DRAFT
the environment: 1972 EPA SUMMER
FELLOWS PROJECT
(summary)
Produced for
ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION AGENCY
OFFICE OF RESEARCH AND MONITORING
Produced by
EVIRONMENTAL STUDIES DIVISION. EPA
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DRAFT
THE ENVIRONMENT: 1972 EPA SUMMER FELLOWS PROJECT
(SUMMARY)
Produced For
Environmental Protection Agency
Office of Research and Monitoring
DRAFT
Homer Hoyt Institute Environmental Studies Div. Technical Analysis Div.
Washington, D.C. EPA, Washington, D.C. NBS, Washington, D.C.
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The views expressed in the following material do not necessarily
reflect those held by the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA)
or by the Environmental Studies Division (ESD). Individual papers
in this report, the product of the EPA 1972 Summer Fellows Program
underwent general editing by ESD for format and style and any
distortions of the authors' original meaning introduced in this
editing process were unintentional.
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FOREWORD
Bringing to fruitition the concept of conducting a resident summer
study session within EPA Headquarters for a small interdisciplinary
group of graduate and undergraduate students was more than symbolic of
the actual development of current environmental strategy; it was characteristic
of it. The twenty-five students who participated in the EPA 1972 Summer
Fellows Project were selected from among eight hundred applicants
responding to a national recruitment program concentrated over less than
one month's time.
The students chosen majored in a wide range of environmentally
related studies on university and college campuses across the United States.
Each had proven records as producers of high quality investigative research.
This personal quality was important since their work was to be concentrated
within an eleven week period in problem areas for which basic research
and information were admittedly scant. It was with these young and fertile
minds that select research topics were undertaken to bring fresh, hopefully
unbiased, viewpoints on existing environmental problems in the anticipation
that their contributions would suggest new avenues for the development
of current long-range environmental strategy.
The students, composing five investigative teams, concentrated
their efforts on: a possible approach toward quantifying the concept
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'quallty-of-life1; development of an accounting system for allocating
pollution produced by industry as a result of consumer demands for goods
and services; determining the effects of leisure on outdoor recreation
and the environment; investigating the realm of environmental management;
and lastly, how the generation of pollution differs as a characteristic
of a community's location within large metropolitan areas.
Their track record was excellent. The quality-of-life team provided
inputs for an EPA sponsored symposium on the QOL concept held late in
the summer of 1972. Original conceptual work involving consumer differential
accounting of industrially produced pollution is already contributing
to other research effects seeking to develop an early environmental
warning system. The reports on municipal pollution and leisure effects
on environment are well documented source volumes within their fields.
And lastly, the report submitted by the environmental management team
is a timely report in light of the EPA sponsored Environmental Management
Conference scheduled for May of 1973.
All in all, their work is a credit to the Environmental Protection Agency.
There were many other people involved in supportive roles. Among those
who lent assistance and counsel were individuals associated with the Homer Hoyt
Institute having management responsibilities, the Technical Analysis Division
of the National Bureau of Standards to document and prepare reports for
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publication, and staff of the Environmental Studies Division within the
Office of Research, EPA. Lastly, much credit for inspiring all teams
lies with a group of senior advisors, mostly drawn from educational
institutions.
Stanley M. Greenfield
Assistant Administrator for
Research and Monitoring
Environmental Protection Agency
April 1973
Washington, B.C.
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PROJECT MANAGEMENT
for Homer Hoyt Institute:
Maury Seldin, President
for National Bureau of Standards:
Lynn G. Llewellyn, Research Psychologist
for Environmental Protection Agency:
Samuel Ratick, Physical Scientist, ESD
John Gerba, Chief, Special Projects, ESD
HOMER HOYT INSTITUTE
John Kokus, Jr., Deputy Director
John Hammaker, Research Director
Ina Bechhoefer, Sr. Research & Administrative Assistant
NATIONAL BUREAU OF STANDARDS
Marilyn Westfall, Operations Research Analyst, TAD
Gail Hare, Research Psychologist, TAD
Donald Corrigan, Legislative Research Analyst, TAD
ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION AGENCY
Stanley M. Greenfield, Assistant Administrator for Research and Monitoring
Leland Attav?ay, Deputy Assistant Administrator for Research
Peter House, Director, Environmental Studies Division
Robert Livingston, Research Analyst, ESD
Alan Newschatz, Chief, Environmental Management Research Branch, ESD
Philip D. Patterson, Assistant to the Director, ESD
Albert Pines, Operations Research Analyst, ESD
Martin Redding, Chief, Comprehensive Environmental Planning Branch, ESD
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CONTENTS
Foreword
I. THE OVERVIEW 1-1
II. QUALITY OF LIFE II-l
State of the Art II-3
Attempt to Develop Theoretical Perspectives I1-4
Proposed Quantification Scheme II-6
Quality of Life Factors 11-11
Analytical Dimensions 11-24
Policy Implications 11-26
III. POLLUTION AND THE MUNICIPALITY III-l
Levels of Differentials III-l
Health Effects 111-13
Sources III-17
Legislation - III-24
Ramifications of Uniform Enforcement 111-28
IV. CONSUMPTION DIFFERENTIALS AND THE ENVIRONMENT IV-1
Major Phases of Study IV-2
The Production-Consumption Flow IV-3
The Model IV-6
Methodology Design IV-12
Basic Data IV-14
Pollutant Categories IV-17
Top Ten Consumer Pollutants and Their
Consumption Patterns IV-17
Other Considerations for Research IV-24
V. OUTDOOR RECREATION AND THE ENVIRONMENT V-l
Outdoor Recreation on Private Land V-2
Outdoor Recreation in Coastal Areas V-5
Outdoor Recreation in Urban Areas V-7
Future Recreation Trends V-10
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Page
VI. ENVIRONMENTAL MANAGEMENT VI-1
Disciplinary Viewpoints VI-1
Definition VI-2
Classification Schema VI-3
Levels of Evaluation VI-4
Findings of the Study VI-8
The Manager and The System VI-14
Environmental Management Summary VI-15
VII. NEPA AND THE ENVIRONMENTAL MOVEMENT VI I-1
u
The Wellsprings of Environmentalism VII-3
The Government Responds: A Two Year Chronology Vil-14
Epilogue VII-39
References VII-53
APPENDIX A. EPA Fellows Program: Authors A-2
APPENDIX B. Bibliography B-l
illustrative Material
Table II-l Quality of Life Factors 11-16
Figure IV-1 The Production-Consumption Model IV-5
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PREFACE TO
CHAPTERS ONE TO SIX
With hopeful spirit and considerable exuberance, the EPA Fellows
came to Washington, B.C. during the summer of 1972. During their eleven-
week stay that followed, it was felt that they subsequently plowed new
ground not only in their study of widely diverse subject matter but also
in the format of operation.
The Fellows project did not hold out academic credit. Instead of
organizing by curricula, it simply took a real project that needed doing
and went about the work of research, drawing talent from wherever needed.
The effect is that it turns out to be a great way to educate a student.
Total immersion in a project, in association with others similarly situated
but typically of varied disciplines, with the need to dig out and fathom
answers, provided some of the Fellows with a great education. In several
cases they felt they learned as much in a summer as they had learned in their
best full year of formal education, or indeed, in their undergraduate
program.
It is customary to conclude with the authors' personal statements
of responsibility for errors of commission as well as omission. However,
there are so many authors among us that no one in particular possesses
the right to claim responsibility for these errors, such as they may be.
April 1972
Washington, B.C.
Maury Seldin
President
Homer Hoyt Institute
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DRAFT
CHAPTER I
THE OVERVIEW
The least that the EPA Fellows will achieve in
their Summer 1972 research efforts is a state-
of-the-art report; the most that they will achieve
is the plowing of new ground.
So stated the Director of the Environmental Studies
Division, Office of Research and Monitoring, Environmental Protection
Agency which funded the EPA Fellows Project administered by the Homer
Hoyt Institute during the spring and summer of 1972.
The results were in accord with the charge given by Dr. House.
A state-of-the-art report covering the five selected research areas
has been completed and is being prepared for publication by the
National Bureau of Standards, U.S. Department of Commerce. Some
new ground has also been plowed, espeically in one of the areas
which emerged from a study of pollution generated by consumptive
sectors titled, "Consumption Differentials and the Environment."
The most significant points of each of the five studies are
summarized in the five ensuing sections of this executive summary.
This section is designed to give an overview of the project.
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1-2
The provision of an overview provides a dilemma. On the one hand,
each of the five general topics can be taken as targets of research
opportunity of interest to EPA and others concerned with environmental
research, without attempting to link the studies. On the other hand,
one can take a holistic view and select some specialized and particular
critical areas for analyses. The study did not attempt the latter.
But with five general research topics, an overview should impute some
connection as a context for each of the five component studies.
The five studies emerged as:
1. Quality of Life
2. Center-City-Suburban Pollution Differentials
3. Consumption Differentials and the Environment
4. Leisure and the Environment
5. Environmental Management.
Subsequently, the topic on leisure was confined to outdoor recreation*
The center-city study focused on pollution rather than the broader quality
of life within the center city, and the differentials study started off
as a study of the future of the environment. These adjustments were made
in light of the productive capability of the 25 EPA Summer Research
Fellows over an 11-week period.
The sequencing indicates a linkage. The first question, or study
topic, relates to measurement of the quality of life as a tool for public
policy purposes.
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In the contemporary administration jargon, goals are translated
into measureable objectives for which programs are developed and in
which progress is monitored. The application of the techniques requires
some measurement.
Measurement in the economic sector of society is less difficult
than in the social or political sectors. Thus, when the Employment
Act of 1946 was passed, the national policy of pursuing high levels
of income, output, and employment with relative price stability was
formalized. The Council of Economic Advisors was established to assist
in the process. Part of that assistance was and is in the use of
economic indicators dealing with income, output, employment, and
inflation.
In more recent history national goals have focused on environmental
concerns which have dimensions aside from the social and political sector
as well as the economic sector. Included are natural environment and
the "built" environment in the physical sense. The physical qualities
are amenable to measurement, though not without difficulty. Nonphysical
and noneconomic conditions pose new and different problems. Even more
perplexing is the handling of a multiplicity of conditions with the
intent of some composital indicator. The United States has a gross
national product but not a gross social product.
The quality of life team (QOL) looked for QOL indicators which
could shed some light on conception, definition, and measurement of
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1-4
these factors which would be of assistance in public policy areas. The
emphasis was thus on societal priorities for policy purpose rather than
on individual priority for spending mattersjbe it money, time, or whatever.
As the next section identifies in more detail, the QOL team reviewed
the literature dealing with social indicators and especially on QOL
itself. As a result, they have defined and classified quality of life
factors. Measurement problems were approached by using objective and
subjective measures with conversions to sealers, thus, combinations of
indicators would be handled as composite indices.
The state-of-the-art review and synthesis makes a contribution
toward definition and classification. The plowing of new ground is
begun with the suggested techniques of measurement, especially composite
measurement. Some field experimentation and demonstration would be a
next logical step.
The quality of life indicators are aggregates for some population—
it can be that of the nation as a whole or of state or local jurisdiction.
The indicators may be used for one or combinations of sectors in large or
small geographies. Comparison may be made among local areas for various
policy purposes.
One particular type of contrast in the quality of life or environ-
mental quality may be drawn on the basis of the differential between
center-city and suburban locations. The state-of-the-art review
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covered measurements of environmental differentials between center-city
and suburban locales for air, noise, water, solid waste, and radiation.
Then, the team reviewed research which sought to link center-city
pollution to polluters. The analysis then turns to federal pollution
control and some views of the impact of uniform federal enforcement.
Linking pollution to polluters is a massive task which, although
touched on in concept by the center-city team, was more fully explored
by the consumption differentials team. Indeed, that team plowed new
ground.
The consumption differentials team classified potential polluters
by individual family unit divided by socio-economic status. Based
upon the goods and services they consumed, the chain of production
was traced to estimate the pollution generated. Thus, pollution
generated is connected to consumption of product or service.
Leisure activity has been of exceptional concern in relationship
to environment. Outdoor recreation as a leisure-time activity is of
particular concern because it has a more obvious or noticeable
environmental impact. The leisure team developed a state of the
art report on five segmentized areas dealing with outdoor recreation
on private land, public land, coastal areas, and urban areas.
Additionally, they dealt with future recreation trends.
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1-6
All of this suggests that improved management of the environment
is not only a necessity but a fertile prospect. One of the difficulties
in a complex, pluralistic, and free society is that of environmental
management processes. And, in order to tackle that question an under-
standing of the various perceptions and practices of environmental
management is particularly useful.
The environmental management team went after the perceptions with
an attempt at a three-dimensional matrix which basically classified
perceptions as legal, administrative, and theoretical. Subsequently,
three interrelated levels of analysis and evaluation were developed,
including the tools, functions, and structures employed by the existing
variety of governmental agencies charged with the environmental manage-
ment responsibility.
The following chapters present in greater detail the summary
findings of each of the five environmental study areas investigated
by the 1972 EPA Summer Fellows.
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n-i
DRAFT
CHAPTER II
QUALITY OF LIFE*
"Discontentment with objective conditions has appeared to be
increasing over exactly the same period that those conditions have at
most points and by almost all criteria been improving, ..." according
to one author. Writers of the popular press diagnose various aspects
of the problem as "future shock" or retarded "consciousness levels."
After years of vying for achievements, the American public has
begun to question the relative value of what they have achieved.
Dissatisfaction stems from different evaluations and reactions to
conditions.
Assessments of quality of life are an attempt to measure the
conditions of what has been achieved. However, the research team found
no sufficient definition of the quality of life or specifications of
the conditions associated with it. In addition, the team found no
*This summary is composed mostly of excerpts from the final report.
The original citation has been omitted as has substantial substantive
detail.
The research team producing the original report was headed by
Kenneth E. Hornback and included Joel M. Guttman, Harold L. Himmelstein,
Ann B. Rappaport and Roy Reyna.
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II-2
standards for what the QOL should be, and even if standards did exist
the team found no way to determine if they were adequate standards for
all Americans.
The omnibus task of defining and measuring the quality of life is
an attempt to formulate a comprehensive methodology to validly assess
these types of questions and problems.
In pursuing this goal the Fellows agreed that any standards
developed:
I. Should apply to all Americans.
2. Should reflect differences among people under widely ranging
conditions.
3. Should specify those points on which general consensus exists
among the population. (The factors must have face value.)
4. Should be sensitive to changing social and physical conditions.
5. Should be open to criticism (must not be totally definitional)
and must be open to proof or disproof according to recognized performance
criteria.
They agreed that the study should focus on the following aspects of
the quality of life.
1. Those in which individuals have an active personal interest.
(This stipulation was intended to exclude the difficulties which might
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II-3
be associated with identifying a national priority with an individual
priority.
2. Those in which known or conceivable strategies of social
organization (societal management) can influence the factor. (This
stipulation was intended to exclude the problem of identifying
personal priorities of individuals and reifying them to matters
related to the Quality of Life for all persons.)
3. Those which have measurable objective and subjective features.
State of the Art
The state of the art was reviewed by tracing the development of
social indicators and relating them to the current efforts to measure
the quality of life.
The Fellows noted several trends:
1. A growing interest in methodological rigor and a
desire to compare and validate various research strategies;
2. An increasing emphasis on the development of standardized
time series data and the expansion of federal statistical
activities.
3. A growing emphasis on the collection and analysis of
subjective data and the expansion of traditional areas of
data collection.
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4. An emergence of a clearer picture of what subjective
data will be important, i.e., information on occupational
status, time budgets, mental health, political participation,
etc. However, these developments did not merge into one
theoretical or methodological strategy.
Attempt to Develop Theoretical Perspectives
The QOL is defined as a function between objective conditions and
subjective attitudes involving a defined area of concern.
Implicit in any discussion of the QOL is the notion of some area
to which that QOL refers. An area may be defined according to the
analytical purposes with consideration of data availability.
The Fellows defined objective conditions as numerically measurable
artifacts of a physical event (e.g., air pollution in parts per million
of sulfer dioxide); sociological event (divorce rates, crime rates,
number of ethnic minority persons, etc.); or economic event (local
consumer price index, municipal budget, costs of highway construction,
etc.). Objective conditions may be defined as any number which stands
for a given quantity of a variable of interest so long as it is
independent of subjective opinion and reliable. (Substantially the
same number results every time the event is measured.)
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Understanding the specific meaning of subjective attitude requires
a complex and lengthy discussion, so to avoid the confusion which often
accompanies a concept used in many diverse contexts a definition of
subjective attitude was evolved from the elimination of several
definitions which would be inappropriate or unworkable in combination
with the concept of QOL.
In brief, subjective attitude, as defined in the study, is primarily
concerned with affective and cognitive dimensions. It is specifically
concerned with how aspects of cognition vary as objective conditions
vary. The terms utilized in this discussion and the focus of much
recent research can be characterized as follows:
Objective ^ v Subjective >• v Behavior
Conditions * ^ Attitude * '^
*
B 4
Type of Population
(Age Groups, Ethnic and
Class Groups)
The QOL definition developed depends on an elaboration of the A
relationship. The A relationship corresponds to the key term function
in the QOL definition.
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Proposed Quantification Scheme
The proposed quantification scheme is based on the assignment of
objective and subjective values to a series of variables which are
called QOL factors (e.g. income, social participation, air quality,
etc.).
Various objective indicators for each QOL factor are discussed.
(For example, the air quality indicator is a composite measure of air
pollution characteristics.) In some instances, the objective measure
is appropriate to a particular region (as in the case of air quality),
in others it pertains directly to an individual (as in the case of
income). Once objective measures have been obtained for each factor,
they are transformed in the proposed formulation to a normal scale
varying from 1 to 10 in which the value of 1 corresponds to the lowest,
or least satisfactory measure (i.e. lowest QOL) and 10 corresponds to
the highest. Such a transformation requires that appropriate upper and
lower bounds be established for each variable. The transformation
permits assignment of an objective measure, Oj4, to each factor, j.
The measure is obtained for each individual, i, in the sample population, P.
For each objective measure, a corresponding subjective measure, Sjj,
must be developed and is obtained for each individual, i, by asking him
to rate his satisfaction with the objective measure for each factor, j.
Again, a l-to-10 scale is used such that 1 corresponds to the lowest
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level of attitudlnal satisfaction (i.e. dissatisfaction, dislike,
unfavorability) and 10 corresponds to the highest possible level of
satisfaction. Obviously the anchoring of this subjective scale is
open to some question. How, for example, does one define the greatest
possible satisfaction with one's working conditions, or with the
availability of wilderness areas? A substantial amount of social
research is required to determine if the subjective scales can be
bounded in a meaningful way.
The next step is to combine these factors into a reasonable
expression for the factor index, Fj, which describes the state of that
factor and its importance.
Careful identification of the population to be assessed for QOL
is necessary. This population could be the whole sample population or
some subset of it. In collecting data from individuals, information
is also collected on 10 standard population characteristics (age, sex,
race, income bracket, geographic location, etc.). These data permit
an ordering of the objective and subjective measures for all factors
in a matrix against population characteristics, and hence an evaluation
of the QOL for a variety of different populations. Consider a particular
region and the F members of the population in that region. Two averages
may be computed for that population base:
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t P
I Z } Wij X 1 Z
P 1=1 j J I P 1-1
In computing the average subjective measure for the population, each
individual's subjective rating is weighted with his W^. for that factor.
On the other hand, when computing the average objective measure a slightly
different approach is adopted. Because intrinsically the objective measure
is coupled less closely to the weight each individual attaches to it, it
is appropriate to compute the average objective measure for the population
and multiply that with the average weight which the population attached
to the jth factor.
Next, these averages are combined and multiplied with the correlation
parameter to obtain the factor index for the jth QOL factor:
f Aj <0.> + 0. ?
j J J J J r
\
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The parameters A and 3 are included in this expression to indicate that
J J
the average objective and subjective measure may not be of equal importance.
For example* in the case of the health factor, the objective measures are
likely to be considered most important; whereas for income, the subjective
measure may well be the most significant. Because no well-defined way
exists for evaluating the emphasis parameters A. and $., the most reasonable
approach may be to make both equal to one and perform a simple average of
objective and subjective measures. This means that:
"V
This expression has two especially significant features for the factor
index:
/
Both objective and subjective measures are included in a
weighted fashion
The combination of these measures is weighted with a correlation
parameter which describes the association between these two
measures.
When the correlation parameter is zero, indicating no significant
relation between the objective and subjective measures for a particular
factor, the F- = 0 is the desired result. The simple functional way in
Jr
which j is incorporated into the expression for F. is, of course, arbitrary,
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but it does at least provide the desired result. The maximum value which
F. can assume, given the normalized scales we have used for measures and
weights, is ten.
An overall index for the quality of life can be generated by computing
the mean of all M factors:
M
QOL1 = i S
M j - 1
The factors need not be weighted again in this sum because weights have
already been included in the computation of the factor indices. Use of
the mean of factor indices seems more appropriate than just summing them
because it constrains the final index to a l-to-10 scale and avoids
introducing major shifts in the total index if specific factors are added
or dropped from consideration.
As an initial estimate of the QOL based on objective and subjective
measurements the index-generating formula given above is a promising point
of departure. It has the advantage of varying toward zero and no
covariation exists between the two measures of the same underlying factor,
thus avoiding the problem of an index generating numbers regardless of the
underlying characteristics of what is being measured. It has the advantage
of weighting the satisfactions by rank order of priorities and the objective
condition by the average of rank order given by persons residing in the
community under study.
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Under no circumstances should this formula be regarded as providing
a perfect or immutable index of the QOL. It yields only a reasonable
strategy by which research thinking can move to the next series of
questions about the QOL, once data are available to show how the formula
can be better expressed. The formula has several potential drawbacks
including the likelihood that satisfaction and importance weighting are
measures of the same thing.
Quality of Life Factors
The essence of this section is to discuss the merits of a suggested
list of quality of life (QOL) factors for use as a guide in developing
representative indicators. Generating a workable list of indicators is
a primary step toward the eventual measurement of QOL.
Though the thesis of the QOL argument is that valid QOL measurement
requires the use of both objective and subjective indicators, only the
former are given in the text of this section. A discussion of an approach
toward obtaining a representative list of subjective indicators, including
examples, will be found as Appendix B of the original report.
Definitions—The definitions which follow indicate the precise use
in this study of some terms which have various meanings:
A parameter is a characteristic of the system being analyzed. In
developing an acceptable QOL index, parameters must be found which can
efficiently be measured and are characterizations of important states of
the system.
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A factor is an attribute or characteristic of society or of the
environment which affects at least some people's quality of life. A factor
Is thus a parameter of a special kind: one which directly affects the QOL,
but it need not itself be directly quantifiable. Some factors may not be
measurable, but they are included in this discussion irrespective of their
current susceptibility to measurement. A factor list is a conceptual,
rather than an operational tool of analysis; it should aim at comprehen-
siveness, so that more restricted operational lists are clearly seen only
as approximations of the QOL.
An indicator is a parameter which has a high correlation to an
important condition which is less easily measurable. Indicators are
operational, not conceptual tools. An indicator need not causally affect
the QOL, as must a factor, but it must be a number of some kind: expressed
in percent, parts per million, dollars, or some other unit. Further
methodological requirements for indicators will be cited later in this
discussion.
