIAL GROUPS B\ SOCIAL IMPACTS
OCCUPATIONAL GROUPS
AGGREGATE SUC IAL IMPACTS
1 0 CONSTRUCTION ACTIVITY IMPACTS
1 1 Employment
111 .Decrease in Number of Construction employees
112 Decrease in riunbcr of Industrial Employees
j j 2 Increase in Number of Employers in Recreation
Industry
114 Increase in Number of Employers in Commercial
Fishina
121 Decrease in number of Construction Starts
Improvements,
123 Decrease in Number of Second Home Starts
124 Decrease in Number of Low-Income Housing Starts
125 Increase in lumber of High- Income Housina Starts
1261 Id IP
nents in Water Pollution Control
9 o
Residential Growth
2 0 PROPERTY VALUE IMPACTS
Increase in Property Values
- - Increase in Perceived Woitn of Ateas Adjacent
to Water Bodies
2 3 Increase in Value of Undeveloped Properties
- -i Increase in Value of Developed Properties
CONSTRUCTION
WORKERS
Residential Skilled
Construction Workers
-1
Non-Residential Skilled
Construction Uorkers
Local Construction Workers
- 4
-1
1
33
1 5
- 5
_ r
-2
1 6
-
2
Out-of-^rea Construction
Workers
- 5
1
1
HOME
DEVEL-
OPERS
it
V
1
in
1
.2
1
U5
Large Scale Hone
Developers
1
FISHERMEN
Conmcrcial Fishermen
1
Part-Time Commercial
Fishermen
2
u
Commercial Fish Wholesalers
and Rctai Icrs
2
1
V.
2
0
0
Kanc.hur& |
lawyers
1
REALTORS
Hiddlc/High Income
Waterfront Property
2
2
0
2
a bcdefgh j klmno
Industrial Developers
-1 5
2
-1
1
P
Out-of-Arca 1
Industrial Corkers |
q
Local Industrial Workers |
-1
2
r
Employees in Transport
Sector - Airlines
S
Employees of wholesale
Goods Stores
t
Employees of Retail Goods
Stores
u
Bankers and £» t. L Personnel
t1 5
1 S
-1
V
Employees cf >ater related
Service Industry
-1
2
w
oyees of Marine
;s Companies
la
X
oyees of Waterfront
jstrios
n
2
y
oyeea of Timber-
ited Business
a, -i
as
-i
z
U)
a
I
0.
w
1
I
neering
]
= 0
" i
crs
as
3£
i
essionals ]
Planning Pro
1
1
omic. Engineering,
Consultants
Private, Ecor
Envi ronmenta
2
aa bb cc dd
-------
TABLE 4-10 CONTINUED
CROSS-SITf SUMMARY OF SOCIAL CROUPS BY SOCIAL IMPACTS.
OCCUPATIONAL GROUPS
AGGREGATE SOCIAL IMPACTS
3 0 PUBLIC REVENUE AND COSTS IMPACTS
3 i Decrease in Property Tax Revenues
3 2 Decrease in Sales Tax Revenues
3 3 Increase in Utility Rates
3 4 Additional Public Sewer Systcn Costs
3 5 Now Recreation Building Costs
4 0 ECONOMIC EFFECTS ON NON-WATER RELATED
COMMUNITY BUSINESSES OF ABATEMENT
5 0 DIRECT IMPACTS OF WATER QUALITY IMPROVEMENTS
(WATER, ODOR, AND HABITAT)
6 0 RECREATIONAL ACTIVITY IMPACTS
6 1 Increases in Recreational Activity
6 2 Increases in Tourism Rate
7 0 INCREASE IN LEVEL OF COMMUNITY COHESION £ SELF- T MAG
8 0 INCREASES IN CITIZEN PARTICIPATION IN GOVERN-
MENTAL DECISION MAKING AND PLANNING ACTIVITIES
3 c P
8 2 Increased Formal Political Action by
Interest Groups
CONSTRUCTION
WORKERS
Residential Skilled
Construction Workers
:
Non-Pesidential Skilled
Construction Workers
Loc
-------
• Commercial Fisherman. (Column g.) The fishing indistry will ob-
viously benefit from cleaner water and more plentiful fish harvests.
• Lawyers. (Column m.) The litigation and permit process resultant
from the Act has and will continue to increase the need for lawyers'
services.
Two; Those occupations which will receive a mix of social benefits
and costs as a result of Act-initiated events;
• Waterfront residential and industrial property developers.
(Columns o and p.) The developers of such properties benefit
from the increased desirability of their property but also in-
cur the costs associated with the general construction impacts
of the Act.