An index, like an indicator, is a number whose value tells us a
measure of the relative magnitude of some condition. Unlike an indicator,
however, an index need not directly measure a factor. Indexes may be
combinations of indicators designed to simplify the measurement of a
factor: e.g., an air-quality index combines several indicators, so that
the concentration of several kinds of particles are summarized in one
number.
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A sector is a class of factors which team members believed have some
important aspects in common. Sectors are ways of grouping factors to
simplify discussion. This report considers six such sectors: economic
environment, social environment, physical environment, political environ-
ment, natural environment, and health.
In discussing the causal relationships between parameters, the words
input and output are used in a special sense. An input of a factor is a
parameter that causes the value of that factor to vary. (For example,
occupational dangers are inputs to work satisfaction.) An output of a
factor is a parameter, usually an indicator, which is affected by that
factor. (For example, labor turnover is an output of, among other para-
meters, work satisfaction.) Subfactors include such inputs and outputs
of factors: a subfactor is a parameter which is" an element of a factor.
Subfactors are useful in clarifying the meaning of factors and in
eliminating overlaps between them.
To summarize: Factors and indicators are two sets of parameters,
the first directly affect some people's QOL, and the second measuring
the factors. Some words, such as income, represent both a factor and an
indicator, since they are parameters which can be said to measure them-
selves. Indexes are numbers which may either directly measure factors
(such indexes are in fact indicators), or may combine indicators into
multidimensional aggregative numbers. To clarify the meaning of factors,
subfactors were identified which include both inputs and outputs of that
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factor. Sectors, on the other hand, are larger sets of factors chosen
to simplify the discussion of the QOL.
Considerations in Criteria. While any parameter that affects the
QOL is a factor, further criteria are clearly needed in order to isolate
a list of factors to construct a QOL index. Three such criteria for a
QOL factor list are used here: value-dimensionality, comprehensiveness,
and commonality.
Value-dimensionality means that two levels of a given factor must
correspond to different levels of desirability for a large group of
individuals. This definition would exclude factors such as securities
portfolios, because one portfolio cannot arbitrarily be stated to be
better than the next. One can look at the total wealth a person holds
(on the assumption that more wealth is better), but the way in which a
person allocates his wealth corresponds to his/her own preference
structure. Only factors for which "more is better" or "less is better"
or some level is in principle optimal can be included in a QOL factor list.
Comprehensiveness means that, all things being equal, a QOL factor
list that covers all areas of the QOL is better than one which does not.
This criterion may seem obvious, but it seems to have been ignored by
several previous studies.
Commonality means that a level of a QOL factor must apply to many
individuals at once. Purely personal factors such as ambition do not
meet the test of commonality. A QOL factor list based on noncommunal
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factors, as will be demonstrated later in this discussion, has little or
no policy usefulness.
The literature search revealed a number of studies with various QOL
factor lists. These have been summarized and evaluated in the study.
The team generated its own QOL factor list by both inductive and
deductive methods. Each team member listed the factors he/she believed
should be part of any QOL index. These factors were grouped into larger
sectors, each uniting a number of factors into a logical and nonredundant
rubric. A reading of the QOL literature generated new factors under each
of the sector headings. Each of the factors were broken down into sub-
factors in an attempt (a) to clarify the meaning of each factor and (b)
to detect redundancies between factors. Such redundancies are undesirable
because in the final QOL index they would cause double-accounting. If
all of the subfactors of one factor were also listed under the heading
of another factor, the former factor was eliminated. In cases of partial
redundancy, factors were redefined to eliminate such overlaps. Finally,
another search was made of the relevant literature to further refine the
list of factors. The final factor sets are shown in Table 1 under six
major headings.
The remaining discussion in this section summarizes the coverage of
QOL indicators.
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TABLE
QUALITY OF LIFE FACTORS*
Indicators
Major Factors
Objective Indicators
1. Economic Environment:
Income
Income Distribution
*
Economic Security
Work Satisfaction
Per capita disposable income
Median family income
Gini coefficient of income distribution
Income support
Wealth measures
Accident, productivity, and turnover rates
2. Social Sector:
Family
Community
Social Stability
Physical Security
Culture
Recreation
Marriage and divorce rates
Illegitimate births
Social responsibility scale
Upward social mobility
Social disorder incident rates
Violent crime rates
Human effort directed toward the arts
Persons participating in outdoor recreation
and average days per person
3. Political Environment:
Electoral Participation
Percentage of registrants voting
* Examples of the methodology for determining subjective factors is
given in Appendix B of the original report.
** This is not intended to be an exhaustive listing.
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Major Factors
Nonelectoral Participation
Government Responsibility
Civil Liberties
Informed Constituency
Objective Indicators
Bloomberg & Rosenstock's "Action Score"
Budget allocations
Per capita distribution of funds
Rights commission
Citizens review board
Content analysis of mass media
4. Health:
Physical
Mental
Nourishment
Infant mortality
Phys ic i ans/capita
Health care facility utilization
Persons in mental hospitals/population
Diagnosis of cause/population
Per capita consumption of food types
Nutrients consumed per day per capita
5. Physical Environment:
Housing
Transportation
Public Services
Material Quality
(both goods and services)
Aesthetics
Percentage deteriorated houses
Percentage lacking plumbing
Percentage overcrowded
Family costs
Percentage budget allocated to construction
and maintenance
Cost of gas and electricity
Frequency and coverage of services
Product life
Automobile recalls
Cost and frequency of repairs
Litter, billboards
Trees preserved and planted
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Maj_or Factors Objective Indicators
6. Natural environment:
Air Quality People exposed to substandard conditions
Concentration of CO, N02, S02
Water Quality BOD, coliform count
Turbidity, temperature, pH
Radiation Percentage radioactivity in water, soil,
people
Toxicity Lead concentrations
Cases of lead poisoning
Solid Wastes Pounds/capita
Amount recycled
Frequency of collection
Noise Community noise difference
scale (under development)
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Economic Sector. The economic environment may be defined as those
aspects of the QOL which deal with the magnitude, continuity, and distribu-
tion of people's income, and with the welfare or "ill-fare" generated in
the process of attaining their income.
Income is a factor in the economic sector in that it represents an
ability to purchase material goods and services. A portion of income may
be accumulated wealth and wealth may be converted to income. The income
is primary in that it is more closely related to consumption of goods and
services.
Income distribution is a factor because it relates to equity as being
a good in itself. The benefits of rising standards of living relate, in
fact, to how well others are doing, hence income distribution.
Economic security is the protection an individual has against loss
of regular sources of income. Such protection may be in possession of
wealth or in the existence of some form of income support, public or
private.
Work satisfaction is the excess of amenities over disamenities
associated with an individual's job. Subjectives, as listed by an
author, indicate the character of this factor. They are occupation,
status, supervision, peer relationships, job content, wages, and other
extrinsic resources, promotion, and physical conditions.
Objective indicators for the economic sector are available, in
part, from government sources, especially from the U. S. Department of
Commerce. Some additional sources and people are noted.
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Social Sector. The broad scope of social environment is indicated by
the factors selected: family, community, social stability, physical
stability, culture, and recreation.
Family, as a social system is considered a factor although it is
undergoing dramatic change. Measurement and value problems are of
particular difficulty, but divorce and illegitimate births vary conceptually
and indicate the character of this factor in the negative sense while time
devoted to family functions may indicate the positive character.
Community as a factor relates to the need to belong and be accepted.
Thus, the voluntary association constitutes an aspect of community and the
nature and character of participation may indicate community
factor concept.
Social stability is community solidarity. Social distances which are
aspects of difference become significant in QOL when polarization results
from strong disagreement leading to social disorder such as riots or other
confrontations.
Physical security as a factor is the safety of the public from violent
crime. Aspects include the institutional order within which daily lives
are led as well as the protection which is required and afforded.
Culture is perhaps best indicated by the arts, fine and applied.
Attendance at performances or time spent listening, viewing or otherwise
participating is a factor as well as the quality of the experience.
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Recreation encompasses a wide variety of outdoor and indoor physical
activities ranging from bicycling to fishing and from bowling to table
tennis.
Indicators for the social sector are somewhat more difficult than
for the economic sector although a diversity of sources does exist.
Political Sector. Electoral participation is a factor in the
political sector. It is the right and exercise thereof for representation
in the government process.
Nonelectoral participation is another factor. It includes speaking
or writing to a public official, signing petitions, and communications to
others concerned by a letter to the editor or by talking with others who
may be similarly concerned.
Government responsiveness to the public is a factor. The elements
of this factor are outputs of the system such as regulation and delivery
of services.
Civil liberties as a factor may include the inalienable rights
guaranteed by the constitution and may be taken as an elector which
stresses the dignity of man as well as? the right of freedom and equality
under the constitution.
Informed constitutency refers to acquaintance with the issues. Of
particular concern is the availability of information on both sides of
an issue.
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Indicators are not suggested for all factors, civil liberties
particularly is omitted. Some problems of measurement of the indicators
occurred, not the least of which may be that more may signify improving
quality of life (as with nonelectoral participation), or it may signify
a decline in the state of affairs and hence a decline in the quality of
life (as in air pollution).
Health Sector. A widely quoted definition of health is "a state of
complete physical, mental, and social well being and not merely the
absence of disease and infirmity." The social aspects are covered
elsewhere in the study.
Physical health as a factor refers to absence of disease and infirmity.
Mentality is also considered as an element in physical health. According
to the literature, mental health includes both mental illness and mental
retardation. The retardation is usually a condition resulting from
abnormal development.
The nutrition factor was measured through dietary analysis of food
intake. The indicator problems for nutrition are perhaps not as severe
as those in the political sector partially because of the availability of
data.
Physical Environment. The physical environment includes a set of
climatic, earth and life related factors of which man is a part.
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Housing as the locale of the primary social relationship of family
life is an influence on the physical, social, and psychological development
of the household members and is considered as a factor in the physical
environment.
Transportation as a factor encompasses satisfaction and dissatisfaction
based upon accessibility, including the elements of time, congestion,
safety, and stress for those who travel. It also includes the dissatis-
faction of those who are adversely affected by the transportation media
because of its noise, pollution, or other effects.
Public service encompasses the utilities such as water and gas, as
well as garbage collection and street cleaning. The degree of satisfaction
is affected by quality of service.
Material quality refers to the satisfaction obtained from the
quality of the objects exchanged for money. It is a value concept.
Aesthetic quality as a function of perception puts ugliness and
beauty in the eye of the beholder. Wide agreement may exist, however,.
as to the gracefulness of a suspension bridge or the ugliness of power
lines.
Natural Environment. Air quality is an element of the natural
environment. Air pollution, an unwanted byproduct of civilization
contains odors, irritants and toxic substances. The absence of air
pollution is considered to be a quality of life factor.
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The absence of water pollution is another QOL factor in the natural
environment. This factor applies to water for recreational use as well
as domestic use.
Radiation is another factor in the natural environment. Exposure to
radiation can cause biological injury including genetic effects and
cancer. Man-made radiation emissions include those from x-ray equipment,
nuclear power plants, reactor fuel-reprocessing plants, and from electronic
products such as microwave ovens and color televisions.
Toxic substances in the environment fall into three categories of
concern: acute toxicity to humans, chronic toxicity to humans, and
adverse effects on the natural environment.
Solid waste protection refers to the handling and disposition of
refuse, trash, and other solid waste.
Noise or unwanted sound pollutes the natural environment and thus
detracts from quality of life.
Analytical Dimensions
The study addresses the questions of the extent to which generali-
zation may be made about people's quality of life, the extent to which
those generalizations are limited (and what are the limiting factors),
and how does the limitation influence the QOL index. Through this
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particularized understanding rather than through the generalized statistic
progress is hoped for on the policy problems related to improving the
quality of life.
The analytical dimensions are explained in five areas, the first of
which is population parameters required to explain irritation in the QOL.
The population parameters discussed include geographic location,
education, age, ethnicity, health, sex, political disposition, socioeconomic
status, life adjustment.
The second and third areas explored the use of QOL data matrices. The
QOL factors are used on one axis, while the analytical dimensions are used
on the other. Each matrix then shows the relationship between one of the
factors and one of the population parameters. Collectively, the matrices
could be examined for their interaction effects or for the clusters of
highly interrelated factors of parameters.
The third analytical area explored was the use of time series analyses.
The data are useful in answering questions about the direction and extent
of change in the QOL.
Causality issues are the fourth area. The portion is what causal
relationships are involved in determining high or low QOL. Only one treat-
ment of causal sequences was uncovered in the literature search. It dealt
with sequence/outcomes: family background/life chances; schooling/level of
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living; job/health, welfare; income/status, acceptance; and expenditures/
satisfaction, morals.
Policy Implications
The study directs itself to several questions related to policy
implications.
1. How does a QOL index relate to other work in the field of
policy analysis?
2. What might be the uses and the misuses of a QOL index?
3. What can be done to insure that the index will not be used in
ways contrary to the intention of its framers?
Policy Analysis. The QOL index may be used in policy analyses in
several ways:
Assessment of the public's values and preferences, and of
objective conditions,
Analysis of the impacts, trade-offs, and net effects of a given
action,
Evaluation of the outcome of a policy or action.
The assessment of the public's values and preferences, and of
objective conditions is amenable to analysis over time. Since measurements
tell relatively little about the status quo whereas measurements over time
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may Indicate emerging problems or other changed conditions. For example,
a change in attitude towards a problem may be a significant changed
condition.
The analyses of impact and trade-off would not improve the means of
assessing the magnitudes of the impacts of a given policy, except insofar
as the index furthered the development of a more comprehensive approach
to social problems. However, they would be of significant value in
judging relative importance of these impacts.
A QOL index could provide a focus for the emerging field of social
experimentation and outcome evaluation. The general absence of laboratory
conditions has provided a severe problem in the development of knowledge
in the social sciences. A QOL index could ameliorate the situation,
somewhat.
Computer simulations which attempt to summarize many of the aspects
of socio-environmental system into a computer program with which students
or policy-makers interact could be expanded to utilize QOL indices. Such
models are highly useful educational and research devices which facilitate
the grasping of complex issues. A QOL index could aid in this purpose.
A QOL index might spur the development of a unified social science.
The perspective of the index is an interdisciplinary one in which multiple
systems are related as they interact in a single focus.
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Improving the Market Mechanism. A function of a market mechanism
is to call forth those goods and services demanded by society. The
process by which societal preference could be identified and responded
to could be significantly enhanced by application of QOL indices. It
could make explicit various aspects of the quality of life inducing a
more responsive production.
Misuses of a QOL Index. The study identified three potential
misuses of the QOL index:
1. The attempt by policy-makers to change subjectively determined
weights instead of objective conditions;
2. The treating of QOL as the only measure of a society's well
being;
3. The conforming of individuals to the standards of a QOL formula.
Any QOL index would be composed of two types of numbers: those
reflecting objective conditions and actual states of mind (e.g., the
amount of air pollution and the actual degree of work satisfaction), and
those reflecting the relative importance of such conditions to the
individuals whose QOL is being measured. The first type of numbers are
called indicators; the second, weights. For governments to try to bring
the first kind of numbers into line with what society considers "good"
is clearly laudable within the limits of society's choices. But it is
equally clear that an attempt by governments to control the second kind
of numbers—the weights which individuals assign to QOL factors according
to their subjective tastes—is outside of the bound traditionally assigned
to government activity.
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The second misuse of a QOL index is closely related to the first.
Ideally, a QOL index would include anything that influences a community's
welfare, but, as previous sections have demonstrated, the measurability
of many factors is extremely limited. Among the hardest to quantify are
those relating to freedom and justice—the extent of civil liberties and
the responsiveness of governments to their electorates. An operational
QOL index would probably have to leave out such factors, because of their
dichotomous and hard-to-quantify nature. Without trying to change
subjective weights, the QOL index would be treated as the single measure
of a government's performance. With certain vital intangibles left out
of the index, this would amount to the sacrificing of such intangibles—
e.g., freedom and justice—in order to maximize the easily quantified
factors. The result would be much like that of the first misuse, although
the route to this second misuse would be slightly different.
The third misuse of a QOL index relates not to a government's actions
so much as to a change in the attitudes of individuals. The QOL index is
meant to register the people's preferences and concerns. The index is
not meant to actually influence those preferences. Yet in a conformistic
society, such an eventuality is quite possible: having a preference
structure that does not conform to the average weights listed in the QOL
index could become unfashionable. Such a development would tend to make
the index rigid and limit people's individuality, as well as destroy the
whole purpose of the QOL index.
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Misuse of Social Indicators. The potential misuses of social
indicators must also be considered, for any QOL index would be based in
part on such indicators. These abuses may be divided into two categories:
first, problems that prevent social indicators from adequately
reflecting social reality; and second, problems in the actual gathering
of social indicators, no matter how valid they may be.
Guarding Against__Misuse. One way of guarding against misuse would
be simply not to measure the QOL. Other ways include:
1. Centralizing the measurement of QOL, without making the
QOL index a mere tool to justify the status quo or an administration's
past performance. For example, Senator Walter Mondale's proposal to
establish a council of social advisors modeled on the existing council
of economic advisors, might be implemented. These social advisors would
be distinguished academicians in the fields of sociology, political
science, and the other social sciences (economics would not necessarily
be excluded) and would prepare an annual social report. To help insure
that the QOL index would not be used to the disdadvantage of the "outs,"
the council of social advisors might be made directly responsible to
Congress.
2. The actual measurement of QOL might be done by a research team
as independent as possible from the main institutions of government.
3. The QOL measurement process must be made the subject of wide
public discussion and periodic, formal reexamination.
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4. The philosophy of the QOL Index needs to be fruther developed,
and both the public and the policy-makers must be made fully aware of the
limitations of a QOL index. This is the only way to minimize the chance
that the index would be used to create conformity, or to justify the actions
that ignore those hard-to-quantify factors—such as liberty and social
justice—that may never find their way into a QOL index.
No claim is made that these suggestions would totally eliminate the
dangers cited earlier in this discussion. They may, however, reduce those
dangers to a level such that the potential benefits of a QOL index would
outweigh the likely costs. Of the many issues raised in the report on QOL
measurement, the problem of guarding against these dangers perhaps deserves
the greatest amount of further discussion and research.
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DRAFT
CHAPTER III
POLLUTION AND THE MUNICIPALITY
This study focused on differentials in environmental pollution
between center city and suburban locales. The objective was a state-of-
the-art-report to provide some insights into the ramifications of
uniformly enforced federal environmental standards.
Levels of Differentials
The research encompassed study of air, noise, water, solid waste,
pesticides, radiation, and climatic changes. This chapter summarizes
the results uncovered in the search for differentials in pollution
associated with center city areas as compared with suburban areas.
Air. Air pollution is measured by monitoring both ambient air
quality and point-source emissions. Ambient air is chemically measured
at stations at scattered locations. Point-source pollution is measured
at fixed points such as factories and at mobile points such as with
motor vehicles. Measurement may be direct by using monitoring devices
at the location or estimated by analyses of the amount and type of
materials consumed.
The six elements of the atmosphere designated as air pollutants
by the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) are sulfur oxides (chiefly
* The research team producing the original report was headed by Pamela
C. Cooper and included Samuel J. Kursh, Jeanie Rae Wakeland, Margo Van Winkle
and Mary A. Zaller.
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sulfur dioxide, SC>2, and sulfur oxide, SO): nitrogen dioxide
carbon monoxide (CO) ; photochemical oxidents (usually measured as
ozone, 03); reactial hydrocarbons (HC); and particulates or airborne
nongaseous materials.
Comprehensive measurement of pollution is expensive because such
measurement should be periodic at diverse locations. Diffusion models
(which are mathematical analyses of pollutant emissions, metrological
conditions, and topographical conditions) proved estimates of
spacial distribution of pollution as an alternative to measurement at
diverse locations.
The research team reviewed studies of the Buffalo-Niagara Falls
area and of the San Francisco Bay Area as well as diffusion model
studies for five additional areas, Birmingham, Alabama; Boston,
Massachusetts; Boise, Idaho; Indianapolis, Indiana; and Washington,
D.C. The only other study reported was one of ambient lead in
Cincinnati and Philadelphia.
Existing studies are not sufficient for generalized statements
on each of the pollutants as to center city-suburban differentials
together with the seasonal and other temporal variations. The
Buffalo-Niagara Falls study indicates that the center city has greater
pollution levels for sulfur oxides and suspended particulates. The
study of the San Francisco Bay area indicated higher levels of carbon
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monoxide and oxident concentrations in the close-in areas than in the
suburban areas. The ambient lead study used classifications of commercial,
industrial, residential, and rural. These classifications are not
synonymous with center city-suburban classifications; however, the
commercial and industrial sections had the higher ambient lead measure-
ments with the residential and rural having the lowest, especially the
rural. The diffusion models of the five cities indicate that pollutants,
sulfur oxides, particulates, and carbon monoxide were higher in the
center city than in the suburbs.
Noise. Noise, technically described as vibration in an elastic
medium, can be pragmatically defined as unwanted sound. The magnitude
of such sound or the level of noise is measured in decibels.
The decibel (dB) is a magnitude measure which uses a logarithmic
scale for quantity of noise. Since the human ear does not respond
equally to all frequencies, scales have been devised to relate
different sensitivity levels. The human ear responds best to middle
frequencies rather than low or high frequencies. Weighted scales
favoring the middle frequencies by reducing the effects of low and
high frequencies are said to be A-weighted. Thus, A-weighted
decibels (dBA) are used for noise measures when the primary concern
is for people.
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The studies of outdoor noise indicated higher levels of noise in
areas of city housing as compared with suburban detached housing. The
median noise levels for daytime were 73.0 dBA compared to 50.9 dBA, and
for nighttime 65.5 dBA compared to 44.2 dBA according to the Irving Hock
study "Urban Scale and Environmental Quality."
Noise emanates from activities associated with various types of
land uses, and noise levels are associated with kind and intensity of
land use. Intensity and type of construction is as important as
intensity and type of traffic.
Water. Additions to water which tend to degrade its quality so as
to contribute a hazard or impair the usefulness of the water are considered
pollutants. Water pollutants may be classified into eight categories
(1) domestic sewage and other oxygen demanding wastes; (2) infectious
agents; (3) plant nutrients; (4) organic chemical exotics, particularly
insecticides, pesticides, and detergents; (5) other mineral and chemical
substances from industry, mining, and agricultural operations; (6) sedi-
ments from land erosion; (7) radioactive substances; (8) heat.
Two reported case studies indicated concentrations of pollution at
center city locations. One, a study of the lower Passaic River, covered
data from fifteen stations including those in the Newark, New Jersey
area. Total coliform counts were from 9,700 to 500,000 organisms per
100 milliliters (ml), a permissible standard is 10,000 organisms per
100 ml. The stations located in the Newark area showed counts in the
100,000's.
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The fecal coliform standard is 2,000 organisms per 100 ml. The
measurements indicated sharp increases to 50,000 to 60,000 organisms per
100 milliliters close to Newark. Dissolved oxygen (DO) concentrations
should be up to 5 to 7 milligrams per liter in order to support fish life,
but measurements near Newark are consistent at 1 to 2 milligrams per liter.
The biochemical oxygen demand (BOD) loading of the Passaic River was
estimated at 17,000 pounds per day. This rate is the equivalent to the
raw discharge of a population of 100,000 persons. Suspended solids were
also estimated at a high level (47,000 pounds per day). The high coliform
counts, low amounts of dissolved oxygen (DO), high biochemical oxygen
demand (BOD), and heavy amounts of floating debris were all below the
federal-state standards with the most severely polluted section of the
river near the city of Newark.
The second case study was of the Hudson River, revealing a high
degree of water pollution affecting New York City. Total coliform counts
reached values in the hundreds of thousands per milliliter. Fecal
coliform counts were found as high as 25,000 per 100 milliliters.
Dissolved oxygen values were 2 to 3 milligrams per liter.
In addition to the two ambient water studies of the Passaic River
("one of the most contaminated waterways in the world") and the lower
Hudson River (with "the characteristics of an eutrophic brackish lake"),
the group also reviewed studies of drinking water.
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The Public Health Service drinking water standard for lead is "not
greater than 0.05 mg per liter" (or 50 ug/1 micragrams per liter). The
drinking water may leave the treatment plant in an acceptable quality
but reach people through old distribution systems made with lead. The
water found in inner city areas has had lead content as high as 920
micrograms (920 ng/1) compared to lead content of 20 ug/1 elsewhere.
In an older community in Boston a 1972 study on drinking water
content of trace metals revealed that in 29 out of 54 homes, the
concentration of lead exceeded the standard. A 1968 Chicago study
found only four samples where the lead content was above the standard
but 20 percent of the water samples were found to have higher concentra-
tions of lead than water at the treatment plant.
The National Community Water Supply Study also was reviewed. It
surveyed 969 public water supply systems and considered the three factors
of top water quality, adequacy of facilities and operations, and status
of surveillance and maintenance of the system. Findings revealed that
the quality of drinking water is decreasing as the water systems are
growing older and are not upgraded. Excerpts from the original study
state,
... 41 percent of the 969 systems were delivering waters
of inferior quality to 2.5 million people. In fact, 360,000
persons in the study population were being served waters of
a potentially dangerous quality .... 56 percent of the
systems evidenced physical deficiencies including poorly
protected groundwater sources, inadequate disinfection
capacity, inadequate clarification capacity, and/or
inadequate system pressure. In the eight SMSA's studied,
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the7 arrangements for providing water service were archaic
and inefficient. While a majority of the population was
served by one or a few large systems, each metropolitan
area also contained small inefficient systems.
Considering the source of lead pollutants, the indication is that
the center-city areas, having the older systems, are getting lower
quality water. This lead pollution is in addition to the general
drinking water pollution problem and the pollution of ambient water.
Solid Waste. Solid waste, one of the most visible urban environ-
ment problems, is of particular concern to central-city residential
locations. Inadequate sanitation and garbage removal were named as
significant grievances by the residents of almost half of the cities
surveyed by the National Advisory Commission of Civil Disorders.
A case study of Wilmington, Delaware, was reviewed to indicate
the character of the solid-waste problem. That study covered four
subject areas: solid-waste generation and collection, abandoned
automobiles, street cleaning, and special pickups (used appliances,
furniture, etc. too large to be handled during regular service).
The analyses of solid waste compared a poverty and nonpoverty
area. Indications were that the poverty areas generated more refuse
per dwelling unit. This generation level combined with higher
Barnes H. McDermott, P.E.; Director of the Bureau of Water
Hygiene, Safe Drinking Water, pp. 176-77.
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density indicated a more severe accumulation problem. Therefore,
contamination became especially important because of side effects
which could be generated.
The analysers of abandoned automobiles indicate that abandonment
was greatest in poverty areas. Special pickup requests were also
greater in poverty areas. Although the time between the pickup
request and service were generally estimated to be a week or less,
the special pick-up items as well as the abandoned autos generated
side effects. They may serve as breeding places for rats and vermin.
They may become dangerous play toys for neighborhood children.
Salvageable components may be removed by scavengers leaving debris.
And, the aesthetics of the neighborhood may be severely impaired.
No significant different was found in the street cleaning aspect
of the study. The research team took issue with the findings which
were based upon a study which covered a period of only two months and
measured tons of refuse collected.
Pesticides. In 1970, 4,045 injuries and 19 deaths were
attributed to pesticide usage. While the statistics represent a decline
in injury and death, the center-city resident seems to have a greater
exposure to the pesticide hazard.
Pesticide differentials are indicated in the studies reviewed.
Three of the four studies cited (Kentucky, South Carolina, Florida,
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and Hawaii) varyingly used income and socioeconomic group differences in
classification. The Hawaiian study compared urban Honolulu with the
small village environment of Lanai.
*
The Kentucky study was a survey of urban households to determine
pesticide usage and user habits. Among the findings were the following:
43 percent of the group stored pesticides in the kitchen, less than
one-third of the survey group washed hands before eating or drinking,
81 percent (196 of 293) used pesticide regularly. Only 15 percent
purchased pesticide from technical stores (nurseries, chemical dealers,
feed and seed dealers) where instruction on usage is generally readily
available. The remainder of the group purchased pesticides from
general merchandise stores, food stores, or drug stores.
The volume of pesticide used was greatest in the lower- and upper-
income groups. The lower-income group usage patterns were believed to
stem mainly from pest problems relating to housing conditions and
solid-waste accumulation. Upper-income usage pattern was believed to
be influenced by a concern for protection of ornamental plants and
shrubbery.
The South Carolina study was conducted in Charleston using a sample
of 196 urban families. The 121 white families were in predominately
middle-class areas. The 75 nonwhite families were mainly from lower
socio-economic areas of the city.
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The survey indicated that 89 percent of the group made some use of
pesticides, 33 percent used them at least weekly. Usage was greater.
As in the Kentucky study, the majority of the pesticide purchases were
made in nontechnical stores. The major problem of storage near food
or medicine and no protection by gloves or washing hands after usage
were indicated.
The Florida study was in Dade County. It measured residue concen-
trations of DDT, DDE, and dieldrin and compared their incidence in
population classification derived by use of three social-class
indicators: Hollengshead Two Factor Index, population density, and
census tract median income.
Results of the study indicated that residue concentrations were
associated with social class with greater concentration found among
the poor.
The Hawaii study similarly sought out differences among popula-
tions as to pesticide residue (DDT, DDE, dieldrin, and BHC). The
different populations in this case were people from an urban area
of Honolulu and people from a small village called Lanai.
The study indicated significant differences for DDT and BHC
concentrations with the Honolulu residents having the higher residues.
The differences were not significant for DDE and dieldrin.
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Radiation. Radiation is measured in millirems. A millirem equals
l/1000ths of a rem which is a unit of measure, "roentgen equivalent
man," which reflects an absorbed dose in human tissue.
The most significant amount of radiation exposure to general
population is from natural background sources and medical sources.
Background sources include cosmic radiation and radioactivity
naturally existing in the soil, water, air, and human body. These
generally amount to 100 to 125 millirems per year. The medical use
of x-ray fluoroscopes and radioisotopes generally provide an annual
dosage of 60.95 millirems.
Current federal regulations call for a maximum of 50 millirems per
year from all man-made sources excluding medical sources on an individual
basis. The per capita standard (limit) for population groups is 170
millirems per year.
Nuclear power plants, although increasing in number in recent
years, do not seem to be generating an excess of radiation resulting
in pollution. A 1969 study of thirteen nuclear power plants concluded
that the annual dose to population with a 50-mile radius of the power
plants averaged about 0.01 millirems.
However, electromagnetic radiation is increasing substantially.
Sources include micro-wave ovens and radar devices as well as AM, FM,
and TV broadcasting.
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One of the measurement methods is by exposure on power density and
duration, e.g., milliwatt per square centimeter per hour. The AmericaA
National Standards Institute has recommended that occupational exposure
for frequencies between 10 MH2 and 10 GH2 (i.e., 106 to 109 Hertz) not
exceed 10 mw/cnr for periods of 0.1 hour or longer. "Hertz" is one of
several frequency measures. Power is measured in watts, and densities
in watts per square meter (a milliwatt per square centimeter).
Various studies were cited with concern on two counts. First the
levels of radiation which have already been reached, and secondly the
biological effects of exposure to this radiation. Assessments indicate
that the dosage is below the limits set but the extent of pollution is
increasing and the long-term effects are unknown.
Climatic Changes. The city environment generates a "heat island"
effect," which is a significant temperature difference between the city
and its rural environments. Annual averages have been reported to be
between 0.5° C and 1.2° C.
Two studies were reviewed, one was of Cincinnati, Ohio during
August 1969 and the other of a heat wave in St. Louis, Missouri.
The major concern is with man's physiological reactions which may be
overburdened by the added heat.
The four major categories of heat-endured illness are heat
exhaustion, dehydration, heat cramps, and heat stroke. While the normal
relationship between temperature and mortality shows a decrease in
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summer months, an urban heat wave markedly increases the number of
deaths.
The high-risk groups are persons over the age of 65, low-income
people, people in crowded or poor housing, and patients with certain
diseases.
Health Effects
Whiletthe foregoing summary indicates some health effects, the
state-of-the-art review also revealed studies of health effects. A
summary of the key findings follows.
Air. Studies indicate that air pollution exerts a significant
effect on health by increasing respiratory illnesses. One study
dealing with an acute exposure to high levels of sulphur dioxide
(1,140 mg/nr) indicated that 43 percent of the population reported
symptoms of respiratory distress. Another study dealing with high
levels of sulfur oxides, particulates, and oxides of nitrogen showed
an Increase among adults in bronchitis, coughs, and shortness of
breath. Studies of children indicate those from areas of greater
pollution perform less well on ventilatory function tests.
Other studies have measured increases in mortality as related to
levels of pollution. A study in Chicago indicated that daily
respiratory mortality increased as levels of SO™ increase and socio-
economic levels decreased. Researchers in a Buffalo study found an
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association between levels of suspended particulates and deaths from
cirrhosis of the liver (with adjustment for alcohol dependency considered).
Another study considered air-borne leads together with other sources
(e.g., food and water contribute to high lead concentration in the
blood). High lead concentration contributed to severe anemia and damage
to the brain and nervous system damage. A different study of lead levels
in children in low-income neighborhoods indicated that black children had
higher concentrations of lead in their blood than white children. Some
but not all could-be traced to consumption of nonfood items such as
lead-based paints.
Blood-lead levels for adults differ between center-city adults and
suburban adults, according to a Philadelphia study which compared adults
living and working in the center city with those who live and work in
suburbia. Policemen, a group which gets more exposure to lead-filled
automobile exhaust than any other group in the sample, had the highest
level of lead in their bloodstreams.
Noise. For most people the effects of noise relate to communication,
distraction, and disturbance of rest and sleep. For some people the
effects of noise are a loss of hearing. Discomfort is a first sign of
noise deafness. Noise also alters the rhythm of the heartbeat, increases
the level of cholesterol in the blood, and raises blood pressure.
Workers exposed to high noise levels have a higher incidence of
cardiovascular disease and ear, nose, and throat disorders, than
workers in less noisy surroundings. Other stressful effects of noise
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are changes in secretion of endocrine hormones and in kidney functions.
Continued stress may increase susceptibility to infection, gastro-
intestinal ulcers, or high blood pressure.
Noise may also affect individual personalities. People working
in noisy surroundings tend to be more aggressive, distrustful, and
paranoiac. Effects of noise in the home environment were also cited.
No studies were noted that specifically dealt with health
differentials resulting from different noise levels. However, the
higher noise levels present in the center-city imply higher probability
of adverse health effect emanating from noise.
Water. The health hazard from polluted water has been considered
so great that many public beaches have been closed. The avoidance of
this health hazard results in the loss of available recreation.
The health hazards from drinking water are not so easily avoided,
or have not been. One study of 969 systems indicated physical deficiency
in 56 percent of the systems. Of the 2,600 samples, 36 percent contained
one or more bacteriological or chemical constituents exceeding the
limits, 9 percent contained bacteriological contamination evidencing
potentially dangerous quality of water, 36 percent exceeded at least
one of the chemical limits, and 11 percent exceeded the recommended
organic chemical limit.
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In 1965 at Riverside, California, a location different from those
referred to in the previously noted study, 16,000 people were affected
by an epidemic of acute gastroenteritis in which 70 people were
hospitalized, and 3 died. In 1968 another attack of gastroenteritis
occurred, this time in Angola, New York. The town uses the same lake
for sewage and drinking water, and the disinfection system failed.
Other cities frequently instruct their residents to boil the water
before drinking, cooking, and washing because of bacterial pollution.
A total of 53 waterborne outbreaks of infectious hepatitis were
reported this century. A recent example occurred in 1969 when 60
percent of the Holy Cross football team was struck with infectious
hepatitis as a result of ineffective cross-connection control procedure.
Heavy metals, such as lead and mercury, are health hazards in that
toxic effects occur from accumulation in the body. While most lead
poisoning occurs from lead-based paints, the effect of lead from
drinking water sources should not be ignored. More cases of lead
poisoning are discovered in older sections of cities because houses
in these sections are more likely to have lead-based paint and pipes
containing lead.
Solid Waste. In the absence of quantitative based studies,
qualitative analyses of health effects of solid-waste pollution were
utilized. Direct effects include those associated with the presence
of rats and vermin. Indirect effects are psychological, and these may
be of greatest impact when combined with other inner-city conditions.
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One source estimates that between 60 and 90 percent of all rat
bites occur in the inner city. The injuries result from the association
of the presence of rats and the accumulation of solid waste which
provides a breeding place for rats and other disease carriers. These
conditions, in turn, precipitate the use of pesticides. Note was also
made of the fire hazards from accumulation of solid waste.
Pesticides. Little data are available on the health effects of
pesticides. However, one study indicates an aimpact in respiratory
impairment and a positive association with certain chronic diseases.
Sources
The structure and character of the city has an effect on the
generation of pollution. The state-of-the-art review sought out
studies which would deal with the hypothesis that the internal
structure of the center city is associated with the pollution of its
environment. Underlying this review was the consideration that
inner-city regulations to control the pollution sources on the same
basis as suburban regulations might result in significantly differing
impact in which the side effects might provide a cure worse than the
disease.
Air. The primary source of air pollution is incomplete combination
of fossil fuels such as petroleum and coal products. The fuels are
heavily used as energy sources for automobiles and industrial activities
as well as for heating.
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The intensity of the generation of the pollution is associated with
the density of the pollution activities. Over 60 percent of the total
air pollution is generated on only 2 percent of the land area. The
center-city locale is the site of the emission of 67 percent of the
carbon monoxide, 56 percent of the sulfur oxides, 54 percent of the
nitrogen oxides, 63 percent of the hydrocarbons, and 53 percent of the
particulates.
Heavy manufacturing (which includes steel, cement, and paper pulp)
contribute emissions which amount to 22 percent of the sulfur oxides,
26.5 percent of the participates, 23.8 percent of the nitrogen oxide,
9.6 percent of the carbon monoxide, and 1.2 percent of the airborne lead.
Industrial boilers emit two pollutants in significant quantities,
sulphur oxides (17 percent) and particulate (11 percent).
Commercial and institutional sources (including retail establish-
ments, office buildings, public buildings, and some light industries)
emit pollutants mostly from their heating plants. They account for
3.6 percent of the sulphur oxides.
Municipal sources include utilities and solid-waste combustion.
Power plants account for 49 percent of the sulphur oxides, 20 percent
of the particulates, and 23 percent of the nitrogen oxides. Incineration
and open burning of trash are responsible for 2.5 percent of the
nitrogen oxides, 7.8 percent of the carbon monoxide, 5 percent of the
hydrocarbons, and 3 percent of the particulates.
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Mobile sources (autos, buses, aircraft, trucks, trains, ships,
and off-road vehicles) contribute 64 percent of the carbon monoxide,
51 percent of the hydrocarbons, 39 percent of the nitrogen oxides,
4 percent of the participates, and 2.5 percent of the sulfur oxides.
Residential heating units emit approximately 5 percent of the
sulfur oxides and 1 percent of the particulates.
The percentages cited are national and therefore are subject
to wide differences for local areas. Some pollutants are emitted
in significant concentrations by geographical area. For example,
55 percent of the sulphur oxides are emitted from seven northeastern
states.
Mobile emissions are closely associated with urbanization. The
major cities of the West are newer than those of the East and because
they have grown most with the automobile they have the greatest
emissions on a per capita basis.
Air pollution is primarily an urban problem because the sources,
stationary and mobile, are concentrated in the city. Differences
reflect not only differences in fuels used but also differing
densities which reflect differing development patterns.
Noise. Various types of activities were classified and reviewed
with the conclusion that more noise is generated in the city by virtue
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of the nature of its activities, the density, and the process of
building and rebuilding the city. The location of activities is, of
course, of substantial importance.
Industrial and commercial activities vary widely in the amount
of noise they generate. Urban areas, however, tend to have concen-
trations of such activities and therefore generate noise which is
not contained within the site boundaries. The review discusses
types and intensity of some noises.
While industrial activities may generate a great amount of noise
from a single source, commercial activities may have low amounts of
noise on a per unit basis but the level increases with multiple sources.
For example, a few people talking will generate noise at a given level.
Additional people speaking at the same noise level when combined raises
the total noise level. Hence, the degree of crowding or density
affects noise level.
Among the noisest equipment is construction equipment. Construction
activity by its nature is concentrated in urban and urbanizing areas.
The noise from vehicles is, of course, greater in the city with
larger numbers of vehicles. Noise varies by type of vehicle and thus
the center city-suburban differentials are affected by the type of
vehicular travel. For example, subway trains are quite noisy compared
to buses.
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Aircraft flights generate great amounts of noise, the effect of
which depends on the proximity of those who hear the noise. Thus, the
flight pattern and location of the airport greatly influences the
incidence of noise. The analyses indicated substantial impact of
noise on residential areas especially those from heavily urbanized
close-in areas.
The review indicated that the notable exception to higher noise
levels in the center city versus suburbia is noise from domestic
sources. Air conditioning and other appliances may be more prevalent
in suburban homes than in center-city homes. However, some offset
nay occur from greater affluence in suburbia permitting the purchase
of quieter models.
The natural environment of trees and grass will soften the noise
level as compared to the man-made environment of hard-surface structure.
As a result noise generated in the center city is dampered less than
noise in suburbia.
Water. Municipal sewage and industrial wastes are principal cause
of water pollution in highly urbanized areas. The combination of waste
water sewers and storm sewers (found in some older systems) provides an
overflow during storms and in some cases during other peak-flow periods.
Other major sources of pollution are urban runoff, sediment from
construction, oil spills, and ocean dumping. The quality of drinking
water may be impaired not only by the quality of the water going into
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the system, but also by the maintenance of the system and the material
of the pipes through which the water flows.
Industrial process waste annually generate 22 billion pounds of BOD
load of which one-fifth is discharged into municipal sewers. Between
1957 and 1968 generation of industrial BOD load increased 200 percent
while the growth in industrial production was only 60 percent. This
vast change indicates that technological processes are important
factors in the amount of pollution generation, not simply increases in
production. The review cites numerous cases of industrial waste
polluting ambient water.
Municipal wastes are the second largest source of water pollution
after industries, The problems include municipal waste-water-plant
2
effluents, "combined sewer" discharges, and urban runoff. The
general situation concerning municipal plants is that 13,000 communities
have sewer systems and of these 10 percent dump the wastes back in the
o
rivers untreated and 15 percent provide only primary treatment. In 1960
only 62.3 percent of the U.S. population was served by public sewers
(27.5 percent had a septic tank or cesspool and 10.2 percent had nonwater
^Combined sewers exist when waste-water pipes are connected to
storm-water pipes, and they form one sewage system. When the system is
overloaded by storm water, it overflows or bypasses the treatment plant
and dumps raw or partially treated wastes into the receiving waters.
o
Primary treatment" removes only gross solids and up to 35 percent
of the BOD. "Secondary" is considered minimal treatment and that removes
80 to 90 percent of the BOD. Needed; Clean Water, Environmental
Protection Agency, 1972.
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carriage or a privy.) In the 1970 census, about 70 percent of the total
all-year housing had public sewer connections. Many communities are
still in need of sewage systems, while 25 percent of those that have them
discharge partially treated or untreated wastes into receiving waters.
The large cities tend to be the oldest ones with the historically
unplanned and presently overloaded sewer systems. They exhibit the
largest numbers of combined sewers and the pollution problems that go
with them.
Urban run-off is a dispersed, or nonpoint source of pollution. The
range of pollutants is wide with total coliform counts per 100 ml having
been measured from 40 to 240,000 and suspended solids from 26 to 36,250
mg/1.
The primary mobile sources of water pollution are oil spills and
ocean dumping. Oil spillage has been ranked as the second most
important source of pollution in the Chesapeake Bay, according to one
authority.
Solid Waste. Studies on the sources of solid waste were not
cited, but some reasoned conclusions were indicated. The complexity
of the issues, particularly since generation and collection are inter-
related, leave this area as a high priority for further investigation.
Pesticides. Pesticide pollution is clearly identified as to
source in the sense that the demand for pesticide use is identified
with the causes of usage. This, of course, is related to solid-waste
collection.
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Legislation
The federal authority designated to enforce the national policy on
environmental control is the Environmental Protection Agency. This
agency has responsibility for the six natural environmental categories
defined previously; i.e., water, air, solid waste, pesticides, noise,
and recreation (including solar energy). The technique through which
this agency enforces the directive of environmental control is that
of application of standards. These standards are then applied uniformly
to the various geographic areas of the United States.
Before exploring the inherent difficulties of a procedure of uniform
controls over environmentally distinct sections of the metropolitan
community, a brief summary of the summarized legislation is in order.
Air. Air pollution legislation, in existence since 1963, has been
modified in 1965, 1967, and 1970 to form the present Clean Air Act. Each
piece of legislation represents a somewhat different approach to the
control of air pollution.
The current approach emphasizes ambient air standards with state
implementation. The standards are of two classes; primary standards
which are maximum levels of pollution without health effects, secondary
standards are levels at which no adverse effects are anticipated or
known to exist. The six pollutants covered are sulfur oxides, parti-
culates, hydrocarbons, carbon monoxide, photochemical oxidents, and
oxides of nitrogen.
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The states are responsible for implementation of the standards and
have been requested to spell out plans for achieving the standards by
1975. The methods used include emission standards, transportation
controls, and land-use controls. Unsatisfactory plans are returned to
the state for revision. If EPA can not get satisfactory revision, it
may draw up the plan for the state.
EPA has standards for mobile sources but does not, with the exception
of hazardous emissions, have regulatory standards for stationary sources.
Emission from stationary sources are regulated when the materials have no
ambient level and when they create the hazard of increasing mortality or
serious incapacitating disease. Regulation may require filtering or
monitoring techniques.
Noise. The Office of Noise Abatement in the Environmental Protection
Agency was established by the Clean Air Amendment of 1970. Additionally,
the National Environmental Policy Act of 1969 will exert an effect on
noise regulation in that noise is now a consideration of environmental
impact.
Proposed legislation includes a Noise Control Act. Various provisions
range from EPA to require labeling of household products and appliances to
EPA set standards for aircraft noise.
Other federal agencies have policies which deal with noise. Included
are the Department of Transportation (Federal Highway Act and Airport and
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Airway Development Act), Federal Aviation Agency, the Department of Housing
and Urban Development, General Services Administration, the Department of
Health, Education, and Welfare.
Water. The Water Quality Act of 1965 requires individual states to
draw up their own standards which when approved by EPA become federal-state
standards. This act was preceded by a 1956 Federal Water Pollution Control
Act which utilizes an enforcement conference process. Enforcement effective-
ness with the early act was lacking. The Water Quality Act of 1965
attempted to expedite enforcement procedures.