• Farmers. (Column k.) The unique properties of the sites involved
in this study demonstrate particularly complex cost-benefit polari-
ties . The reader is referred to the Loveland/Greeley and Maumee
Case Studies for examinations of land value and reductions in the
nutrient content of the water as they impact farmers.
Three: Those occupations which will primarily incur social costs as
a consequence of the Act.
• Local Construction Workers. (Column c.) The short term effect
of the Act is to slow down the level of construction activity.
This has a negative impact on local construction workers. On
the other hand, long term benefits accrue to workers in the con-
struction sector because of increased potential for waterfront
and newly sewered land.
• Bankers; Saving and Loan Personnel. (Column v.) The Act, from
the vantage point of banking officials, both reduces the general
level of financial activity in the short term and helps tighten
the first and second mortgage market. This results in social
costs to bankers since it tends to reduce their revenues
which are not offset by revenues associated with treatment
plant construction.
Social Impacts on Special Groups
The special group category includes a potpourri of large, small,
vocal, and silent groups. Of the three cross site summary matrices, the
number of cell entries is greatest under the special groups. Many of the
impacts denoted by the cell entries represent intangible social impacts and
presented a considerable challenge to case study workers in estimating the
magnitude and direction of the impacts. As with the occupational groups,
some special groups will receive primarily benefits, others primarily costs,
4-47
-------
and others a mixture. Six of the sixteen special groups received only one
or two benefits and will be left to the inspection of the reader. (Table 4-11)
One: Special groups that will benefit from Act-related events;
• Low, Middle, and High Income Boaters. (Columns a and b.) With
the exception of some problems associated with increased tourism
in fishing areas, the social impacts on boaters will be positive.
• Conservationist Groups. (Column h.) Although these are largely
intangible benefits, conservationist groups will receive consid-
erable social benefits from the implementation of the Act.
o Waterfront Residents. (Column j.) Decreases in odor and in-
creases in property values make this special group one that is
particularly benefitted by the Act.
Two: Groups that will receive both Social Costs and Benefits from
Act-related Events.
• Consumers of municipal Gas, Water, and Sewer Services. (Column m.)
Although in the long term, the costs of such services will be re-
duced through growth and improvements in facilities, the short term
effect of the Act would appear to increase costs in these areas.
• No/Slow Growth Proponents. (Column d.) The short term effects
of the Act may parallel the interests of politically organized
no/slow growth proponents. However, in the long run, as more
sewage treatment capacity is created, and sewer moratoria are
lifted, growth in all sectors may be encouraged, to the dis-
pleasure of controlled growth advocates.
Three: Groups that will incur primarily social costs resulting
from Act initiated events.
• Potential Consumers in the under $30,000 housing market.
(Column o.) Increases in costs associated with sewering and
other compliance measures will undoubtedly contribute, combined
with inflation, to the decline of supply to this market.
9 Property Tax Payers. (Column m.) The impact of the Act on
property tax payers is diverse but generally negative. Most
of these negative impacts reflect practice of financing re-
creational and water pollution abatement improvements with
property taxes. Interestingly, the case studies also detailed
a number of instances where decreases in construction activity
resulted in social costs to property tax payers.
• Growth proponents. (Column c.) The social costs to this group,
while diffuse, are obvious and significant.
4-48
-------
TABLE J-ll
CROSS-SITE SUMHAPf OF SOC ROUPS BY iOCIAL IMPACTS
SPFCIAL liKUIII-. A.11J GOVERNMENTAL AC.I iir.Y GkOUP
AGGK1GATI SOCIAL IMPACTS
1 0 COI.'STRUCTIO i ACTIVITY IMPACTS
1 1 Employment
1 1.1 Decrease in Number of Construction Employees
1.1 2 Decrease in Number of Industrial Employees
113 Increase in Number of Employers in Recreation Industry
114 Increase in Number of employers in Commercial Fishing
1 2 General Level of Construction Activity
121 Decrease in Number of Construction Starts
122 Decrease in Level of Investments in Home Inprovenents
123 Decrease in Number of Second Home Starts
124 Decrease in Number of Low- income Housing Starts
125 Increase in Number of High- Income Housing Starts
126 Increases in Industrial Construction Investments
in Water Pollution Control
127 Change in Location of \ew Construction
1 3 Increase in Future Potential for on-Residential Growth
2 0 PROPERTY VALUE IMPACTS
2 1 Increase in Property Values
0 9 Increase in Perceived Worth of Areas Adjacent
to Water Bodies
: 3 Increase in Value of Undeveloped Properties
2 -4 Inciease in Value of Developed Properties
SPECIAL GROUPS
Low- Income Boaters 1
2
2
r Medium-High Income
Boaters
1
2
Growth Proponents |
-2
-1
No/Slow Growth
Proponents
1
1
-1
c
o
lii
H
U]
L4
ft
1
Tourists Long Term
2
- 3
Tourists Slioi t Term
- 3
Conservationist Groups
1
1
-1
2
Citizen Planning Groups
Waterfront Residents
1
-1
[
2
Residents Near Sludge
Disposal Sites
-1
1 Residents Near
Treatment Sites
0
Property Tax Payers
- 5
-1
1
3
•1
-1
1
Consumets of Municipal
Gas, Water, sewer
services
2
1
Potential Consumers in
£ 30k Housing Market.