In addition to the enforcement conference process, federal law aided
the abatement of pollution by providing construction grants for waste
treatment plants. These programs are operated in conjunction with the
states. The direct federal responsibility exists for interstate and
navigable water and where interstate sale of shellfish suffers from
pollution.
The most recent legislation, the Water Quality Act of 1970, expands
enforcement procedures available to the state and includes a section on
the control of oil pollution, thus placing this problem under federal
authority.
The proposed 1972 amendments to the Water Pollution Control Act
utilize the idea of effluent limitations. The proposed Marine Protection
and Research Act of 1971 provided for a permit system to control ocean
dumping with EPA as the permit-issuing authority. Proposed amendments
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to the Public Health Service Act provide for the establishment of federal
standards pertaining to drinking water and its source.
Solid Waste. Solid-waste legislation has been primarily directed
toward the development of solid-waste management techniques and providing
technical and financial assistance to solid-waste management agencies.
Environmental Protection Agency programs relate to new collection
vehicles, collection systems, containerization, and training programs.
Other federal action in solid waste stimulates recycling through the
use of tax-exempt bonds. Under this program, private industry may
finance recycling facilities with tax-exempt industrial development
bonds.
Pesticide. The Environmental Protection Agency exercises pesticide
regulation through a series of acts including: The Federal Insecticide,
Fungicide, and Rodenticide Act, as amended; the Federal Food, Drug, and
Cosmetic Act, as amended; and the Clean Air Act.
These acts provide that pesticides shipped through interstate
commerce must be registered with EPA; approval for sale requires
manufacturer evidence concerning the purpose, toxicity, and effectiveness
of the substance; pesticides approved for sale must be labeled clearly
indicating ingredients, methods of application, and safety precautions
to be observed; interstate shipment may be halted if the pesticide
product is found to be hazardous to the public; production and use of
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pesticide may be halted by EPA; and EPA establishes pesticide-residue
tolerance levels for raw food stuff shipped through interstate commerce.
Often federal authority includes Federal Trade Commission regulation
of advertising of pesticides, the Department of Transportation regulation
of the shipment of pesticides through interstate commerce. Food and Drug
Administration monitoring of food for existence of poisons, and the
Department of Agriculture prevention of introduction of pests into the
United States and other activities relating to the control and spread
of pests.
Pending legislation would provide EPA with authority to restrict
pesticide usage by classifying and categorizing pesticides to regulate
the disposal of pesticides and pesticide containers. The bill would
also simplify procedures for suspension and cancellation of pesticides.
Bam-ifjcations of Uniform Enforcement
The ramifications of uniform enforcement of federal pollution
control was explored with the result that some hypotheses were formulated.
The paucity of previous studies simply produced too little evidence to
reach conclusions.
The hypotheses—which were formulated by reasoning through the
operation of the system—utilize such analyses as were available and
may be summarized as follows: the application of uniform federal
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pollution controls would decrease the mortality rates in center-city
locales; increase the population under age 10 and over age 50 in the
center city; increase the birth rate in the center city; increase
center-city transportation problems for the poor and aged; increase
center city housing problems especially increase housing abandonment;
decrease the labor force participation through increased unemployment,
especially for the black population; increase regional and local out-
migration over the long term; decrease center-city population density;
increase particular regional center-city and suburban densities; decrease
the absolute number of marginal industries; shift the economic base of
the center city, thus creating several unemployment problems in certain
sectors.
Implicitly an opportunity exists for obtaining the benefits of
enforcement of pollution standards commensurate with the tolerable
side effects. Since in the analyses the side effects of enforcement
were substantially different from center city, seemingly each set of
standards needs to be explored individually as well as a part of the
whole.
Studies almost always end with the suggestion for further research.
Of the five areas studied, the center-city-suburban differential may
well be the area most in need of further research because of substantial
uncertainty as to whether the cure in some cases may not be worse than
the disease.
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DRAFT
CHAPTER IV
CONSUMPTION DIFFERENTIALS AND THE ENVIRONMENT*
The commonly acknowledged problem of pollution was the focus of the EPA
Summer Fellows study title, "Consumption Differentials and the Environment."
The Fellows sought other than the popularized air and water aspects of
pollution. They sought a unique and significant approach that would call
attention to the real dimensions of the environmental problem, one that would
"strike home" to all Americans. The Fellows subsequently determined that the
focus of this particular study would be the consumptive nature of American
society.
Previously, the problem of pollution in the United States had been
approached from three basic perspectives: (a) overpopulatipn; (b) emerging
and partialistic technology; and (c) the profit-motivated practic' -i of the
industrial sector of the economy. Each of these perspectives inherently
suggested its own particular solution to the problem. For example, birth
control measures suggested a solution to the problem of overpopulation; an
holistic systems approach was and is advanced as a solution to the partial-
istic technology problem; and common-property, natural resources are seen
as having a greater, higher-level call on them than just the profit-seeking
motivations of the private business sector. Each of these concerns focuses
* This summary is composed largely of excerpts from the final report.
The research team producing the original report was headed by Mary
Beth Olson and included Ethan Bickelhaupt, Donnie H. Grinsley, Pamela Scott
and Cherie Sue Lewis.
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IV-2
on a particular aspect of the pollution problem. Each of them also calls
attention to the multivaried dimensions of the total pollution problem, in
addition to providing specialized insight. One can easily imagine, then,
that pollution of the environment can be solved in "many splendored" ways.
Each of these three basic perspectives, however, fails to sufficiently
address a more fundamental characteristic of the American people: the
American being, searching for ever-higher standards of living, has shown
himself to be an acquisitive, consumptive animal. For example, while the
United States contains only about 6 percent of the world's population, it
consumes between 40 percent and 60 percent of the world's resources. A
variety of crises pyramid; fuel and energy problems are compounded by
dependency on Middle-Eastern oils. Demands for energy rise disproportionately
faster—much faster—than the ability to supply these demands. These observa-
tions lead to the realization that the problem of pollution can neither be
properly nor completely analyzed and understood without taking into considera-
tion the alarming phenomenon of consumption—defined here as the usage and
disposal of energy and resources—that characterizes American society.
Major Phases of Study
Accordingly, the research effort of the EPA Summer Fellows materialized
as a report encompassing seven major phases of the study: (a) a consumption
model was conceptualized and developed in the introduction; (b) a
methodology was proposed and subsequently utilized to handle the analysis;
(c) data presentations were defined and categorized for modular
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IV-3
incorporation; (d) a top-ten listing of consumer pollutants was presented
and justified; (e) their consumption patterns were analyzed; (f) other areas
of consumer pollution were noted; and (g) future considerations for research
were presented in an advancement of a theoretical input-output model for
household consumption. A discussion of each of these sections follows,
including the presentation of the findings of the research.
The Production-Consumption Flow
In the early stages of the project, the Fellows felt a need for a vehicle
that would conceptualize and coalesce the major aspects or parameters of
research. Such a vehicle would be easily grasped, as a fundamental truth or
given, and would act as a reference point or base for the research to follow.
The production-consumption flow became that vehicle. A basic flow of goods,
materials, and services exists in any society to serve the needs and the
desires of the populace in terms of food, clothing, and shelter. As the
society becomes more advanced and its basic needs are satisfied, the wish for
certain desires replaces needs and expands to include, for example, recreation,
education, cosmetic medical attention, and other personal services and goods.
In American society, as in most other advanced, industrialized nations, this
flow of goods and services to the consuming public constitutes the primary
basis for the entire economy: The strength of the nation depends on and is
judged by this higher complex and interdependent, interrelated system of
products and services.
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IV-4
The flow of products divides into two basic segments, production and
consumption. Production, the first segment of the flow cycle, begins with
decisions regarding raw materials, the collection and processing of those
materials, the industrial decisions to produce certain products in certain
ways, the production of interindustry products and services, decisions regard-
ing final production of consumer (rather than industrial) goods and services,
arid lastly, the final production itself of those goods and services. Thus the
vast interindustry flows of materials and services such as buildings, equip-
ment, machinery, and business services are all aimed at filling certain
intermediate steps in the eventual flow of products and services to the
consumer.
The connecting steps between production and consumption include the network
of delivery (distribution) and retailing (marketing) of goods and services to
the consumer, including final purchase of those goods and services by the
consumer.
Consumption, the second segment of the flow cycle, involves decisions
regarding product usage, the actual usage of the goods and services, decisions
regarding disposal, and the ultimate disposal. In the aggregate, the various
consumption decisions and processes constitute consumer demand, which provides
effective feedback for the various production decisions. Figure 1 presents
the total production-consumption flow. Insofar as this flow is the basis of
the economy, it provides the most comprehensive approach to analyzing the
problems of pollution. Figure 1 also presents, then, the production-consumption
model.
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•'•<3o/uwf
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IV-6
The Model
The production-consumption model is composed of process, decision, and
feedback components. Significantly, pollution results from every process
along the flow. The first process, the collection of raw materials needed to
make the product, encompasses the excavation of mineral and chemical substances,
the cutting and removal of lumber, the commercial catching of fish, and other
actions. Pollution from excavation includes such things as acid mine drainage,
slag piles as a resultant solid waste, and pollution resulting from the opera-
tion of machinery and equipment, including pollution from the generation of
electricity as well as from the operation of internal combustion engines.
Pollution from harvesting timber includes particulate air pollution and
suspended solids discharged into nearby bodies of water. Pollution from
harvesting fish Includes oil-spill discharges from engine operations and
solid waste discharges from boat operations.
The next process in the flow of goods to the consumer involves inter-
industry flows of materials which include the manufacturing of equipment,
the construction of buildings and other structures, the delivery of
agricultural products, the provision of business services, and the manufacture
of intermediary products prior to the inception of production for final
consumer demand. Pollution from the interindustry segment is characterized
by typical air, water, and land pollutants from manufacturing, commerce,
and construction, as well as agricultural pollution such as suspended and
dissolved solids and pesticides and herbicides.
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IV-7
The next process Is final production for the consumer. This process
is defined as including only those activities and processes which result
directly in goods and services flowing to a final consumer; interindustry
flows are excluded. It includes pollution from the final production of
goods as well as from final delivery services, such as transportation and
construction of buildings for retail activities. The resulting pollutants
include dissolved and suspended solids* organic compounds, carbon monoxide,
and solid wastes.
The final segment of the flow includes the usage and disposal of goods
and services by the consumer, and it is the first process in which pollution
is directly attributable to the consumer. Usage pollution includes pollution
from the use of residential water and land, domestic electricity, pesticides
and fertilizer, automobiles and air conditioning. Usage pollution depends
essentially on these factors: the frequency, mode, and completeness of
use; extent or utility of product usage; and the product's quality or
efficiency. Disposal pollution is the more obvious solid-waste generation.
Product discarding includes, for example, auto, stove, and refrigerator
hulks and other used consumer durables.
The second portion of the model is the decision component. The
decision components of the flow divide into the two categories of
production and consumption. Production decisions encompass (a) raw
material decisions, (b) interindustry production decisions, and (c)
final product decisions. Consumption decisions are (a) purchase-and-
usage decision, and (b) disposal decision. Obviously little or no
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IV-8
direct pollution is generated by these various decision components. However,
these decisions are obviously just as vital in that they determine the type
and amount of pollution that will be produced by and result from each of
the processes. So, any attempt to solve the problems of pollution must be
aimed at these decision points because these decisions may be regarded as
the causes of pollution.
Significantly, the production-consumption model shows a shared
responsibility for the resultant pollution. The raw material decision
to strip mine coal shares the burden for pollution with the interindustry
production decision to process and use electricity, among other things,
with the decision of final product (i.e., delivery to the consumer and
carbon monoxide pollution); as well as with the consumption decisions of
the consumer, who burns the coal and creates particulate pollution and
otherwise adds to the smog condition. The consumer decision to purchase
ever-newer automobiles, works backward to the interindustry decision to
produce steel, and earlier, to strip mine coal.
The third portion of the model is the feedback component. The
feedback components consist of the (a) demand and (b) recycling feedback
loops. Of these, demand is the more important feedback component.
Consumer demand traditionally has been viewed in terms of the effects
of purchase decisions only on the final product decisions. The model
indicates quite clearly that demand feedback plays a greatly expanded
role. Not only does consumer demand influence all the production
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decisions, but the production chain of raw material-interindustry-final
product shows an interrelated dependency which explains that any given
production decision also influences those production decisions that
preceded it. The recital, and subsequent assessment, of responsibility
in the coal-steel-auto example is based on the interactions of this
demand-feedback loop. From consumer on back, all canbbe seen to share
responsibility for the total problem of pollution.
Recycling, as the second feedback component, is the reclamation of
raw material or intermediary product for productive usage once more.
The solid waste which results after usage of the consumer item is a
function of the type, frequency, and completeness of the usage method,
as well as the quality of the product. Various wastes can be differentially
reintegrated into the industrial system depending on the original quality
and upkeep of the product, the various types of components (i.e., metals,
woods, plastics, and other synthetics) used in combination to make the
product, and differential technologies that are applied to the recycling
process. An assessment of recycling potentialities would only partially
include the ease (and cost) of recycling products. In addition, an
emphasis on product quality would extend product life and thus economize
on the energy power and other resources otherwise necessary to reclaim
the recycled product to usable form.
In terms of application of the model, demand for goods and services
begins with the consumer. His demand feeds back into the chain process
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and creates the other demands for intermediate goods and services and
raw materials. And, to the extent that the purpose of production is to
satisfy demand, demand stands unmasked as the effective cause of pollution.
However, even though the model places the greatest emphasis on consumer
demand as the effective causal agent of pollution, it reaffirms industry's
and its accompanying technology's responsibility in the creation of new
consumer items or new forms of consumer services. Admittedly, the model
does not attempt to quantify in a specific manner the relative importance
of each of these factors. However, it does place more than nominal
importance on the role of the consumer and his independent decision-
making process.
Consumer demand is exercised in two dimensions: (a) the consumer
originates demands to fulfill basic needs (food, shelter, clothing) in
conventional forms, and original consumer needs stimulate production of
new items to fill current needs in a better way; (b) as a result,
convenience, price, and novelty, as engineered by new technologies and
industries, tend to enlarge consumer markets and modify consumer demand
through media advertising. This new production and technology expands
present consumer markets with lower prices and greater convenience,
while advertising brings new products to the attention of the consuming
public and helps to initiate other needs which it can supply. In a way,
it creates and modifies consumer demand, and thus it ever sustains the
repetitive flow of goods and services in the economy.
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The question of who indeed is to blame for pollution and who is
responsible for the environment is hotly debated. Arguments are based
on the nature of biological systems, on the role of industry and economics
in the society, on the morality of interference with individual freedom,
and so on. Depending on the perspective, responsibility seems to shift
from overpopulation, to industrial organization, to partialistic
technology, to inefficient or nonexistent common property resource
management.
This model, however, contributes a wider perspective and recognizes
that responsibility for pollution and environmental malfunctions rests
with decision-makers at all levels. This model, by centering on the
entire production-consumption cycle, is able to focus attention on all
the relevant factors contributing to the pollution. The industrial
decisions to use particular production methods and materials, the
effective control mechanisms for common property resource use, the
increasing number of consumers, their mounting affluence levels (a
function of rising incomes and assets), and their resultant mounting
product demands can each be evaluated as to their influence on total
pollution.
An example of a consumer product illustrates the model in use.
Paper lunch bags versus steel lunchboxes serves as an illustration of
this cycle of demand, production, and use. Assume, for the sake of
simplicity, that consumers demand lunch containers, and that two kinds
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of lunch containers exist, paper bags and steel lunchboxes. This consumer
product demand for lunch containers places decision demands on the final pro-
ducers who must decide which type of container, paper or metal, will be
produced. On the basis of marketing information the final producers decide
to produce some appropriate mix of the two products. The final producers
then place demands on the interindustry producers for equipment and
machinery needed to manufacture the paper and steel which will go into them.
These demands, in turn, place demands on the raw material producers and
extractors for the wood and iron ore needed. Differential pollution is thus
produced at each of the production processes, depending on the material.
After the consumer exercises his perogative of product choice, he then
uses his lunch container differentially, perhaps only once or a limited
number of times in the case of the paper bag but repeatedly in the case of
the metal lunchbox. Finally, the differential matter of disposal, either
through recycling or just plain throwing the container away, determines
whether the demand for another lunch container does or does not reoccur.
Advertising may affect or change consumer choice. The model shows that the
flow of goods and services from raw materials to final disposal is not linear
and static, but instead it is circular and dynamic and constantly adjusts
itself through the mechanism of the various feedback loops.
Methodology Design
The methodology for the study of consumption differentials approximated
an input-output format. The data dealing with the production sequence of
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the flow chart were obtained from previous studies by Ronald G. Ridker—
at Resources For the Future, Washington, B.C. These studies began with
an input-output model of the American economy developed earlier in the
Bureau of Business and Economic Research at the University of Maryland
under the direction of Clopper Almon. This model contains some 185
production sectors, 126 of which are attributable to personal consumption.
The model defines these sectors as special aggregates of the two- and
three-digit standard industrial classification (SIC) codes of the U.S.
Department of Commerce. For each of these sectors, the material provided
by Resources For the Future gives pollution emissions per dollar of output
of each sector in the base year, 1967.
The model divides pollutants into the categories of air, water, and
solids, and further separates air pollution emissions from heat and
power generation and emissions from industrial processes. Air pollutant
emissions factors for coal, gas, and fuel oil derived from several sources
were used to calculate total emissions from heat and power generation for
manufacturing sectors; fuel consumption information was obtained from
the Census of Manufacturers (1963). For nonmanufacturing sectors emissions
were applied to the output base of a particular sector to calculate
emissions from heat and power generation. In a similar manner air pollution
emissions coefficients from industrial processes were developed per unit
— Commission on Population Growth and the American Future, Research
Reports of the Commission on Population Growth and the American Future,
Vol. Ill, Population, Resources, and the Environment, Ronald G. Ridker,
Ed. (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1972.
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IV-14
of output. Finally, the combined coefficients for air pollution emissions
of both types were provided.
To a significant degree the International Research and Technology Corpora-
tion provided the water pollution data for the RFF work in A Model for
2/
Strategic Allocation of Water Pollution Abatement Funds.— The data included
emission factors, urban waste water, and runoff, and waste water from livestock.
Solid waste loads generated by particular sectors in 1967 came from infor-
mation included in previous studies, such as one in which Combustion Engineering,
Inc., developed solid waste coefficients by dividing waste loads by output base.
The core model was presented through a series of input-output equations.
The equations represented total outputs (the 185 production sectors),
intermediate and final demands. The direct and indirect requirements per
dollar of final demand, in short a presentation of interindustry transactions,
were developed.
Basic Data
The basic data for consumption expenditures was taken from Expenditure
Patterns of the American Family developed by the National Conference Board
in New York In 1965. The National Conference Board (NCB) data was collected
k
through a survey conducted by the Bureau of Labor Statistics of the U.S.
Department of Labor to determine average annual family expenditures for the
—/ Ivars Gutmanls, Leslie Ayers, and Charles Schultze; November 1970.
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years 1960 and 1961. The survey is based on a representative cross-section
of the nation's nonfarm population.
In working with the production-consumption model the Fellows
reconciled the consumption categories in the NCB data with the product
categories in Almon's "pollution from production" data in The American
3/
Economy to 1975.— The NCB data divided final consumption items into
eight general categories:
1. Food, Beverages, and Tobacco
2. Housing, and Household Operations
3. Housefurnishings, and Equipment
4. Clothing, and Accessories
5. Transportation
6. Medical and Personal Care
7. Recreation, and Equipment
8. Other Goods and Services.
Each of these categories, in turn, is broken down into very detailed
expenditures for each group, i.e., food, beverages and tobacco is detailed
into 196 categories, sufficiently described to allow reaggregation into
new categories of consumption consistent with the final demand categories
presented in the model. On the basis of all information the Fellows
painstakingly developed an original classification of sectors by product
usage in conjunction with the NCB consumption categories, and they noted
sectors which were not classifiable for further consideration.
q/
- Clopper Almon, Jr. (New York: Harper-Row, 1969).
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In dividing Almon's product categories into their component consumption
parts the assumption was that, within each product category pollution is
created equally. That is, if a sector is divided into different consump-
tive parts, the proportion of dollars of final product sold to the
consumer is assumed to be equal to the proportion of pollution created by
that part of the sector. Because of time and resource limitations,
testing the validity of this assumption was impossible.
After organizing the final consumption-production categories the
Fellows calculated consumption patterns by groups. They decided to use
proportions of the family budget spent on each of the ascertained
categories to update these proprtions to the year 1970, rather than use
the actual dollar figures. Therefore the proportion of the budget spent
for the consumer categories differential inflation in product categories
would reflect the increased family income and the actual rate of inflation
in the economy as a whole. The Fellows organized NCB data on consumption
by different groups into its appropriate consumption-production category,
and developed charts to show proportions of the family budget spent for
the reorganized 48 product categories by different consumption groups in
terms of region, age of head of household, and income for the United
States as a whole for 1960.
The 1960 data on consumer spending compiled by the Bureau of Labor
Statistics was the last complete survey which explored differential
consumption patterns by the analytical groups chosen for the study, by
region, age of head of household, and income. To develop 1970
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proportions, a wide range of information sources between 1960 and 1970 were
integrated into the updating effort.
Pollutant Categories
In the data presentations included were the data on pollution by each of
the product categories for 12 categories of pollutants, under the three major
headings of water, air, and solid waste. Water pollutants included biological
oxygen demand, suspended solids, dissolved solids, phosphate compounds, waste
water, and nitrogen. Air pollutants included particulate, nitrous oxides,
carbon monoxide, hydrocarbons, and sulfur oxides. The solid waste category
included no itemized pollutants. The findings showed that the top 10 (of 12)
categories studied represented only 30 percent to 55 percent of all consumption
expenditures, yet 65 percent to 90 percent of all pollution in each category.
These percentages imply that efforts to combat pollution can and probably should
/
be concentrated on those few consumer commodities that result in the greatest
pollution. In general, agricultural products are the preponderant source of
water pollution. Utilities, housing, and automobile products are the major
contributors to air pollution, and they produce the bulk (80 percent) of the
solid waste pollution. (Utilities, housing, and automobiles contribute pri-
marily inorganic solid waste; agricultural products contribute primarily
organic solid waste.)
Top Ten Consumer Pollutants and Their Consumption Patterns
Certain categories of consumer items reappear at the top of each pollutant
list with significant frequency. The top 10 consumer pollutants are as follows:
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1. Meat, Poultry, and Eggs
2. Apparel
3. Autos, Parts, and Repair
4. Dairy
5. Shelter and Other Realty
6. Home Utilities
7. Fruits and Vegetables
8. Cereals and Bakery Products
9. Personal Services
10. Insurance.
These categories could be considered responsible for a major portion
of pollution in the U.S. economy, and consumption patterns for these items
must become the focal point in any discussion of reducing pollution by
reducing consumption of highly polluting items.
The Fellows examined consumption patterns for the three main
classifications of region, age of head of household, and income in
relationship to the top 10 list of consumer pollutants. In terms of
income, the two highest income groups (over $10,000 per year) overcontributed
to the pollution problem by their consumption of these 10 items. These two
income groups, comprising 44 percent of the population, contributed an
average of 65 percent of .the total pollution for these 10 items. The two
lowest income groups, earning under $5,000 per year, containing 29 percent
of the population, contributed an average of only 10 percent of the
pollution. The consumer items that the lowest Income groups contributed
the most pollution were food and shelter items (or necessities) while the
highest income groups contributed the most pollution in insurance,
apparel, autos, and toiletries (or, as can be surmised, the luxuries).