-1
-1
-1
-1
-1
1 Company Sharenoldcr In
Affected Industries
-1
CWEMIMEKTAL
nr.ltV.t nfMP
Municipal Government
-2
-1
-1
2
-1
1
E
I
>
c
_;
-2
-1
1
-1
1
/
\
>
y
£
_1
S
J
5-
-------
TABU -1-11 CO ED
CROSS-SITE SUMMARY DP SOCIAL _ jUPS BY SOCIAL IMPACTS
SPECIAL GKOUPS ANU COVLRNMENTAL AGENCY GROUP
AGGR1 CATL SOCIAL IMPACTS
3 0 PUBLIC REVENUt ANU (.OSTS IMPACTS
3 J Decrease in Property Tax Revenues
3 2 Decrease in Sales Tax Revenues
3-3 Increase in Utility Kate?
3 -4 Additional Public bewer System Costs
3 5 'Jew RocrcaLlon Building Costs
4 0 ECONOMIC EFFECTS ON NON-WATLR RELATED COMMUNITY
BUSINESSES OF ABATEMENT
5 0 DIRECT IMPACTS OF WATER OUALm IMPROVEMENTS
(WATER, ODOR, AND HABITAT)
6 0 RECREATIONAL ACTIVITY IMPACTS
6 1 Increases in Recreational Activity
& 2 Increases in Toui IST Rate
7 0 I- CREASE I .' LEi'Ei. OF CO^Hj\'lT\ COHESIO A! D SELF IMAGE
S 0 I .'CREASES I. CITIZEN PAtTICIp-iTIO > I' GOVERNMENTAL
DECISIO 'AKl G }\O i"L\.M..G ACT I' ITIC9
8 1 Increase n General Citisen =articipation
S 2 Increased Fomal Political Action oy Interest
Groups
SPLCIAL GROUPS
s
ra
a
I
j
2
2
-1
-1
o
x:
—
I led i urn
Boater
2
2
1
4J
O
OL.
Growth
1
- 3
1
u £
c
ui 8.
z a
1
1
3
c
E
O
.C
I/I
L.
Sports
1
2
-1
2
1
E
t-
a
Ul
Touris
-1
- 7
1
fe
O
E-
4J
Ul
Jl
(A
LJ
1
a
0
IM
O
c
o
H
a
Conscr
1
1 3
2
1
1
1
4
D
O
U
O1
c
c
n}
C 1 1 1 ze
1
1
in
4J
c
dJ
T3
H
U)
S
JJ
c
o
Water f
1
1 2
2
1
6
QJ
T3
VI
\* Ul
S3
Z H
U)
(A
•U H
Reside
DLspos
Is,
Ui 4->
Reside
Trcatm
-2
o
0.
X
1J
EH
1
o.
-1
-1
-1
.6
1
S.
H Vl
(U
in v
ij iJ in
e 2 u
3 H
U) - >
u u tn
-1
-1
7
-1
1
03
c c
85
0 °
Potent
^ 30k
2 ,1
.C (1)
01 3
ill
1/1 •o
Compan
Affect
-2
GOVERNMENTAL
AGENCY GROUP
u
|
1
•J
Munici
-2
-1
-1
4.4
1
2
1
1
.3
2
u
L4
O
,s
4J
C
a
-2
-1
1
-1
7
2
1
1
1 5
2
*
U
H
O
Social
a
FH
ro
D»
S
•o
S
n
1
1
a bed efghi j
I m n
p q r s t
4-50
-------
Social Impacts on Governmental Groups
Although the impacts on the various levels of government noted in
columns q through t (Table 4-11) seem self-explanatory, a few comments seem
in order. The social costs to these groups of decreases in employment and
increases in capital outlays result from the financial strain placed on
those groups by Act-associated events. However, the long term increases in
the recreational/tourist area and water quality improvements are significant.
Finally, a comment must be offered concerning the effect of the Act on com-
munity cohesion. Controversies over growth divided the Fairfax and Block
Island communities, but in theory, a great challenge might just as easily
unite a community, depending on the issues, personalities, and circumstances
involved.
Social Impacts on Demographic Groups
Although quantitative estimates are not available in terms of the •
demographic groupings, certain patterns in the effects of the impacts on the
various groups are evident. (Table 4-12)
• Sex. Perhaps as a reflection of the dominance of males in
the occupational and economic ownership groups, males seem
to feel more of the social impacts more directly than females.
• Age. Clearly, the middle age group, those 31 to 60, will be
involved in the majority of the social impacts noted in this
study. Those in the younger age group were, however, also
not far behind in terms of feeling the impacts of the Act.
• Minority Status. As noted in the comparative demographic
analysis section, minorities were underrepresented in case
study sites. However, the impacts of the Act in the housing
area, on the construction industry, will have a significant
negative effect on certain minority groups.
• Income Leve1. Moderate income individuals will be involved
in almost all social benefits and costs associated with the
Act. High income individuals appear to be in a position to
receive less relative and absolute cost than the moderate
and low income groups, particularly if they are in the
property ownership groups. In contrast, the low income
groups will receive relatively few benefits, outside of those
few who will partake of urban water recreational improvements.
4-51
-------
TAFLC
CROSS-SITL SUMMARY OF SOCIA., GROUPS BY iOHIAL IMPACTS. DLI1OL,RAPIIIC AtJU LCOiJOIlIC OWNERSHIP GROUPS
AGGREGATE SOCIAL IMPACTS
1 O CONSTRUCTION ACTIVITY IMPACTS
1 1 Employment
111 Decrease in Number of Construction Employees
112 Decrease in Number of Industrial Employees
113 Increase in Number of Employers in Recreation
Industry
114 Increase in Nuraber of employers in Commercial
1 2 General Level of Construction Activity
imporovements
123 Decrease in Number of Second Home Starts
1 - 5 Increase in Number of High-Income Housing Starts
1 - 1 Change in Location o£ New Construction
Growth
2.0 PROPERTY VALUE IMPACTS
2 1 increase in Pro,->c1rtv \.ilues
Adjacent to ItaLci Bodies
Increase in V-aKi^ ^:" Doxeloped Properties
DEMOGRAPHIC GROUPS
SEX
eve loped
ropertie^
-1
1
w
4-52
-------
TABLE 4-12 CONTINUED
CROSS-SITE SUMMARY OF SOCIAL GROUPS BY SOCIAL IMPACTS. DEMOGRAPHIC AND ECONOMIC OWNERSHIP GROUPS
AGGRIf.ATi: SOCIAL IMPACTS
3 0 PUBLIC RLVI-NUI AND COSTS IMPACTS
3 2 Increase in Sales Tax Revenues
3 3 Increase in Utility Rates
3 4 Additional Public Sewer System Costs
3 5 New Recreation Building Costs
4 0 ECONOMIC EFFECTS ON NON-WATER RELATED COMMUNITY
BUSINESSES OF ABATIMENT
5 0 DIRECT IMPACTS Or WATER QUALITY IMPROVEMENTS
(WATER, ODOR, AND HABITAT)
6 0 RECREATIONAL ACTIVITY IMPACTS
6 1 Increases in Reci national Activity
6 2 Increases in Tourism Rate
7.0 INCREASE IN LEVEL O~ COMMUNITY COHESION AND SELF
8 0 INCREASES IN CillZE'J PARTICIPATION IN GOVERNMENTAL
DECISION NAVIMG A\D PLANNING ACTIVITIES
8 1 Increase n General Citizen Participation
8 2 Increased Formal Political Action by Interest
Groups
SEX
0
i
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
Female
X
X
X
X
X
\
X
X
X
X
DEMOGRAPHIC GROUPS
o
10
/^
X
X
X
AGE
o
to
o
JJ
en
X
X
X
\
\
X
X
X
X
X
X
0
CO
V
X
\
\
X
X
X
X
X
V
X
MINORITY
STATUS
Majority
X
X
\
X
X
X
X
\
\
X
\
Minority
X
X
X
X
INCOME
LEVEL
X
\
X
X
X
X
Mldorate
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
.C
o*
H
3:
X
X
X
X
X
ECONOMIC GROUPS
INDUS-
TRIAL
OWNER/
MANAGER
Small Business
-1
Larqe Business
-1
.66
COMMERCIAL OWNER/
MA11AGER
Hotels
Mnrlnes
L 25
Marine Sales
Companies
Retail Stores
-.75
1
PROPERTY OWNERSHIP 1ROJP
1
Residential Houses.