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IV-19
In terns of age of head of household, the group with heads of
households 25 to 54 years of age overconsume compared to their proportion
of the population. Especially high is the group with heads of households
aged 35 to 54 which comprises 38 percent of the population but average
49 percent of the aggregate consumption expenditures and therefore
contribute 49 percent of the pollution. Interestingly, the group with
heads of household 55 to 64 years old balances neatly at 17 percent of
the consumption expenditures and 17 percent of the population. The two
extreme groups, with age of head of household either under 25 or over 65,
both underconsume relative to their percentage of the population. The
over-65 age-group is especially notable because it comprises 19 percent
of the population and averages only 7 percent of the aggregate consumption
expenditures. Food and shelter commodities are their major or highest
proportional expenditures; for the 35 to 54 age-group, apparel,
insurance, and toiletries are highest. Thus, if pollution is to be
reduced through a reduction in consumption expenditures, attention
should be focused on those groups who consume most heavily, or those
in which the age of head of households are 25 to 54 years old.
The northeast and northcentral regions overconsume relative to
their proportions of the population. Comprising 24 percent and 27 percent
of the population respectively, they contribute 27 percent and 29 percent
of the consumption expenditures and therefore those percentages of the
pollution. The South, however, contributes less than its share of
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IV-20
consumption expenditures. This fact may result partly from its lower
median income ($6,445 per year versus $8,511 in the northeast and
$8,242 in the northcentral region, and $7,976 in the West). Between
regions the differences in proportional consumption expenditures are
small, and differences in specific consumption categories are random.
A more detailed analysis of consumption patterns yielded no additional
information. The Fellows concluded that for a reduction in pollution by
an alteration in consumption patterns, concentrating on income and age
of head of household consumer differentials becomes more relevant than
concentrating on regional differences.
The Fellows analyzed the consumption patterns of the top 10 consumer
pollutants to assign responsibility for pollution both to decision-makers
in production and to consumers who demand the final products. Viewed in
this perspective one can reduce pollution (a) by changing production
methods and materials and (b) by altering consumption patterns.
The 10 categories of personal consumption items fall into two basic
consumption-pattern groups. Food, toiletries, and shelter constitute the
first consumption pattern group and autos, apparel, and insurance, the
second. Four of the top 10 categories of personal consumption items are
foods, including: (a) meat, poultry, and eggs, (b) dairy products, (c)
fruits and vegetables and (d) cereals and bakery products.
The consumption patterns for these four categories of personal
consumption goods are similar. As income rises, the average dollars
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IV-21
spent per household per year for these food categories increases.
However, as income increases, the average proportion of the household
budget spent on each food category decreases. Personal food consumption
tends to be relatively inelastic in terms of the quantity (calories) an
individual consumes. This relative inelasticity would account for the
proportionate decrease. Thus it appears that increases in expenditures
for food apparently reflect the buying of better quality foods which tend
to be more expensive. Any increase in quantity food buying appears to be
slight, and it often is attributed to the increased size of the family
unit. An increase in quantity shows a high correlation with an increase
in income. The key question is whether higher priced, high quality food
products pollute more than less expensive, lower quality food items.
Analysis revealed that the most polluting products are those which
are essential to health. Thus any change in consumption patterns will
have to take place among specific food substitutes rather than between
food categories. Other high polluting products reflect the desire for
comfort and economic security. To alter consumption patterns in these
categories should be somewhat easier than in essential food categories,
nevertheless such changes will be difficult even if they are deemed
desirable because adequate substitutes would have to be provided.
Despite overconsumption by the higher income levels, in terms of
policy-making the Fellows recommended that little consideration should
be given to the consumption levels of either the very high and very low
income levels because of the small size of these groups in relationship
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to the massive Middle class America that significantly impacts the
pollution problem. National policy must look to the causative forces
if the nation is to reduce pollution levels by altering consumption
patterns.
The type of consumption-pollution analysis employed carried three
important limitations. The first was the masking of highly polluting
industries. The input-output analysis used is concerned with and
emphasizes final consumer goods, the pollution by interindustry
producers was distributed over those consumer items to which their
production process contributed. In the paper, auto, and electrical
energy generating industries, a major portion of their output is delivered
to other industrial users and producers, and the analysis also attributes
that portion of their pollution. The policy-maker is confronted with
difficult assessments in the possible trade-offs in consumer items.
Choices would be most difficult without elaborate evaluative mechanisms.
The second limitation deals with imports and exports. Some U.S.-
produced goods were exported, yet the pollution was not, in the sense
that it was distributed over the total amount of goods purchased in
the United States. Thus on some items, especially those heavily
exported, pollution caused per dollar of item bought was higher than
it should have been. Counterbalancing this ratio are the goods imported
to the United States with no pollution counts recorded against them.
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If they balance each other, the net pollution effect is zero. However,
this subject appears to warrant further study.
The final area of concern deals with the spatial distribution of
pollution. One of the most important variables in pollution severity
is the concentration or dispersion of pollution sources. If the
pollution is dispersed over wide areas, the natural ecological system
can more easily deal with the pollutants. Pollution problems are
amplified by the concentration of pollution in small areas because
concentrations and interactions of pollutant reinforce strains on the
environment. Again, available data were inadequate to the task of this
analysis because it dealt only with the total amounts of pollutants
put into the environment by various industrial processes.
The study of the use of the product by the consumer was to be
the second major component of the consumption model. However, a brief
investigation of the categories of consumer product usage, water,
electrical energy, and transportation revealed that the magnitude of
the effort required to adequately evaluate pollution impact of consumer
product usage was not within the capability of the research team
because of time and resource limitations, not to mention the difficulty
of obtaining readily available pertinent data. Notwithstanding, the
Fellows developed a limited number of generalizations from these brief
investigations but they could not adequately support them by thorough
research. The Fellows reported these topics as requiring further
substantiation by empirical research: They included residential and
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and household water consumption, household electrical energy consumption, and
use of transportation systems by socio-economic classes.
The solid waste component of the consumption model was the final stage of
the product flow. Solid waste generated in the industrial and agricultural
production of consumer items had been taken into consideration in the produc-
tion component of the model. The remaining part of the solid waste component
left to be analyzed was that portion of solid waste generated by the residential
sector. A survey of available research in the area of differential residential
generation of solid waste revealed only a very limited amount of pertinent work.
The Fellows could make no national generalizations. The nature of the research
was such that it was not representative of the nation. Residential solid waste
generation would be another propitious area for future research.
Other Considerations for Research
Other future considerations for research include a theoretical input-
output model for household consumption. Such a model would suggest a means
of assessing differential pollutants and their sources. The effects of
household pollution could be traced from consumer buying patterns through
product utilization habits, with accompanying energy usages, to the eventual
waste or disposal of the products consumed. In attempting to set up a
consumptive model of pollution, the Fellows found one essential piece of
information lacking, that of differential usage of products. Consumer
usage, wastage, and disposal warrants much more study.
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DRAFT
CHAPTER V.
OUTDOOR RECREATION AND THE ENVIRONMENT*
The work ethic is under challenge. Americans increasingly look to
their nonwork lives to fulfill needs not met by the job. While to many
the merits of continuous labor and accomplishment are devices and the
capacity to obtain and hold a good job is the test of participation in
society, the shifts in emphasis and changing values underlies a leisure
boom.
Some of the shift results from disenchantment with the repetitive
piece-of-the-job work of an industrialized society. The nature of the
work is a strong influence on whether the incentive is for pay only or
for such things as accomplishment, service, and status. And, many of
those individuals who achieve a sense of identity in their work as well
as pay are reacting against what in a contemporary society is considered
as an excess of work.
The rise in leisure spending is an indication of the extent of the
boom in the activities. For example, one report indicates a move from
1967 expenditures on recreation-sports equipment of $9.6 billion to a
1972 projected expenditure of $18 billion. Another indication of the boom
is the increased participation in outdoor recreation. For example, the
National Park Service visitor count moved from 140 million in 1967 to
172 million in 1970.
*The research team producing the original report was headed by Bruno
Kimmelman and included Keith Bildstein, Paul Bujak, William Horton and Mary
Sarina.
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V-2
The increase In activity is associated with increasing population and
increasing participation rates. There are also differentials in participa-
tion according to age groups. The younger groups are high participants,
and in recent years the median age of the population has shifted downward.
Increases in leisure time also buoy up leisure activity. Reductions
in the length of the work week, increases in paid holidays, larger vacations,
and early retirement all foster increases in leisure activities.
The rise in personal disposable income has been another factor as has
higher levels of educational attainment. Add to this the increase in
mobility, and the resulting boom is obvious.
The impact of the boom includes a heavier demand on existing facilities
and a demand for additional facilities. The potential strain on the
ecological carrying capacity is an environmental concern. This study
focuses on the relationship between outdoor recreation and the environment.
Outdoor Recreation on Private Land
The private sector is playing a major role in providing outdoor
recreational opportunities for the American public. A wide diversity of
recreational enterprise and environmental effects already exist.
Private forest lands provide substantial opportunities of which much
of the public is unaware. Ample resources are available, but bringing
such resources into use presents some problems. Some forestry firms
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V-3
have no objection to picnicing or hiking but are not prepared to provide
support facilities for organized recreation, such as sanitary facilities
and electric power. They are reluctant to charge the public for usage
which is free or at under cost on public land.
Potential liability to visitors is another discouraging aspect to
public use of private land. Additionally, some companies report substantial
damage through vandalism. Apparently, the use of such lands needs to be
managed .
Private camp grounds provide excellent examples of management, both
good and bad. It is a blooming business. Franchised campgrounds with
cross country reservation systems facilitate the rising use of such
facilities. However, sometimes the intensity of use and mode of use not
only adversely affect the environment but also destroy the very benefits
being sought.
Ski resorts, another booming business, have similar problems. The
character of development required for ski resorts may be more damaging to
the environment than, say, camping. Thus, the sophistication of design
requirements is greater. The study examines several examples of problem
situations and approaches.
The issues raised include ecological balance, and fiscal cost-revenue
operations. Sometimes the issues are based on different value judgments and
aesthetics; the question becomes one of whose costs and whose benefits.
But action results from opinion stemming from activism of environmental
groups and in some cases state regulation.
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V-4
Second homes provide a different dimension to recreation. The majority
(63%) are used on a seasonal basis, while many (28%) are used intermittently
throughout the year. A small percentage (6%) are used for retirement. The
dimension differs because the home may be used in conjunction with other
recreational facilities.
Second homes are generally within reasonable travel time to metropolitan
areas. The major difficulty seems to be that second home developments
generally have the same problems that are found in urban settings. Some
examples are discussed in the study. Public and private centers procedures
are discussed.
Theme parks, amusement parks built around a unifying idea, are a recent
development. Currently 12 such parks exist and at least 8 more are in the
planning stage. Disneyland, the first such park in the United States,
opened in 1955. Its attendance the first year was 3.8 million persons;
In 1971 it was 9.4 million persons.
While not all theme parks operate on such a scale, the size is such
that each of them exerts a substantial impact. The nature and extent of
such impact is discussed with particular reference to Disney World, an
enterprise in Florida which again is not typical. The discussion covers
not only the internal provision of public facilities and disposal of waste
but also the external impact on economic and community development.
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V-5
In discussing the roles of private enterprise the study provides some
recommendations for providing recreational opportunity without harm to the
environment.
Outdoor Recreation in Coastal Areas
The problems of outdoor recreation in the coastal areas are inextricably
intertwined with problems of intense population concentrations in the coastal
areas. In 1970, 85 percent of the U.S. population resided in the 30 coastal
states, and 49 percent of the population lived in the coastal counties.
Increasing demand is being made on what are already, in many cases,
inadequate facilities. The study cites figures indicating substantial
increases in use of recreational facilities.
Most of the demand is in the form of 1-day outings. Shorelines within
a few hours drive of heavy population concentrations get some very high
peak attendances. As might be surmised, the demand is highest on weekends
and holidays.
The shortage of supply is related to the limited amount of suitable
shoreline in proximity to the population and the fact that only a portion
of suitable shoreline is unused by federal and state authority for public
use. In some cases the public has no access to public beaches because
of intervening private property.
The intense use of shoreline land leads to man-made changes along the
beach that may result in erosion. In some cases substantial amounts of
beaches are lost.
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V-6
The environmental impact also results from the dumping of industrial
and domestic waste into the water. Problems include those emanating from
concentrated waste from chemical and thermal pollution as well as untreated
domestic waste.
Improper use of motor vehicles on the beach may cause significant
environmental damage. Dune buggies have torn away grass vital to dune
ecology, and the noise has a disturbing effect on shore birds. Nesting
sites and feeding grounds are destroyed.
Intensive use of shore areas bring the urban problems such as those of
trash and inadequate sanitary facilities. Because the trash may include
unused food, it may create serious difficulties in the natural food chain
for birds and other wild life. These problems are in addition to the usual
water pollution.
Development of more shoreline already publicly owned would ameliorate
some of the problems. Acquisition of more shoreline for public use, an
approach which is becoming increasingly more expensive would also be of aid.
But increasing the supply is not sufficient. More sound environmental
management policies are necessary to protect the environment.
The study provides an example of a shoreline plan which includes
industry and population distribution as well as agriculture and energy
supply. All of the sectors are combined with a recreation cycle in a
design to produce little pollution and a minimal effect on the environment.
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V-7
Outdoor Recreation in Urban Areas
The review of the research on outdoor recreation in urban areas
emphasized the inadequacy of outdoor recreation in urban areas rather than
the environmental impact of the boom in the demand for facilities. The
environmental effects discussed were mainly those of the beneficial effects
of the parks and recreation with some related pollution problems.
Differential Participation Rates. Various studies cited indicate
that the availability and usage of outdoor recreational facilities differs
significantly among various locations in the urban area and among the
population groups with such factors as income, age, and sex. The analyses
problem are confounded by a variety of measurement problems.
The standards generally used are inadequate. The most common measure-
ment of acres of land in recreation, acres per capita, and number of acres
/•
deal with a physical supply without a quality measure so that the availability
of the service is not quantified. For example, the services of a crowded
playground differ substantially on a per acre basis. The addition of money
invested per capita is of some aid, but the measurement of availability of
services is still deficient.
Attempts have been made at development of city recreation and
accessibility indices, but these have been frustrated by methodological
problems especially data collection and classification. Notwithstanding
these problems some measure of availability was possible.
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V-8
The result is that the center-city resident has relatively little
outdoor recreational opportunity as compared with the suburbanite. Fart
of this difference results from the competition among alternative land
uses. Recreation land-use stands its best chance where the land in question
has been rejected for other uses (usually because of its physical character-
istics affecting developability). Thus, the most valuable close-in land
is least likely to be used for outdoor recreation.
The demand for urban recreation is commonly measured in terms of
population size, need (as reflected in desire), and participation.
Measurement problems have led most studies to use population and
participation rates. The state of the art review, however, emphasizes
the need and desire.
Among the findings are the following: Population shifts while
providing a relative decline in population totals for central cities has
increased the concentration of poor, old, black, and one-, and two-person
households in the area of low availability of public outdoor recreation.
Low-income families generally have low participation rates for most of
the outdoor recreational activities. The more densely populated areas
generally use the recreation areas more intensely and the nature of use
varies with the character of urban location.
Using present participation to assess potential usage becomes quite
difficult. It supply is dealt with in physical terms of facilities and
demand in use of facilities then demand exists only when supply exists.
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The difficulty is that latent potential use, particularly in differing
recreation forms remains latent. The study indicates that neither design
of parks nor personnel are really attuned to the market.
The studies discussed concern the nonresponsiveness of parks to
contemporary needs and the presence of problems such as crime. The
underutilization is thus not simply a disinterest in parks and recreation
but possibly a case of inadequacy in services available.
Environmental Impact. The study discussed the environmental
impact of the urban environment on the people who live in the city. It
emphasizes the relief provided by recreational land. The study also
discusses the impact of the urban environment on recreational land.
Impacts noted include: Snow-removal based on salt and other
chemicals which adversely affects soil and trees; additional damage to
trees from vandals, motorists, and maintenance crews; additionally
the "heat island" affect of heat-absorbing building materials.
Beneficial impacts included the contributions of urban vegetation to
air quality and the reduction of noise levels through use of green spaces.
Urban vegetation may also assist in controlling water pollution.
The section concludes with some recommendations for alleviating
the current situation of generally inadequate urban recreation facilities.
The recommendations deal with more equitable distribution of available
recreation services and other aspects implicit in urban management as
well as the need for further research.
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Future Recreation Trends
Future recreation trends indicate a difficult process of balancing
an increasing number of participants with the environmental considerations.
All of the factors contributing to recreational demand—leisure time,
education, disposable income, population growth and mobility—are fore-
casted to increase and will result in increased participation.
Demographic Factor. Population projections of the Bureau of the Census
indicate population increases from 1970 to 1980 by 16.9 percent under Series
B assumptions and 11.3 percent under Series E assumptions. The increase to
the year 2000 is projected at 58.4 percent for Series B and 31.5 percent for
Series E.
In either case, unless the supply of facilities is greatly expanded or
the access to facilities is severely restricted the number of participants
and intensity of use may threaten the reusability of the recreation resource.
The increasing populations intensifies the problems of congestion and
ecological damage.
The extent of the impact of the numerical increases is influenced by
the age distribution. The effect is difficult to assess. However, one
analysis points to the negative effect of increased age upon the
participation so that the Series E projections infer substantially less of
a public than the Series E projection.
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Irrespective of the series used, the assumptions generally used are an
increasing population concentration in metropolitan areas. The concentration
is forecasted to increase from 71 percent in 1970 to 85 percent by the year
2000. The metropolitan areas of high concentration are particularly
susceptible to increasing numbers. For example, in 1970 44 percent of the
population lived in metropolitan areas of 1 million or more. The Series B
projection indicates an increase to 65 percent by the year 2000 or 63 percent
under Series E.
The consequences of such increases are related to the already heavy
demands in the areas of heavy population concentration. Because many of
these areas are along the coast and hence the increasing coastal problems
are intensified.
The studies indicate that professional and white-collar workers with
advanced education and with associated incomes are the most active outdoor
participants. Since professional and technical jobs are expanding twice as
fast as the total labor force and education and disposable income are on the
/
rise, the expectation is for substantially increasing participation rates.
Increased Leisure Time. Increased leisure time obviously affects the
demand for outdoor recreational facilities. However, the form of the
available time is of substantial consequence.
Increased time at the end of the day provides some opportunity for
additional outdoor recreation. However, increased blocks to time such
as a 3-day weekend create a substantial change in recreational facilities
requirements.
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The federal legislation on Monday holidays has provided most industries
with a 3-day weekend 5 times during the year. This 4-day week for 10
percent of the year has produced a substantial effect on leisure travel.
Moves to the 4-day week as a standard practice are already evident.
Typically it is a rearrangement of the 40-hour week into 4 10-hour days
rather than 5 8-hour days. Organized labor, however, is looking for the
5-day, 32 hour week.
One study on effect of the 4-day week was based upon interviews with
employers at 13 firms during July and August 1970. In the sample, all
free-time activities increased during the longer weekend. The most signifi-
cant gains were in the participant activities (travel, fishing and hunting,
athletics, swimming, and boating). The striking increases were in travel
(152%) and boating (319%).
Obviously, the study provides only one clue to the potential use and
it is not sufficient for generalization. The other considerations are for
time of the year, locality, and the like as well as the nature of the 4-day
week. Alternative patterns of what 4-days may exert substantial effect on
the intensity with which facilities are used.
Other aspects of increasing leisure time are increased vacation time
and increased number of holidays. Some collective bargaining contracts
•
are providing 5 and 6 weeks of vacation for long-service employees. Plant
shutdown between Christmas and New Year's are also increasing as are the
number of paid holidays. Some unions have gotten up to 13 and 17 paid
holidays.
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Early retirement is another boon to increased participation. Some
contracts have early retirement with full pension benefits at age 56 with
30 years of service.
Not all recipients of lessened work time requirements opt for
recreation as compared to work. Some get second jobs or increased time
on second jobs they already have. But, the stage is set for an increase
in participation of substantial magnitude, and much of it may occur in
the most extensive-use time which is hardest on the ecological balance.
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DRAFT
CHAPTER VI
ENVIRONMENTAL MANAGEMENT*
Environmental management is one of those deceptively simple terms that,
unfortunately, conjurs up innumerably different connotations in different
people. As a result, contemplations and discussions of the concept lead
researchers down a rose-colored path to a bewildering array of environmental
as well as managerial concerns. For example, does environmental management
mean unidimensional administrative management by one public agency over one
component of natural resources, such as water quality control? Or, is
environmental management multidimensional responsibility for all natural
resources that cuts across all public regulatory and other governmental
bodies at all levels of local, regional, state, and federal participation?
Just exactly whose responsibility is it, and what exactly does it cover?
Disciplinary Viewpoints
Conceptual considerations such as these were among the most difficult
early aspects of the environmental management study. The EPA Summer Fellows
basically determined at the outset to define environmental management. This
definition was accomplished partially by identifying and examining who was
performing environmental management, and what their roles were. Accordingly,
*The research team producing the original report was headed by Larry A.
Nelsen and included Robert Blacksberg, Michael Freemark, Karen Otteson and
Ratherine Platt.
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the viewpoints of ecologists, economists, systems analysts, political
scientists, and legal theorists were reviewed. Reference sources and
materials were identified and collected in order that, at a minimum, the
background state-of-the-art on the subject might be documented. The state-
of-the-art was the first purpose, and accomplishment, of the summer study.
Data collection and synthesis as well as continual study and analysis
of the diverse materials produced many mentally frustrating periods. Inten-
sive grappling with interpretations of the term environmental management—
including concepts of the Fellows as well as those of the "experts"—along
with its appropriate range and depth of content, heightened these
frustrations. They sought an analytical breakthrough but it was always
5-
intermingled with other highly personal frustrations inherent in the 24-hour
resident, small, research-intensive, group process that was situated in a
rather idyllic, pastoral campus setting within the city confines of
Washington, D.C.
Definition
An early and most challenging purpose of the youthful, five-person
research team was to structure an analytical framework as a classificatory
beginning for later evaluative efforts of environmental management. Within
the obvious constraints of an 11-week summer program and the limitations of
available manpower, the Fellows logically determined that the research design
should be limited and defined. Accordingly, they defined environmental
management as the guidance, direction, and control by the government of the
use of natural resources through the employment of certain tools, and
environmental concerns were viewed as the basic categories of natural
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resources: air water, land, biological systems, minerals, and energy).
Management was clarified as the role of public responsibility, including
local, city, county, substate, state, interstate, and federal administrative
structures.
The approach taken by the authors was a theoretical and yet present-day
definition of environment management, one that would be logical, consistent,
defensible, and operational. They defined an environmental manager as any
public figure who had power or authority over certain elements of the natural
resource environment. This definition could readily guide their classification
of present-day environmental management efforts because it specified a set of
activities which came under the authority of the environmental manager.
Classification Schema
To carry the methodology from classification tp analysis and evaluation,
the Fellows sought a means of linking environment and management together in
a conceptual system of environmental management. They determined that the
tools employed to carry out the public responsibilities of environmental
management provided this link. These tools include the courts, economic
measures, regulatory requirements, public investment and grants, and inter-
agency requirements. Thus environmental concerns were joined with public
management structures through the "tools" of environmental management, thus
creating a three-part classification scheme for study organization and
subsequent component analysis.
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In further clarification and development of the classification scheme,
the Fellows determined that the environmental concerns of air, water, land,
biological systems, minerals, and energy controlling three types of impacts
were: (a) residual and adverse impacts; (b) supplies, consumption, and
beneficial impacts; and (c) resource recovery, recycling, and restoration
(uniquely labelled the four R's). The public management structures included
and embraced city councils, managers and mayors; county boards of supervisors
and county executives; local departments and agencies; state governors,
commissions, agencies, superagencies, boards; federal, presidential, and
congressional offices and agencies; and local, state, and federal courts.
The environmental management classification of tools stipulated the dimensions
of the variety of actions of the courts, economic and regulatory measures,
public investment and grants, and intraagency measures. Together, these three
descriptive dimensions—that is, environmental functions or concerns, public
management structures, and the array of adhesive, managerial tools—combined
to form the classification table. All of these component parts constituted
the first level of evaluation.
Levels of Evaluation.
Each report was to make three levels of evaluations and each level
was to raise the analysis of environmental management to an even higher
degree of sophistication. At the first level of evaluation a three-
dimensional table was formed which listed on one axis the governmental
structures (or agencies) responsible for the job of environmental
management; on the second axis the tools which the environmental manager
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could use in managing the environment; and on the third axis the functions
(or responsible concerns) of the environmental manager, including, for
example, air pollution control or land-use management, within the broader
and basic environmental (natural resource) categories of air, water, land,
biological systems, minerals, and energy. The first level of evaluation
examined these entries of the classification table—the structures, the
tools, and the functions. The classification table represented a new
approach in ordering a logical framework to assist in the subsequent
evaluation of environmental management programs.
With the conceptualization of the classification scheme into a
three-dimension table, second-level analysis was ready to begin. "Cuts"
would constitute the second level of evaluation. To find the best way to
meet a particular function, or the most appropriate use for a particular
tool, or the most promising programs for a particular structure, one could
make a "cut" through the classification table, holding the particular
function, tool, or structure constant and varying the other two dimensions.
In this way, a large number of cells could be evaluated, and the user
(i.e., environmental manager) could be relatively certain that he had
identified the most promising uses for his particular tool, structure, or
function.
Specifically, however, the evaluation needed a standard against
which present-day environmental management efforts would be measured.
After great difficulty, the Fellows determined that the definition of
environmental management needed amplification to describe a desired
state or goal of "what should be," rather than merely "what is" or what
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present exists. Consequently the term envirological management came to
describe the state of what environmental management should achieve.
They established five criteria as objectives which the environmental
manager must balance in order to achieve envirological management.
These five criteria are human health, economic growth, social growth,
ecosystem balance, and aesthetics or amenities.
The first and second levels of evaluation soon became obvious time
killers. That is, the government structures, the management tools, and
the environmental functions, with their multiple cuts, would take up
the major portion of the allotted summertime study. To begin with,
deciding on the number of dimensions, the heading for each dimension,
and the component parts (or cells) along each dimension was no easy
task. As noted, each cell within the rather elaborate table defined a
particular element of environmental management; each cell became a unique
composite of structure, tool, and function. The Fellows anticipated that
each of the cells could be evaluated by bringing together this three-part
information and by drawing considered and careful inferences about
possible combined effects. On the basis of this evaluation, the Fellows
could recommend the cells which seemed likely to contain the best
combinations for attaining envirological management.
Also, cells which contained present-day environmental programs and
which did not appear to represent very appealing ways for managing the
environment could be pointed out in hopes of remediation, by virtue of
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of the triad tools-structures-functions analysis. For example, local
health department (structure) control over water pollution (function)
utilizing damage taxes (as a tool) does not appear to be an especially
promising method of environmental management. However, local health
department control over water pollution utilizing water quality standards
as a tool does appear to be a promising method for environmental managers.
Unfortunately, time did not permit the examination of particular
combinations of all entries. Thus the reader would not know exactly how
well local health department control of air pollution through damage
taxes would work, but he would learn something about local health depart-
ments, air pollution control, and damage taxes. He would also have a
frame of reference with the triad base of structures, functions, and
tools to later begin his own analysis and evaluation.
/-
A final evaluative strategy was devised and came to be known as the
"cell." It was to constitute the third level of evaluation, wherein one
particular tabular entry was to be examined against all other possible
combinations of entries from the other two dimensions or axes.* Continuing
the example, if local health departments (structures were selected for the
"cut," all the combinations of cells of tools and functions (which could
be employed by the local health department) would be examined. Subsequently,
* Each cell in the rather elaborate table would define a particular
element of environmental management, further breaking down the major
categories of governmental structure, managerial tool, and environment
function. The total combinations of all cells would be significant in
this level of evaluation.
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however, only five cells came to be evaluated, thus providing only a brief
beginning in the methodological effectiveness of this technique. Though
promising, its results must necessarily be inconclusive. As the study shows,
and as time allowed, predominant emphasis was placed on the first level of
evaluation—a full exploration of structures, functions, and tools. The
findings were as follows.
Findings of the Study
Overall, the classification table worked reasonably well. It provided a
coherent ordering to the dimensions of environmental management. However,
entries comprising the tools dimension required greater refinement than was
accorded to them in the study. A more discreet delineation would immeasurably
aid the more sophisticated tiers or levels of evaluation to follow. For
example, many different types of incentives, with many degrees of application,
are available to a superagency (i.e., a state environmental protection agency)
to control energy consumption. Yet the study did not provide a greater refine-
ment of given incentives as they were identified in various environmental
programs. For many of the broader-category tools, subdivision of an entry
would be recommended for sharper focus and clearer analysis. As an indication
of the complexity of the succeeding levels of analysis and evaluation, however,
the addition of one new entry adds 500 cells to the table.
With respect to the evaluation of structures, greater variability exists
among governmental agency formations, whether state-to-state, locality-to-
locality, or agency-to-agency. Thus, authority and responsibility vary, as
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does capability and subsequent performance. Measurement and judgment is
necessarily general rather than detailed, for examination of these
structures In all of their ramifications had to be limited. Therefore
general characteristics are noted rather than specific ones.
The classification table acted merely as a guide to actual evaluation
or the testing phase rather than as a detailed set of procedural specifica-
tions. Consequently evaluations were unstructured and subject to little
control. A failure resulted in adequately assessing the validity of the
testing process, and hence called into question the validity of the
evaluations themselves. Subjectivity of judgment softens the contribution
of the report.
In particular, the study failed to focus on specific environmental
program elements in the testing phase interviews. In fairness, the
research design stipulated the unstructured, random, open-ended interview.
Thus, the testing process was not subject to validation. While the Fellows
were reasonably sure that the classification table itself works well on the
basis of general design, they could not confirm the statements made in the
evaluation of the tabular entries, the "cuts," or the cells.
In terms of study methodology, obviously much is to be desired.
Grasping concrete results is difficult. Yet, the subject of environmental
management itself is incredibly broad, wide-ranging, and complex, and
deserves a fresh, thoughtful approach. Admittedly structuring a compre-
hensive evaluation—not an evaluation of one agency or one program or one
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function or task—but of the entire subject is certainly not easy. In this
regard, certain other findings of the study may also be useful.
The study revealed that generally environmental managers performed
their tasks with some success. However, given America's pluralistic society
in which each person performs certain specialties with specific responsi-
bilities aggregating into an uncoordinated whole or total picture, the
results of environmental management are almost foreordained to fragmented
effectiveness. In this manner the environment is no different from any
other management subject. Its piecemeal management efforts dealing with
piecemeal problems achieve, at best, piecemeal solutions.
Depending on the grasp and scope of the particular environmental
manager, managerial performance ranges from the standard carrying out of
the specific environmental mandates and tasks assigned to the creative
interpretation of the agency and environmental responsibility. To the
extent that the particular environmental manager has his own shop under
control, he can engage in a broader style of management encompassing
longer-range strategic and anticipatory planning. He can adequately
prepare his agency for the necessary coordination with others' roles in
related environmental matters and can marshall the full scenario of plans
and resources which gives coherence and direction or a fuller meaning of
mission to his agency.
However, the Fellows found that the subject of environment is rather
a new phenomena. Similarly, the bureaucratic structures that have arisen
to carry out the mandates of the new legislation dealing with environmental
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problems have ill-defined lines of authority and unclear responsibilities.
Managerial creativity takes on a new meaning, and a difficult one, when
interpreting an agency's specific environmental responsibilities. The
age-old bureaucratic phenomena of a youthful agency struggle for power and
influence contributes to this unsettled condition. Control of environmental
programs means receipt of funding and staff build-up. It also means
assumption of leadership in the respective expertise fields.
Similarly, federal responsibilities for the total environment are
relatively new, or at least they appear so to many persons involved.
Therefore, the Environmental Protection Agency has been known to reverse
positions on particular matters in its evolving search for rulings of
lasting wisdom. After all, precedents to use as guidelines for current
decisions are somewhat lacking. Unfortunate impacts on the state and
local level include time and money loss and energy drain as local
environmental work are aborted. The search for answers, however, is a
mutual search; no one is especially sagacious.
Moreover, a crisis-type response to environmental problems exists at
all levels of government. Newly drafted regulations are the palliative
employed to "solve" crises-type problems. And, overreliance on
regulatory-type tools sometimes hampers the search for solutions. For
example, in the case of housing as a land-use concern, locally-drafted
rent-control measures are increasingly viewed as a "solution" to a
quality-of-life environmental problem. The newly adopted ordinance acts
as a palliative rather than a remedy for an imbalance in the basic
economic equation of demand and supply in housing.
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At a minimum, hopefully the rent control ordinance will serve as a
short-term public control on an environmental resource, and buy time for
a deeper study of the issue and a subsequent planned proposal that more
adequately corrects the structural imbalance of the complex urban system.
For the moment, however, environmental managers are human beings and
subject to the community and political pressures that crescendo as
environmental crises.
The Fellows observed particularly strong animosity between the states
and the Federal Government on the matter of regulatory-type tools.
Deadline-dates for meeting national standards are proposed, without
adequate consideration of the specifics of implementation. Issuing a
decree is one thing, carrying it out with a reasonable correlation with
reality is another. Action programs of whatever nature are subject to
practical limitations and constraints, especially at the local level, and
these need to be identified and quantified to match the datelines for
"success" with its probabilities. In this regard, economic tools such as
cost-benefit studies and modeling methodologies would yield better
quantification and predictive results for the environmental managers.
In another case of environmental concern related to land use, local
sewer moratoria are adopted to arrest urban development growth. Such
moratoria illustrate another failure of environmental management, a
failure to balance the land resource with peoples' demands for it. Land
use and environmental issues are also tied up with the availability of
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other resources, such as capital improvements, the priority of placement
of limited public services (nee, funds), and the desirability of citizens
and residents subsidizing continued growth. These questions have no
answers today; the issues and their ramifications are evolving ones.
Historically, environmental crises have focused on endangered species,
endangered rivers, and endangered wilderness areas. Other crises have
dealt with forest fires and the shortages of timer (both as a lumber
commodity and as recreational preserves). Today, energy crises and fuel
shortages portend further scarcities. Indeed, one can justifiably cry
"wolf" in the consideration of any natural resource, whether it be air,
water, land, biological systems, minerals, or energy.
Moreover, an interdependence among natural resources transcends
present-day capabilities for environmental management. Too often
governmental structures speak to the responsibility for purification of
air gr water rather than air and water, or the impact of land development
on both, as an example. An integration of environmental programs would
be a more rational approach. Acknowledgement by governmental officials
of these self-evident truths has yet to be reflected in coordinated
actions. Unfortunately, again no easy solutions are available.
In addition, such an integrative approach would begin to solve the
more arduous decisions of environmental trade-offs. For example, energy
and fuel sufficiency is usually at the cost of other environmental
concerns, such as land must be developed to provide production and trans-
mission facilities. Environmental management would expand its scope and
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mission to assess the full-cost ramifications of one natural resource versus
another, of local and regional-area groupings and appropriate balance of
resources as a composite picture, of human needs versus purely human desires,
and of the realities of the full implications of costs. The really hard work
of environmental management is yet to come.
The Manager and the System
Environmental managers, in fairness, cannot anticipate the shifting public
mood of these numerous crises—today's hot topic, its degree of urgency, and
its longevity. Indeed, the urgencies seem to merge together as one big sustained
environmental mass alarm. Nonetheless, each older as well as newer crises and
recurrent malfunctioning within our growing metropolitan system seems to occur
with greater frequency and shriller intensity, especially because of the quick-
ening urban pace and style of living today and its greater toll on all human and
natural resources. More fundamentally, each and every time a crisis occurs it
calls attention to the conditions of mismanagement and nonmanagement of urban
resources.
However, environmental managers are not totally to blame. Rather,
an urban system especially is a shared style of living with interdependences
abounding. Each person depends for his/her needs on the specialties of
others. No one stands alone; no one is able to stand alone. Likewise
any blame for the malfunctioning of the environment must more realistically
be shared by all. Environmental managers are only a part of this broader,
total system.
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On balance, environmental managers have done something. Judgment
cannot be totally one-sided against them. For example, the air and water
are being cleaned up. Environmental managers have learned to make better
measurements of pollution counts, and they have attacked and usually
bettered many of the observed deficiencies. They have come to understand
and to appreciate the resource recovery, recycling, and restoration
process. They have advanced the use of the environmental impact statement
and have engendered a national environmental awareness with its evolution.
Environmental managers have had to function without a clear-cut strategy
for governing the environment. Yet, they have not taken a leadership role
in the development and promulgation of that strategy. Fractionalized
accountability has raised the question of who is responsible for environ-
mental policy. At the other end of the responsibility spectrum, the
question is also asked: Who is responsible for environmental damage?
In the final analysis environmental managers question their proper role,
and their goals, in their concern for the environment—as advocate,
protector, regulator, standard-bearer or -setter, enforcer, monitor,
benefactor, or janitor.
Environmental Management Summary
In summary, the accomplishments of the EPA Summer Fellows may be
presented as follows. The five-person student team formulated a definition
of environmental management that delineated a set of activities that they
believed to be the proper purview of environmental managers. Literature
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disclosed that no one had yet attempted this. They offered criteria by which
to judge environmental success, and made a conceptual distinction between
governmental environmental management and the ordinary activities of citizens.
Finally, a prescriptive note was added to the definition by suggesting that
the goal of environmental management become envirological management.
Environmental concerns are viewed traditionally as the basic categories
of natural resources (or air, water, land, biological systems, minerals,
and energy). However, environmental managers need a broader concept of
responsibility. Envirological management is this broader concept, or the
concept of extensively planning the balancing of the five major competing
objectives of human health, economic growth, social growth, ecosystem
balance, and lastly, aesthetics or amenities. By managing the environment
In such a way that a balance is achieved among the five criteria offered,
envirological management is achieved.
Being an environmental manager today simply means that a person has
authority over certain, unidimensional programs—perhaps even just one
program or function, such as air or water quality. Even so, however, using
this authority in such a way as to attain balance among the five criteria
noted ultimately accomplishes envirological management.
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PREFACE TO
CHAPTER SEVEN
In June 1972 the Technical Analysis Division of the National Bureau
of Standards was asked to take part in a Summer Fellows Program sponsored
by the Environmental Protection Agency. TAD's primary role was to monitor
the research activities of the twenty-five outstanding college students
who were investigating the impact of the environment on society.
TAD also undertook the task of preparing a history of the National
Environmental Policy Act (NEPA), which was signed into law in January 1970.
While performing the background research for this study (along the guidelines
suggested by the Environmental Studies Division of EPA) it quickly became
clear that the issues involved were quite complex. In order to set NEPA
in the proper context it was also necessary to describe (1) the rapid
growth of an environmental ethic in this country, (2) the impact of some
highly visible ecological disasters which captured national attention,
and (3) the traditional maneuvering and in-fighting so characteristic of
the American political system. It should be noted that there was absolutely
no intention to take sides on the issues or to portray any of the
protagonists unfavorably; rather, an attempt was made to underscore the
fact that there were honest differences of opinion among key decision-
makers concerning the proper direction of environmental programs and policies.
NEPA remains a controversial subject, particularly its requirement for
environmental impact statements. The chronology of events and subsequent
effects constitute the central focus of our research.
April 1973
L.G. L.
P.C.P.
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DRAFT
CHAPTER VII
NEPA AND THE ENVIRONMENTAL MOVEMENT
INTRODUCTION
The purpose of this chapter is three fold: (1) to
trace a few of the critical events which led up to the
environmental crusade of the past few years; (2) to
review the Federal Government's response to public pressure
on behalf of the environment, particularly from mid-1968
to mid-1970; and (3) to examine the environmental movement
today — what the critics think of it and some of the
obstacles it must overcome.
The opening section is an attempt to identify some
of the forces at work during the 60's which helped to mold
the environmental policies of the current decade. Clearly,
this is not a simple task. The story of the environmental
movement can only be told in terms of the complex interplay
of decision makers/ institutions, critical events, mass
media coverage and heightened public awareness of ecological
problems. A definitive discussion of these factors is far
beyond the scope of the opening section; it does, however,
touch upon three key elements in the equation: some highly
visible environmental mishaps, changing priorities as
reflected in public opinion polls on environmental issues,
and the influence exerted by prominent conservationists
and the mass media.
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In many ways the second section is a continuation of the
opening theme. It charts the activities of Congress and
the Administration from the 1968 Presidential election
until tne 1970 Congressional elections, a critical period
in the development of environmental policy. As this
section suggests, many of the laws now on the books are
as much the result of political image-building and
jurisdictional disputes as they are of more altruistic
motives. Tne primary focus of attention — here, and in
the final section — is the National Environmental Policy
Act (NLPA), surely one of the most controversial pieces of
legislation passed in recent years.
The chapter concludes with a critique of NEPA's first
one thousand days. In particular it examines the requirement
for environmental impact statements wnich has created a
furor in tne courts, and some of the challenges facing
tne environmental movement today.
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THE WELLSPRINGS OF ENVIRONMENTALISM
Some Critical Incidents
Generally speaking, a political issue becomes salient
if (a) it is highly visible, (b) the general public is
aware of the problem, and (c) the issue arouses emotion
among an influential segment of the populace (e.g., the
mass media, opinion leaders, pressure groups, the political
elite, etc.). Thus, with the exception of conservationists
and a few related interest groups, the environment was not
a major focus of attention until the last decade. During
the early and mid-60's, Americans were primarily concerned
about the threat of nuclear war with the Soviet Union
(viz., the Cuban missile crisis), the Indo-China war,
communism, inflation and unemployment, racial tensions and
crime-in-the streets.1 Exactly what happened to change the
public's sense of national priorities is not entirely
clear, but two events — the Torrey Canyon episode and the
Santa Barbara oil spill —were probably instrumental in
drawing attention to the fragile nature of our environment.
In March, 1967, the tanker Torrey Canyon, carrying
119,000 gallons of crude oil, broke apart in rough seas
off Land's End, England. Frantic efforts to prevent the
spill from doing extensive damage only underscored the
relatively unsohpisticated techniques available to cope with
oil pollution of this magnitude. Television audiences
-------
VII-4
throughout the United States witnessed the use of everything
from detergents to napalm, all of which proved unsuccessful.
Ultimately, great quantities of oil enveloped wide expanses
of English beaches, killing countless shore birds and
crippling the coastal tourist trade.2 The testimony of
British investigators was illustrative of the worldwide
concern about the high probability of future disasters:
The risk of accident is a very real one.
In the three years preceding the wreck of
the Torrey Canyon, 91 tankers were stranded in
various parts of the world, while 238 were in-
volved in collisions either with tankers or
other vessels. Over the world at large, tankers
thus have been involved in potentially serious
accidents on an average of about twice a week
for the past three years (prior to 1967) . Six-
teen of the 329 ships which were concerned
became total losses; in nine of the collisions
fires broke out in one or both ships; and in
39 cases cargo spillage or leakage occurred.3
Another type of oil spill probably did more to shake
the American public out of its complacency than any other
event in recent history. In January, 1969, an off-shore
drilling rig in the Santa Barbara Channel struck a large
oil deposit but, in so doing, set off a catastrophic chain
of events. The resultant blow-out cracked the ocean floor,
allowing several million gallons of oil to escape. Santa
Barbara, an erstwhile garden spot, became an ecological
nightmare. Despite round-the-clock efforts to contain the
slick, miles of coastal waterways and beaches became coated
with crude oil. Untold numbers of waterfowl and other aquatic
life were killed.4
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VI I-5
Intensive coverage by the mass media attracted
wide-spread attention to the plight of Santa Barbara.
Television, in particular, was responsible for arousing
public indignation over the incident: the sight of
youthful volunteers trying valiantly to remove oil from
dying shore birds made eating dinner somewhat difficult
in many households.
Also contributing to the high level of public
interest in the Santa Barbara incident was the fact
that the Secretary of the Interior, Walter Hickel, had
only recently been the object .of a bitter controversy
over his confirmation. Faced with some difficult choices,
Secretary Hickel ordered the drilling shut down. In his
words "the behind-the-scenes battle ... became a turning
point in the relationship between government and industry".5
Interestingly enough, the authority to call a halt to
off-shore drilling in the Santa Barbara Channel was not
derived from any statute governing pollution damage; rather,
it was because valuable oil was being wasted. Clearly, the
Department of the Interior, needed a better mechanism for
responding quickly to oil spills:
Cleaning up a spill cannot wait for a court
judge to decide who is liable. It has to be done
before the pollution kills the wildlife and
ruins the beaches. For this reason I demanded
that all companies who hold drilling leases on
the outer Continental Shelf accept liability
for cleanup even before the cause of a spill
is determined^This became known in short as
absolute liability without cause". it also
became one of the most controversial topics in
both the executive and legislative branches of
the federal government.6
-------
VII-6
There were other occasions on which Mr. Hickel crossed
swords with the oil industry during his tenure as Secretary
of the Interior, including a landmark court battle with
Chevron Oil Company. In February, 1970, oil spilled into
the Gulf of Mexico when a Chevron drilling rig caught fire.
A subsequent investigation revealed that a storm choke had
not been installed, a serious violation of safety regulations.
After closing down the oil field, safety inspectors found
similar violations in a significant proportion of the Chevron
rigs. The court fined the company one million dollars but,
more important (according to Mr. Hickel) was the amount of
publicity the case received from the newspapers.7
Although the discussion of critical incidents has been
confined to oil spills, it should not be construed that oil
poses a greater threat to the environment than other forms
of pollution. Indeed, from the standpoint of the effect
on human populations, toxic substances such as lead and
mercury constitute a much more serious hazard. However,
oil slicks are more easily perceived than is the presence
of toxic substances and (as the reader may recall) visi-
bility seems to be a necessary condition for public arousal.
In the final analysis, the loss of the Torrey Canyon, the
Santa Barbara spill, and other subsequent incidents appeared
to have considerable impact on public opinion. Data reflecting
public awareness are reported in the next section.
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VI I-7
Changes in Public Opinion (1960-1970)
There was little (if any) public commitment to ecological
problem solving during the early stages of the last decade.
Despite the activities of various conservation groups (e.g.,
the Isaak Walton League sponsored a "Clean Air Week" in
1960) few Americans recognized the magnitude of environmental
degradation.8 As late as Fall 1964, a list of "concerns"
of the American public compiled by the Gallup organization
(from open-ended questions) contained no reference to
the environment.9 Within less than a year, however, this
picture began to change.