66
Adjacent
tics
Water
Propei
1
1.33
2
1
6
>caJ Waterfront
'ty Owners
.3 a
c&
O ^
z a.
Served
'ties
n o
t/i a
iwcr-Servcd
rcics
m v
z a.
T3
o in
a a
o ^
— i *j
> a
le
3 a.
1
1
Developed
Properties
1
abcdefghijklmnopq r s t u v w
•1-53
-------
CHAPTER FIVE
CROSS-SITE SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
The purpose of this Chapter is to summarize briefly the major
cross-site conclusions. The site specific conclusions of this study are
located at the beginning of each case study in Chapter Three. It should
be noted that the following list of conclusions is a synthesis of the
qualitative and quantitative analysis presented in Chapter Four.
Social impacts of PL 92-500 will most often be felt through people's
occupations. Furthermore, the occupations affected involve a significant
portion of the American work force.
Growth can occur only when sewage treatment capacity and/or
hookups are available. Sewer moratoria are therefore the ideal tool for
those who wish to contain or inhibit growth. The planning and construc-
tion of sewage treatment plants is a lengthy process which transcends
temporary tap availability.
Construction appears to be the sector of local economies
and occupational groups that is most sensitive to the benefits and costs
associated with the Act. This is principally due to the enormous in-
fluence exerted by sewer facilities on the location, timing and amount
of development that can occur in a given community. The most severe
dislocations to this sector occur when a sewer moratorium effectively
•5-1
-------
brings development to a stop. Conversely, expansion of treatment capacity
and service area significantly enhances the potential for new construction.
The construction sector is also very sensitive to other impacts of the Act
on the local economy, such as any decrease in employment or spendable
income.
Commercial fisheries stand to benefit from achievement of the goals
of the Act, although fish processors will incur higher waste treatment costs.
As with tourism, commercial fishing potential is a benefit both to communities
where the industry is already established, and those where it would add to
the diversity of the local economy.
Demographic groups that stand to be most measurably affected
by the Act are (1) males (perhaps by virtue of their dominance in occupa-
tional and property ownership groups), (2) people aged 31 to 60, followed
by those 30 and under; and (3) moderate income people. The Act is likely
to have significant negative effects on certain minority groups through negative
impacts on low income housing starts and on the construction industry.
Improvement and protection of water supply sources, both ground
and surface, will be a significant impact of the Act of benefit to all social
and demographic groups.
Costs to municipalities of required investments in sewer facilities,
even with Federal and State help, are expected to necessitate tax increases.
The impact will fall particularly hard on property owners with fixed incomes.
5-2
-------
Water quality improvements heighten local prospects for economic
diversification not only through recreation and tourism benefits, but also
by satisfying requirements for industries that need clean processing water.
Costs to industries associated with the National Pollution
Discharge and Elimination System and cost recovery programs range
widely in their impact. For the most part the costs will be born by
consumers, in the form of higher prices for finished goods, and by
stockholders, in the form of reduced dividends. In severe cases (e.g.,
marginally profitable firms) jobs will be lost through production cutbacks
or even firm closure. The most extreme and far-reaching social dislocations
would occur where the dominant industry in a community decides to close
rather than comply with effluent limitation requirements.
PL 92-500 is perceived by localities to be significantly improving
the professional quality and comprehensiveness of wastewater management
planning. Other social goals are being taken into account, and coordination
with other types of planning has been strengthened. While public participa-
tion has noticeably increased, low and moderate income groups tend not to
be represented.
In practice, property owners (residential, commercial and industrial)
are singled out by the Act to assume responsibility, through taxes, for the
capital costs of new sewer facilities. However, owners benefit from the
Act when property increases in value because of location on the water or
provision of sewer service.
5-3
-------
Sewer user charges are everywhere expected to rise as a result of
increased public investments in water pollution control.
Recreation opportunities afforded by water quality improvement
will benefit most directly the owners of waterfront property who are mainly
moderate and high income people. Benefits to others will depend greatly
on the degree of public access to water bodies and provision of recreational
facilities. Increased waterfront property values and growth of recreation-
oriented commerce will be associated with the creation of new recreation
opportunities. Recreation benefits to lower income and minority people
will be greatest in urban areas where these groups are present in large
numbers and where resources for water-based recreation are generally quite
limited. However, public access to urban waterfront areas is crucial if
low income people are to benefit from water pollution abatement.
Tourism potential in a community is significantly enhanced by
improvements in water quality. The impact is important not only to communities
dependent on the tourist industry but also to those which are seeking to
diversify their economy.
5-4
------- |