Political influence is a two-way street: public
opinion has an effect on the decisions made by government
officials, and the reverse is also true. Each stimulates
the other. After President Johnson spoke about the importance
of beautifying America in 1965, marked changes in public
attitude occurred. Late that year 43 percent of a Harris
poll sample expressed concern about the pollution of rivers
and streams.10 Another index of increasing public
interest was tne publication of 350 articles on pollution
by the New York Times, more than twice the number published
in 1964. It is not surprising that four important pieces
of environmental legislation ~r- the Water Quality Act, the
Water Resources Act, the Rural Water Sewage Act, and
the Highway Beautification Act — were also passed in 1965.
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VII-8
From 1965 through 1968, polls conducted by the Opinion
Research Corporation continued to reflect increasing aware-
ness of pollution. For example, the percentage of
individuals who thought that water pollution was a "serious"
problem increased from 35 to 58 in approximately three
years. Similarly, concern over air pollution climbed
from 28 per cent to 55 per cent.11 Comparable data
were not available after 1968; nowever, a 1969 poll conducted
on behalf of the National Wildlife Federation showed that
more than eight out of every ten individuals surveyed were
at least "somewhat concerned" about environmental deterioration
Another poll conducted in 1970 indicated that 90 per cent
of those sampled were concerned about water pollution.12
While it is dangerous to generalize from several
different polls which varied in terms of sample size
and question content, at least one conclusion appears
justified. The general public was becoming increasingly
adamant in its demand for more positive action in the fight
against pollution.
Another measure of public interest in the environment
was tne accelerated growth of conservation and related
pressure groups during the last decade. The size of
the Sierra Club increased from 15,000 to more than 85,000;
more dramatically, its Eastern membership went from 750
to 19,000 according to Trop and Roos.13 The collective
political "clout" of other similar organizations (such
-------
VII-9
as Friends of the Earth, the Conservation Foundation, the
National Wildlife Federation, the Nature Conservancy,
and the National Audubon Society) can be directly
attributed to more members, larger financial contributions
and a receptive public.
Opinion Leaders and the Mass Media
In its own way, Rachel Carson's Silent Spring was
as critical a contributor to the growth of an environmental
ethic as the Santa Barbara incident. One authority,
Frank Egler, went so far as to say that
The years 1962 and 1963 are so completely
dominated by one person and one book
that historians of the future may well
refer to this period as the Carsonian Era...14
A best seller for many months, Silent Spring succeeded in
acquainting the public with the dangers, of pesticides —
something that a number of scientists had been unable to
do because of sanctions imposed by the chemical industry.
As Egler states, there was increasing apprehension
...as to the side effects, the indirect
effects, and the long term effects of...
pesticides, not only on the target organisms
themselves, but on other organisms, as the
pesticides moved through the environment
interacting among themselves, following
food chains as predator ate predator, and
acting upon man himself, as in cancer-producing
substances, in ways most difficult to document in
a factual manner.15
Government policies governing the use of pesticides did
not change significantly for almost another decade; however,
-------
VII-10
the fact that change occurred at all is due in large
measure to Silent Spring.
The popular appeal of Silent Spring marked the
beginning of an informal alliance between leading
conservationists and the mass media. From 1965 to 1970
the reading public was bombarded with environmental
literature, an emotional mixture of science fact
and science fiction, whose basic theme was a dying
planet. Commoner's Science and Survival/ Ehrlich's
Population Bomb, Ewald's Environment for Man, and the
Rienows' Moment in the Sun were among the most influential
books of that period.
As time passed, there were predictable reactions to
the constant litany of "doomsday" predictions. For some
individuals, fears of a nuclear Armageddon were replaced
by anxiety about "killer smogs" (T. S. Eliot's vision of
a world ending "not with a bang, but a whimper" seemed
suddenly prophetic). Others became confused by both the
quantity and the ambiguity of available information (e.g.,
the debate over phosphate detergents) which, in turn,
resulted in loss of interest, apathy, disbelief, and
occasionally, denunciation of environmental spokesmen.
Unfortunately, the proportion of the general public
for or against sweeping changes in environmental policies
coult not be ascertained. In the absence of rigorous, in-depth
national attitude surveys, the size of these groups, their
-------
VII-11
composition, and intensity of feeling (or degree of
commitment) was subject to misinterpretation. As noted
in the previous section, the polls reflected growing
concern over pollution, but not how much people were
willing to sacrifice (i.e., increased taxes, rising costs
associated with anti-pollution devices, etc.) for clean
air and water. Otner indices were equally unreliable.
For example, letters to newspapers and to politicians
are often written by a disproportionately small segment
of the ideological spectrum.16 In particular, published
letters have already been screened, hence, a frequency
count of such letters might well reflect the philosophy
of the newspaper more than public sentiment.
The last point relates to another potentially dangerous
measure of attitudinal climate—that of media coverage.
At the close of the last decade most television and newspaper
accounts of environmental controversies appeared to
support conservationists.17 Both media devoted extensive
coverage to local confrontations between ecologists and
developers, citizen groups and highway officials, wijderness
advocates and mining interests, and so on. The coverage
problem was mentioned in a recent interview with an official
of the American Petroleum Institute:
-------
VII-12
"It sometimes seems that I see David Brower
(president of ... Friends of the Earth) every
other time I turn on my TV set", she says. (The
personable and articulate Brower has, in fact,
appeared frequently in such forums as The Dick
Cavett Show and in news broadcasts.) "But it^s
very seldom that I see an oil company or electric
utility executive."18
Of course, this official did not mention the vast sums
spent by industry on advertising for the sole purpose of
image building with respect to environmental affairs.
Some observations may be made without taking sides
in the dispute over media coverage. Although most research
indicates that the mass media are not very effective at
changing existing attitudes, they can stimulate the formation
of new attitudes by conveying information to an uncommitted
or dissatisfied audience — in Klapper's terms, one
"predisposed" to change.19 Clearly, an audience receptive
to ecological appeals coalesced during the period under
discussion although we don't know its size. Indeed, if
media coverage was as biased as environmental critics contend,
then the environmental movement might have appeared more
pervasive than it was. This point will be addressed in
a later section.
In summary, the environmental Zeitgeist ("spirit of
the times") of the late 1960's was not the result of any
single factor; rather, it was the interaction of multiple
factors. Time magazine, for example, suggested that the
environment represented a new challenge, a problem which
-------
VII-13
American skills and "know-how" might be capable of solving.
By the same token, however, the environmental movement
". . . represented a creeping disillusionment with technology,
an attempt by individuals to reassert control over machine
civilization."2 °
Thus far, the present discussion has touched briefly
on the impact of certain critical events and the influence
exerted by conservationists, public opinion, and the mass
•
media. In the next section, attention is focused on the
role played by the Federal Government — specifically,
two years of environmental legislation and what influenced
it.
-------
VII-14
THE GOVERNMENT RESPONDS: A TWO-YEAR CHRONOLOGY
The Quest for Environmental Supremacy
As public pressure on behalf of the environment
continued to mount during the late 60's, a number of
Senators and Congressmen contended for titular leadership
of the environmental crusade. The competition became
even more keen in the wake of the 1968 elections when the
Wnite House entered this arena. Curiously, neither party's
1968 platform had devoted much space to ecological
problems. The Democrats outlined the need for clean air,
clean water, and improved methods of waste disposal in
a brief section which also contained references to
agriculture and recreation; the Republicans covered pollution
in one sentence.21
Given the increasing public concern it is somewhat
surprising that neither party platform paid much attention
to the environment. Clearly, greater importance was
attacned to other issues such as "law and order" and Vietnam.
Another factor is mentioned in Scammon and Wattenberg's
analysis of the 1968 elections: in terms of national
politics, ecology is akin to "motherhood", and nobody is
going to campaign against it.22
If Scammon and Wattenberg are correct, then the
competition for political dominance in environmental
affairs might nave been motivated somewhat by the desire
to be perceived as the champion of "motherhood". Mr. "Nixon's
-------
VII-15
narrow margin of victory in '68 was interpreted by
leaders in both parties as an indication of Republican
vulnerability. Thus, Republicans and Democrats alike
were casting about for issues which might be important
not only in the 1970 Congressional elections/ but in
1972 as well. Environmental quality appeared to be a
relatively "safe" issue and a possible stepping stone
to the White House. This factor, together with traditional
rivalries between Congressional Committees and feuds
between high ranking Administration officials, furnishes
the background for much of the environmental legislation
of the last few years. As Davies has noted:
One can search the Congressional Record in vain
for a defense of foul air or dirty water. One
can similarly search in vain for a metropolitan
area which does not suffer from the fumes of
automobiles, from belching smokestacks, or
from untreated sewage flowing into its lakes
and streams. The explanation for the gap
between intention and reality lies to a great
extent in the realm of politics.23
In the remainder of this section an attempt will be
made to review the anti-pollution measures initiated by
members of the 91st Congress and the Nixon Administration.
This discussion is essentially limited to the period separating
the 1968 and 1970 elections, primarily to highlight proximate
events leading to the National Environmental Policy Act.
The sequence of events can also be followed in Figure 1
which provides a month-by-month picture of environmental
initiatives taken by Federal policy makers.
-------
VII-16
ENVIRONMENTAL POLICY-MAKING (1968-1970)
'68
FALL
OCT|NOV|OEC
'69
WINTER
JA.M]FCO|MAR
'69
SPRING
^—[
JMV.ER
JAUG|SEPT|
SUMMER
'69
FALL
OCT|NOV|DEC
'70
WINTER
JAN FEB MAR
'70
SPRING
APR|MAT|JUN
~^—r
.SUHME«
Y|AUG|SEPTJ
• SEUSS INVESTIGATIONS Oil SULFUR OXIDE POLLUTION
• COXSRESSIOXAL wane PAPES ox A KATIOKAL POLICY rw THE EBVIRON«E»T
• JtCKSOHBlU WTRC3UCEO ™
> UUSKIC SILL IKTKODUCEO—
• • NATIONAL EKVIRONUEKTAL POLICY ACT (PL SI-1901: CEO CREATED
— • ENViBOCHENTAL OUtLITY IMPROVEMENT ACT (PL 91-284}
• EKYiROmNUL POLICY DIVISION OF LEGISLATIVE REFERENCE SEfiVICE CREATED
A REOTCAIIIZATIOM FLAN2-OM8 AM VWHHOWE DOMESTIC COUSCiL CBEATfO
A. THE ?SESlOEUn UV1SCKY COUNCIL OH EXECUTIVE OSCiKJJATiON ChEATEO A DEPARTMENT OF liATWAL RCSOJnCES PfiCJOSED
A EOlHnUNYlKOUiEHTU OUAHTY COUKCIL CREATED RENAUEO CABINET COKUITTEE ON THE EMVIROKUEHT1
A CO II90T (POLLUTION OF FEDERAL FiCILlTlcS)
A EQII5U (PROTECTION AliOEKHAfiCEUENTOT EKVIRCNUCNTAL OVAUTY)
A EOU523 (KATIONAL IN3USTRIAL POLLUTION COKTROL COUNCIL)
A «EC«6»NII*TIO!I PLAN J:£PA CREATED
A REORCAKUATIOH PLAN «'«AJ CBEATES
SANTA BAH3ARA OIL SPILt
I CHEVROU OIL SPILL
• EARTH DAY
• CONGRESSIONAL ACTION
ACXECUT1VE ACTION
KEY EVENTS
FIGURE I
-------
VII-17
Fall 1968
A continuing battle in the House of Representatives
concerns jurisdiction over environmental legislation.24
Part of this problem is definitional in nature: "environment"
is a catch-all concept with ill-defined boundaries.
Responsibility for environmental quality could equally
well be placed in any one of several standing committees
(e.g., Agriculture, Commerce, Interior and Insular Affairs,
Merchant Marine and Fisheries, and possibly others) depending
on what facet of the environment was under consideration.
The guidelines governing committee jurisdiction are sometimes
fuzzy and overlapping responsibilities frequently result.
At other times, jurisdictional disputes arise when interest
in guiding environmental legislation is motivated by the
need to placate powerful pressure groups, or to insure that
constituents are not adversely affected. The important
role played by committees v;as stressed in the recently
published Almanac of American Politics;
Lawyers and pollsters know that the power to
shape the question is, by and large, the
power to determine the answer. Congressional
committees, by hammering out the legislation
which the Congress at large passes or
rejects, do just that...Committee chambers...
are literally the back rooms where the
decisions of Congress are shaped.25
-------
VI I-18
Reuss investigations. In September 1968, Congressman
Henry Reuss, from Wisconsin's fifth district, conducted
a nearing on research findings related to sulfur oxide
pollution.26 Reuss, like many others, was disenchanted
with jurisdictional squabbles, duplication of effort,
and lack of coordination within the Federal bureaucracy.
Later/ as Chairman of the Government Operations' Subcommittee
on Conservation and Natural Resources, he became known
as a staunch ally of conservationists.27 Furthermore, the
Subcommittee's unique "watchdog" status allowed Reuss to
challenge other Congressmen (such as Wayne Aspinall,
Chairman of the powerful Committee on Interior and Insular
Affairs) for pre-eminence in environmental matters.
White Paper on the Environment. Another important
figure in the House of Representatives was Congressman
Emilio Daddario. During the mid-60"s, his Subcommittee
on Science, Research, and Development focused attention
on the problem of environmental quality. Of particular
interest is the Subcommittee's 1968 report which called
for a systems approach to pollution problems. Daddario
wanted the Department of Interior to assume responsbility
for the coordination of Federal environmental programs.
He also emphasized the need for an "Environmental Cabinet"
chaired by the Secretary of the Interior and comprised of
designated officials from other Federal agencies. For the
first time a key phrase — "national policy for the environment"
appeared, one with far reaching implications for the nation's
future.28
-------
VII-19
In October 1968 Congressman Daddario joined forces
with Senator Kenry Jackson to develop the "Congressional
White Paper on a National Policy for the Environment".
Davies suggests that, by calling for the establishment of
a joint Congressional committee on environmental management,
Jackson was trying to preempt Senator Edmund Muskie who
had for some time been seeking tne creation of a Select
Senate Committee on Technology and the Human Environment.29
Tne friendly rivalry between these two powerful Democrats
was to intensify after the election of Richard I-Jixon in
November.
Winter 1969
As previously indicated, the Santa Barbara oil spill
of January 1969 aroused considerable ire within the body
politic. Pressure from the general public and the mass
media became more intense for strong Congressional action.
For the Nixon Administration in general, and for Secretary
Hickel in particular, it was a harsh introduction to
environmental realities at the national level.
Jackson bill. In many respects, the Santa Barbara
oil spill served as a catalytic agent in the competition
for leadership in environmental matters, and what had been
a cold war of sorts suddenly caught fire. In February,
Senator Jackson, Chairman of the Interior and Insular
Affairs Committee, introduced a bill which eventually was
was to become the National Environmental Policy Act.
-------
VII-20
Jackson's bill called for (a) the Department of the Interior
to spearhead the conduct of environmental research and
(b) the establishment of a three-man Council on
Environmental Quality reporting directly the the
President.30 A,modified version of the bill eventually
cleared the Senate in July of 1969.
Considerable credit should go to Michigan Congressman
John Di:agell for passage of the House version of Jackson's
bill. According to John Steinhart, Dingell — Chairman
of the House Subcommittee on Fisheries and Wildlife
Conservation — introduced the bill "as an amendment to
the 1946 Fish and Wildlife Act".31 Steinhart viewed this
as a ploy to get the bill assigned to Dingell's subcommittee
for hearings over the opposition of Representative Wayne
Aspinall. In the House version of the bill, the proposed
Council on Environmental Quality would have consisted of
five members in contrast to the three recommended in
Jackson's Senate version. When this landmark piece of
environmental legislation cleare! the House of Representatives
in September 1969, the number of proposed Council .members
again stood at three.
Spring 1969
In the Spring of 1969, President Nixon brought the
weight of the Executive Branch to bear on environmental
affairs. While Jackson's bill was languishing in the
Senate, Mr. Nixon issued Executive Order 11472 in May
establishing an Environmental Quality Council (which
-------
VII-21
should not be confused with the Council on Environmental
Quality recommended in the Jackson bill). A month earlier
Tne President's Advisory Council on Executive Organization
had been appointed under the leadership of Roy L. Ash,
then President of Litton Industries, Inc. The Council's
proposal to establish a Department of Natural Resources
is of prime interest, but a full discussion of its
implications will be reserved for a later section
since the Council's findings were not presented to
tne President until May 1970.
Executive Order 11472. With this action President
Nixon launched an Environmental Quality Council and
tne Citizen's Advisory Committee on Environmental
Quality, the former including the President as
Chairman and the President's Science Adviser as the
Executive Secretary. The Council was designed to
advise and assist the Chief Executive on matters
related to environmental quality. Specifically, it
was to (a) review Federal plans and programs and
recommend measures to insure that environmental
effects were properly treated (b) conduct studies
and advise the President on policy matters related
to recreation and beautification outdoors; (c) encourage
mutual cooperation among Federal, State, and local
organizations and strengthen public and private participation
-------
VII-22
in environmental programs. The fifteen-member
Citizen's Advisory Committee shared many of the same
duties, including offering assistance and evaluating
tne extent to which progress was being made in the
achievement of the Council's goals.32 The Environmental
Quality Council met for the first time in June 1969,
with top priority assigned to such problems as air
pollution, solid waste disposal methods, and the
long range effects of DDT.
Steinhart has argued that the Environmental
Quality Council was Mr. Nixon's initial attempt to
establish "primacy" in the field of environmental
affairs.33 In Steinhart's opinion, however, the
Council could never be an effective coordinating
group because of its special relationship to the
President and his belief that the Chief Executive
should take action to solve problems, not merely
"comment" on them.
Muskie Bill. As chairman of the Public Works
Subcommittee on Air and Water Pollution, Senator
Muskie is regarded by many as the leading environmental
crusader in Congress. During the 60's he was
responsible for some of the most important pollution
control legislation of that era—notably, the Water
Quality Act of 1965, the 1966 Clean Water Restoration
Act, and the Air Quality Act of 1967. Muskie introduced
-------
VII-23
the Environmental Quality Improvement Act in June of 1969
which called for:
• the development of criteria and standards to
assure the protection and enhancement of environmental
quality in all Federal and federally assisted public
works projects and programs;
• the coordination of all Federal research programs
to increase knowledge of the interrelationship between
man and his environment;
• the creation of an Office of Environmental Quality
and appropriate staff in the Executive Office of the
President.34
The Senate was now confronted with competing bills
(Jackson's and Muskie's) and the prospect of a bitter
floor fight. Muskie, it seemed, was very concerned about
the effect of NEPA on existing environmental programs.
Fortunately, negotiations between Muskie and Jackson led
to a compromise—provisions for the Council on Environmental
Quality and the Office of Environmental Quality both
survived, and a lengthy struggle over committee
jurisdiction was avoided. Ultimately, Jackson's bill
got through first, and Muskie's proposal was incorporated
,in proposed water pollution legislation.35
-------
VII-24
Summer 1969
During the summer of 1969, Senator Jackson's bill
passed both houses of Congress and was sent to the
President for signature. However, the creation of the
Environmental Policy Division in the Legislative
Reference Service was perhaps of greater significance
to ecology-minded Congressmen.
Environmental Policy Division. "Congressional concern
for the quality and productivity of the physical environment"
was the driving force behind the establishment of the
Environmental Policy Division in September 1969:36 Comprised
of experts from the Natural Resources Division and other
sections of the Legislative Reference Service, the Division
was responsible for providing non-partisan information,
advice, and assistance on legislative proposals. By
creating the Environmental Policy Division, Congress
could obtain "authoritative and objective policy analysis"
in specific areas such as beautification, land use planning,
natural resource management, air and water pollution, and
protection of shorelines and estuaries.37
Fall 1969
Secretary of the Interior Eickel had captured some
of the Headlines in late August by coming out with tough
off-shore drilling regulations opposed by the oil
industry. By fall, many of the negative attitudes toward
Hickel were beginning to change and, before long, he
developed into a folk hero to conservationists.
-------
VII-25
Scope. In December, Secretary Hickel and his
assistants came up with a refreshing new concept known
as SCOPE (Student Councils on Pollution and the Environment).
SCOPE was envisaged as a means of involving students
in the fight against pollution; however, given the mood
on many campuses, it was not any easy product to sell.
Initially hostile and apprehensive about being "used"
by the Government, many student leaders gradually became
intrigued by the concept of an early warning system for
pollution problems. Hickel told visiting students that
"SCOPE will be a vehicle to open up a channel from the
youth who care about the environment to those agencies
in government who can do something about it on a national
scale". 3fl
Winter 1970
In many ways 1970 might be regarded as the year when
government action on behalf of the environment finally
began to overtake public demand to do something meaningful.
The Jackson bill, better known as the National Environmental
Policy Act of 1969, was signed into law as PL 91-190 on
January 1st. President Nixon issued Executive Order 11507,
which dealt with pollution caused by Federal facilities;
it was formally announced on the 4th of February and
six days later was followed by Mr. Nixon's message on the
environment. In the latter, the President outlined a
comprehensive 37-point program on environmental quality,
-------
VII-26
including 23 major legislative proposals and an additional
14 measures for Executive action. (February was also
noteworthy for the Chevron oil spill mentioned earlier.)
President Nixon continued to press for environmental
reform with two important actions in March: Executive
Order 11514, on the protection and enhancement of
environmental quality, and Reorganization Plan No. 2,
which established the Office of Management and Budget
and a White House Domestic Council.39
The National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA). On
signing the National Environmental Policy Act into law,
President Nixon stated that "the 1970's absolutely
must be the years when America pays its debt to the past
by reclaiming the purity of its air, its waters and our
living environment. It is literally now or never."40
By definition, NEPA is a declaration of national
policy to foster productive and enjoyable harmony between
man and the environment. Title I of the Act instructs all
agencies of the Federal Government to
• employ an interdisciplinary approach in planning
and decision making related to the environment,
• identify and develop methods for insuring the
inclusion of environmental values in the decision
making process.
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VII-27
• include in all reports and recommendations which
might "significantly affect" environmental quality
a "detailed statement" on
• environmental impact of the proposed action
* unavoidable adverse environmental effects
• alternatives to the proposed action
* the relationship between local short-term
use of the environment and the maintenance
of long-term productivity
• irreversible commitment of resources if
the project were to be implemented
• study, develop, and describe action alternatives
• recognize the international and long-range impli-
cations of environmental problems,
• disseminate information which would be useful in
maintaining and improving environmental quality
• develop and use ecological information in
planning and development of resource-oriented
projects
• provide assistance to the Council on Environmental
Quality.1*1
Title II of NEPA established the Council on Environmental
Quality (CEQ). Composed of three members appointed by the
President (with the advice and consent of the Senate), CEQ
formulates aiid recommends national environmental policies
and promotes the overall improvement of environmental
quality. Specifically, the Council is to
• assist and advise the President in the preparation
of an annual Environmental Quality Report
• gather information on environmental quality and
determine if conditions coincide with NEPA policy
• review federal programs and activities
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• develop policy recommendations
• conduct investigations related to environmental
quality
• document and define changes in the natural
environment
• report to the President on the state of the
environment
• comply with Presidential requests for policy
studies and recommendations.42
President Nixon selected Russell Train, then Undersecretary
of the Interior as Chairman of CEQ and also appointed
Gordon J. F. MacDonald and Robert Cahn to the Council.
Since its inception, CEQ has been the subject of
controversy — indeed, as has the National Environmental
Policy Act. Some of the criticism leveled against NEPA
and the Council on Environmental Quality will be discussed
in a later section.
Executive Order 11507. Shortly after NEPA became law,
EO 11507 was issued, calling for a three-year program
demonstrating Federal leadership in a nation-wide effort
to combat pollution. To accomplish this goal, Federal
agencies were specifically charged with the responsibility
for insuring that government facilities could meet air and
water quality standards. In a message to Congress, Mr.
Nixon stated that
For years, many Federal facilities have themselves
been among the worst polluters. The Executive
Order ... not only accepts responsibility for
putting a swift end to Federal pollution, but
puts teeth into the commitment . .. "* 3
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Executive Order 11514. Early in March President
Nixon put into effect EO 11514 which continued the theme
of Federal leadership on matters related to environmental
quality. From the standpoint of environmental policy,,
the executive order did not appear to differ substantively
from NEPA except for broadening the directions given to
most Federal agencies. Its primary function seemed to be
one of clarifying the role of the newly created Council
of Environmental Quality. CEQ "was provided a mandate
for reform in the environmental decisions of Federal
agencies — from the start of planning to the initiation
of ... projects and programs."1*4 Specifically, the
Council was given authority to:
• recommend priorities for environmental programs
• determine the need for new policies
• conduct public hearings
• promote the use of monitoring systems
• assist in the achievement of international cooperation
• issue guidelines and instructions to Federal agencies
• initiate investigations relating to environmental
quality.
It should be noted that EO 11514 also changed the
name of the Environmental Quality Council (which had
been created by the President in May 1969) to the Cabinet
Committee on the Environment, presumably to avoid any
confusion with CEQ. The Cabinet Committee was quickly
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absorbed into the newly established Domestic Council,
a White House coordinating group created along with the
Office of Management and Budget as part of Reorganization
Plan Number 2. Of additional interest here is the
fact that the House Committee on Government Operations
initially rejected the President's Plan; however, a
vote of the full House defeated a resolution to veto the
plan and it became effective on July 1, 1970.
Spring 1970
Spring, appropriately enough, was an active period
in the quest for environmental improvement, both within
Government and among the public at large. Senator
Muskie's Environmental Quality Improvement Act was finally
signed into law as Title II of the Water Quality Improvement
Act of 1970. "Earth Day" was observed on April 22nd, and
much of its success can be attributed to the efforts of
Senator Gaylord Nelson. Science called the environmental
teach-in on Earth Day "a fresh way of perceiving the environment"
but questioned how long the enthusiasm would last.1*5 Former
Secretary of the Interior Hickel recounts a strong difference
of opinion within the Administration over participation
in Earth Day. Secretaries Hickel and Volpe, both active
in SCOPE, were the main proponents; Vice President Agnew,
on the other hand, had expressed misgivings about "anyone
getting involved. " **6
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President Nixon kept pace in the environmental
sweepstakes by issuing EO 11523, which established the
National Industrial Pollution Control Council. The Ash
Committee also submitted its recommendation for the
creation of a Department of Natural Resources.
The Environmental Quality Improvement Act. Public
Law 91-224 was the product of a compromise worked out by
the Muskie and Jackson staffs; unquestionably, it was not
tne comprehensive legislation it was intended to be. The
Act does two things: (1) it requires Federal agencies
"conducting or supporting public works activities which
affect the environment" to implement policies created
under current laws; and (2) authorizes an Office of
Environmental Quality to be established in the Executive
Office.47 Tne Office of Environmental Quality was supposed
to provide tne administrative and professional staff for
tne Council on Environmental Quality (the Chairman of CEQ
was also designated as Director of the Office). In reality,
nowever, the Office of Environmental Quality "... has
never been formally established as an organizational
entity ".1+8
Earlier, when NEPA and the Environmental Quality
Improvement Act were still in the conceptual stage, the
stance taken by Senator Jackson and Congressman Daddario
was described as "in part, a power play directed against
and Muskie in favor of the Interior Department and
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a new alignment of congressional committee jurisdictions".49
In Steinhart's opinion, the requirement in P.L. 91-224
tnat annual Environmental Quality Reports "be transmitted
to each standing committee of the Congress having
jurisdiction over any part of the subject matter ..."
was HusKie's way of maintaining his jurisdictional
prerogatives.50
Ash Council Report. On the 12th of May/ the President's
Advisory Council on Executive Organization submitted a
formal memorandum calling for a consolidated Department of
Natural Resources (DNR). In so doing the Council cited
the need for a coordinated natural resource policy which,
i
theretofore, had been "virtually impossible to achieve".51
The memorandum went on to say that, by creating a clearly
defined center of responsibility, the Federal Government's
relationships with state and local government and private
industry would be simplified considerably. In essence,
the proposed Department of Natural Resources was to have
consisted of the following areas: land and recreation,
water resoruces, energy and mineral resources, marine
resources and technology, and geophysical science services.
The Ash Council recommendations concerning a DNR have
not been implemented for a variety of reasons, chief among
them being a general lack of Congressional enthusiasm for
sweeping reorganization. Perhaps of greater significance
to the present discussion is the position taken by the
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Council with respe-ct to key elements of the President's
Reorganization Plans 3 and 4 which quickly followed.
Summer 1970
In July 1970 President Nixon announced Reorganization
Plans No. 3 and No. 4. The former established the Environ-
mental Protection Agency; the latter created the National
Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration. Although both
Plans were eventually approved by Congress, each was
opposed by a coalition of concerned lawmakers, Administration
officials, and conservation groups - but for altogether different
reasons.
Reorganization Plan Number 3. With the backing of the
Ash Council, President Nixon submitted a plan to Congress
creating an independent Environmental Protection Agency (EPA).
The Chief Executive indicated that the Federal Government
must regard the environment "as a single, interrelated system"
and, consistent with that perception, there is a need to
reorganize pollution control programs under one umbrella.52
Mr. Nixon cited previous failures to coordinate agency efforts,
partly because the traditional way of viewing pollution had
been "along media lines" (e.g., water, air, etc.) rather than
acknowledging that pollution frequently cuts across all
media. EPA's method of attacking pollution problems would
involve:
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• identifying pollutants
• tracing their path through, the environmental chain
while observing and recording any changes in form
• assessing the degree to which humans and other
parts of the environment are exposed
• keeping a watchful eye for synergistic effects
among pollutants
• locating an optimum point in the ecological chain
for "interdiction."5^
The programs transferred from other agencies to form
EPA were the Federal Water Quality Administration, the
National Air Pollution Control Administration, the Bureau
of Water Hygiene, the Bureau of Solid Waste Management,
tne Bureau of Radiological Health, Pesticides Standards
and Research, Pesticides Registration, Federal Radiation
Council, and Studies of Ecological Systems. With respect
to the roles of the Council on Environmental Quality and
the Environmental Protection Agency, Mr. Nixon stated that
...tne Council focuses on what our broad
policies in the environmental field should
be; the EPA would focus on setting and enforcing
pollution control standards. The two are not
competing, but complementary 5 "*
In November, William Ruckelshaus was appointed Administrator
of EPA which became operational the following month.
In the opening remarks to this subsection it was noted
tnat Roy Asa was a staunch advocate of an Environmental
Protection Agency. The President's Advisory Council on
Executive Organization went on record in memoranda dated
April 29 and May 12 supporting the idea "that key anti-
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pollution programs be merged in a new and independent
Environmental Protection Administration to give priority
to the task of cleaning up oar environment."55 Senator
Muskie also seemed committed—at least in principle—to
an "EPA" concept. In the Introduction to Davies' book,
Senator Muskie argued that
One of our most urgent needs is tiie creation of
an independent watchdog agency, uninvolved with
the operating programs of the government and
dedicated solely to the protection and enhancement
of environmental quality. We cannot afford to vest
the duty to enforce environmental standards in the
very agencies involved in the development of those
resources for public use.56
Within the Nixon Administration, one of the most vocal
opponents of EPA was Secretary Kickel:
...I strongly urged, and repeatedly fought for
the transforming'of Interior into a Department
of Natural Resources and the Environment. I
reasoned that it was self-defeating to
separate resource development from environmental
protection...
The President chose another course...This decision..
(to create EPA) removed from the Interior the
Federal Water Quality Administration as well as
several other offices dealing with pollution
control. I still believe that the environment
suffers when the policing function is isolated,..."57
Congressional opposition to EPA, while generally muted,
was based on two points: (1) appropriate Congressional
committees had not been consulted about the contents of
Reorganization Plan 3, and (2) a small, but critical group
of environmental programs (e.g., HUD"s water and sewer
grant program, DOT's noise pollution program, etc.)
were omitted. Despite the criticism the Plan became
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effective in October.58
Reorganization Plan No. 4. The plan to create
a National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA)
can be traced directly to the Commission on Marine Science,
Engineering and Resources—sometimes referred to as the
Stratton Commission—although its roots go back much farther
than that. Edward Wenk provides a fascinating account of
early interest in a "superagency" for the marine sciences in
his Politics of the Ocean.59 It is apparent from Wenk1s book
that there were strong odds against such an agency being
established, particularly given a downward spiral of interest
coupled with powerful opposition at the highest levels of
government.
In a prepared statement accompanying Reorganization
Plan 4, Mr. Nixon said that, by bringing together a select
group of departments then scattered throughout the Federal
Government, a unified, coordinated program could be initiated
which would effectively cope with "the compelling need for
protection from natural hazards and the need to develop marine
resources."60 As spelled out in the Plan, NOAA would consist
of the following programs:
• Environmental Science Services Administration
• Selected activities of the Bureau of Commercial Fisheries
• Marine sport fish program of the Bureau of Sport
Fisheries and Wildlife
• Office of the Sea Grant Programs
• Elements of the United States Lake Survey
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• National Oceanographic Data Center
• National Oceanographic Instrumentation Center
• National Data Buoy Project
As Science points out, other than Edward Wenk (who,
in 1970, was the executive director of a White House
advisory council on marine affairs), one of the few
influential proponents of NOAA was then Attorney General
John Mitchell.61 Wenk credits Mitchell with overcoming
considerable opposition from key Presidential advisors,
among them Roy Ash. The President's Advisory Council on
Executive Reorganization had strongly recommended against
NOAA as early as January. In the Council's May memorandum,
Ash stated that:
We wish to reaffirm our recommendation
that an independent NOAA should not be
established. To create such a 'separate
agency would be inconsistent with the
basic objective of our proposal for a new
Department of Natural Resources. It would
separate closely related natural resource
functions at the very time when it is
urgent to bring them together....6 2
Ash had suggested an alternative plan, supported by
Secretary Hickel, which would have involved consolidating
a number of marine-related programs under the aegis of the
Interior Department.63 Eventually, NOAA was established
within the Department of Commerce despite opposition from
many conservation groups. Their argument was "that traditionally
the Department of Commerce had represented the industrial
and economic viewpoint, rather than the public use and
enjoyment of a natural resource."64 Congress nevertheless
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approved the plan, and NOAA became a reality with Dr.
Robert White at the helm.
In sum, it appeared that Interior had lost yet another
battle. What is not clear is the extent to which a clash
of strong personalities within the Administration dictated
tne outcome. November 1970 marked the end of Walter Hickel's
brief career as Secretary of the Interior.
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EPILOGUE
The Struggle Continues
The decision to end this discussion of environmental
policy-making on the eve of the 1970 Congressional
elections was arbitrary at best. Obviously, the struggle
for leadership in environmental affairs continued.
For example/ one of the last and most important products
of the 91st Congress was the Clean Air Amendments of
1970, which strengthened controls over automobile
emissions and hazardous substances emitted from new and
existing sources. Because the Amendments embody Congressional
recommendations as well as those contained in the
President's 1970 Message on the Environment confusion
developed in the public mind as to the identity of the
principal architect—Senator Muskie or President Nixon?
Each had a share in the Amendments, but according to
the National Journal, "...it appeared that the President
had effectively challenged Muskie's pre-eminence in
environmental matters,...."6 5
Two years later, as the present paper is being
written, little has changed. Over the President's
veto, the 92nd Congress rammed through the Federal Water
Pollution Control Amendments—the most expensive environ-
mental bill in history. The bill's price tag is
$24.7 billion, to be spent over a three-year period
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at a time when inflation and deficit spending are key
political issues. Environmentalists, true to form,
were not alarmed by the cost, but were concerned that
"the measure is an authorization, not an appropriations
bill, and there is a feeling that considerably less
money will actually be expended than is called for in
the legislation."66 In late November 1972 their fears
were realized when President Nixon decided to impound more
than half the funds which Congress had set aside for new
water treatment plants. How this action will affect
the relationship between the administration and the
incoming 93rd Congress, particularly with respect to
future environmental policy, is difficult to predict.
It is unfortunate that the dispute over expenditure
levels has masked three significant features of the
Water Pollution Control Amendments: (1) effluent limitations,
not water quality standards, are now the enforcement
mechanism of the water pollution control program; (2) private
citizens have the right to go to court on environmental
issues, even to sue violators of the new law—however,
plaintiffs must demonstrate that the violation has
adversely affected their interests; and (3), the
water discharge permit program has been tightened,
giving EPA regulatory powers over pollutant discharge
into coastal and inland waters.
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The 92nd Congress left behind some additional
"llth hour" measures worth noting.67 Foremost among
these is the Environmental Pesticide Control Act, which
makes EPA the chief regulatory agency in the pesticide
field and also simplifies the procedure for removing
dangerous products from the market. Were she alive
today, Rachel Carson might derive a small measure of
satisfaction from this Act. Federal authority had
previously been based on the Insecticide, Fungicide,
and Rodenticide Act of 1947, which contained little, if
any, regulatory power. The 92nd Congress was also
responsible for such important environmental measures as
the coastal zone management bill, a law to control dumping
in oceans and coastal waters, and a noise control act.
NEPA: Pro and Con
^
At this point it seems appropriate to take a closer
look at the National Environmental Policy Act, this time
from the vantage point of recent history. Three years
have elapsed now since NEPA was signed into law, a
sufficient period to evaluate its accomplishments anqjj
failures.
In a recent presentation before the Interprofessional
Council on Environmental Design, Fred Anderson, Executive
Director of the Environmental Law Institute, suggested five
areas where NEPA has been successful:
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VII-42
• The National Environmental Policy Act has forced
the Federal Government to bring its policies in line
with public concern about "quality of life;"
• The NEPA requirement of environmental impact
statements ("102 process") has provided a systematic
way of cutting across Government lines, necessitating
the creation of intergovernmental coordinating groups and
task forces;
• The 102 process has engendered active public
participation in policy making and, in general, has
increased the level of public awareness with respect to
government programs which might affect the environment;
• Federal agencies have had to supplement their
staffs with better in-house talent—interdisciplinarians
with a fresh point of view;
• The language of NEPA has been vigorously enforced
by the courts (NEPA is no "paper tiger").68
Ironically, Section 102(2) (C), which spells out
the requirement for environmental impact statements,
has probably evoked more controversy than any other
aspect of NEPA, yet it appears to have been an after-
thought. The legislators who drafted NEPA contemplated
two-or three-page impact statements, not verbose documents,
but the latter have frequently been produced. Professor
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VII-43
Harold P. Green, Director of George Washington University's
Law, Science and Technology Program, told members of
the American Association for the Advancement of Science
that "It is difficult to believe NEPA isn't going to get
its teeth pulled." He went on to say that if the legal
implications of the Act had been anticipated, it never
would have been enacted.69 Even NEPA's chief advocate
in the House of Representatives, Congressman Dingell,
recently remarked: "I have some doubts that NEPA
would pass in its present form today. I very much doubt
if the Section 102 provision...would be in...."70
>
The pessimism of both men stems from the fact that
successive court rulings have greatly expanded the
concept of "environmental consequences": almost any
federal government activity might conceivably require
impact statements. As Green points out, agencies have
been inundated with "immense amounts of paperwork."71
NEPA has been attacked both for "not doing enough"
and for "going too far." The position of those in the
first camp has been stated as follows:
...While federal courts have ruled in almost
200 cases that the government has failed to
comply with NEPA or other environmental
protection laws, the courts have not stopped
a single project on substantive grounds.
The merit or lack of merit of a project has
not been the basis of any environmental court
decision. Some environmental lawyers believe
a court may one day rule on the substance of
a proposed project, that a court may find, for
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instance, that a project is too environmentally
destructive or is not the best alternative.
So far, however, the courts have avoided the
substance of these conflicts.72
In essence, the courts have focused on procedural
requirements, leaving open the possibility of having a
beautifully written set of impact statements for
a pointless or potentially destructive project. Some
additional problems include (1) the fact that environ-
mentalists have no recourse except going to court,
(2) the absence of any requirement for comments on final
impact statements—only on draft statements, (3) the
absence of any mechanism for assessing the validity of
impact statements (i.e., to determine how the information
was obtained), and (4) the exclusion of the private
sector from the impact statement process.
Similar comments were attributed to two departing
presidential advisors, Robert Cahn and Gordon MacDonald
who, with Russell Train, comprised the original Council
on Environmental Quality. Cahn thought that the courts
had done an excellent job of "getting environmental
concerns built into decision making;" however, he felt
there was still considerable room for improvement on
the part of some federal agencies:
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We're getting much better compliance with
th,2 letter of the law but I'm not satisfied
with compliance with the spirit of the law.
That is, I'm not satisfied that the
agencies in all cases have really considered
the environmental impact, instead of making
their decision first and then writing an
environmental impact statement to justify it.
This is still done too much.73
MacDonald stated that one of CEQ's shortcomings
might have been the inability to devote sufficient
staff time for thorough review of environmental impact
statements. Nevertheless, he and Cahn both thought
that the Council had accomplished a great deal in the
review process and had developed important roles in
the drafting of legislation, providing advice to the
President, and coordinating the activities of other
federal agencies.
It is probably correct to say that there are just
as many critics who would like to see NEPA rescinded
(or, at the very least, weakened) as there are individuals
advocating tougher environmental measures. Marvin
Zeldin, a frequent contributor to Audubon, is particularly
apprehensive about future legislation designed to bypass
NEPA or to abolish citizen lawsuits. According to
Zeldin, the National Environmental Policy Act has been
referred to as a "trumpet call to retreat into the
past," and its adherents have been accused of "blocking
progress" and "promoting mischief."74 Even many moderates,
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who quickly agree that NEPA has had a positive effect
on the nation's ability to maintain and improve the environment,
argue that some change in NEPA is inevitable. In their
opinion, continued costly delays and the denial of services
to people may well swing the pendulum away from environmental
concerns.
A recent EPA publication provides several examples
of projects which were modified or canceled as a direct
result of NEPA:
• In March, 1972, the Army Corps of Engineers
prepared draft impact statements covering proposed
construction of a 1760-foot pier extending from Assateague
Island into the Atlantic. The project was terminated when
negative comments underscored the likelihood that natural
barriers along the eastern coastline would be harmed.
• A dredging operation designed to "improve safety
for barge crossings" in Florida's Gulf Intracoastal Waterway
was halted because of harm to the "natural habitat" of
aquatic life in the area.
• In a landmark decision (Calvert Cliffs Coordinating
Committee v. AEC), the Court instructed the Atomic
Energy Commission to (a) devote greater attention to the
environment in its internal review process, (b) consider
halting nuclear generating plant construction until
environmental factors are carefully weighed, and (c) make
its own assessment of water quality rather than rely on
Federal or State certification.75
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The Calvert Cliffs Case, in particular, was hailed
as a "great victory" by environmentalists; in other
quarters it has been referred to as "judicial tyranny."
Whither the Environmental Cause?
But what of the environmental movement itself? Is
it likely to continue and, if it does, what direction will
it take? At the close of 1972, environmentalism seemed
to be making progress on some fronts while losing ground
on others. On the plus side one can cite the following:
• Court triumphs resulting from citizen lawsuits
continue to be a source of optimism. In addition to
those cases previously described, environmentalists have
achieved court victories primarily because judges were
willing to set bonds at reasonable levels; otherwise,
the expense would have precluded groups such as the Sierra
Club and Friends of the Earth from obtaining "judicial
review." Indications are that future court decisions may
be based on factors previously ignored in NEPA, for example,
clear evidence that "alternatives to the proposed action"
and "social impact" have been considered.
• There are signs that the environment is becoming
a political issue at the grass-roots level. Scammon and
Wattenberg predicted in April 1971 that ecology would
be important in local elections; the 1972 elections
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appear to support their forecasts.76 For example, the
League of Conservation Voters was heavily involved in
a number of congressional and gubernatorial races, backing
candidates with contributions as well as endorsements.
Spokesmen for the League attributed the primary defeat
of Representative Aspinall, and the unseating of
Senator Gordon Allott to Colorado environmentalists.
Colorado voters also vetoed Denver as a site for the
1976 Winter Olympics, mainly due to potential environmental
degradation. However, perhaps the biggest victory was
scored in California where, in the face of bitter opposition
from petroleum and other industrial interests, voters
approved a proposition calling for strict coastal zoning
and careful regulation of future coastal development.
» Despite enormous difficulties, the 1972 United
Nations Conference on the Human Environment appeared to
open the uoor to international cooperation on environmental
problems. Agreement was reached on 109 separate
recommendations incorporated in a declaration on the
environment, a global action plan, and the machinery to
carry it out.77
On the debit side of the ledger, the staggering cost
of cleaning up the environment will undoubtedly become
a highly polarized issue. The Council on Environmental
Quality estimates that approximately $287 billion will have
to be spent during the current decade in order to do
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the job properly. Thus far, solid data are lacking on
public willingness to underwrite environmental programs.
Presumably, many people overlook the fact that someone
has to pay for a cleaner environment, namely the taxpayer.
Another area of concern to environmentalists is the
energy crisis. Whether or not such crisis exists, and who
should be held responsible, remains the subject of heated
debate. Spokesmen for the energy lobby feel that the
environmental movement is partly to blame, primarily
because of delayed and suspended projects. During the
first few weeks of 1973, when schools and businesses in
some areas of the country were forced to snut down because
of fuel shortages, the petroleum industry launched a
massive advertising campaign calling for increased
incentives for oil exploration, fewer restrictions on
offshore drilling, and postponement of deadlines for
achieving air and water quality standards. Secretary
of Agriculture Butz, upon assuming his new role as
the President's natural resource counselor, went so far
as to say that
We should have been thinking about the energy
shortage when construction of the Alaskan pipe-
line was blocked 5 years ago...When we run
short of power, tne first people to have
tneir power shut off should be those who
blocked the Alaskan pipeline.78
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At the same time, the oil industry has been taken to
task by environmentalists for cutting back on fuel oil
production in favor of gasoline in order to realize greater
profits. The federal government has also been criticized
for not lifting quotas on foreign oil imports and for
failing to develop "a coordinated, coherent national
energy policy geared to the public interest".79 Secretary
of Commerce Peterson, seeing little utility in the energy-
ecology debate, has argued that both sides are going to
have to accept trade-offs:
If we can forge a national commitment and if,
on that foundation, we can construct national
environmental policies, national energy policies,
and national economic growth policies that
are coherent and reconciled, one with the other,
we may well be able to solve our energy problem. ^
With such a commitment, we may well be able to
clean up our environment without slowing
economic growth.80
Is environmentalism an "elitist fad" as some critics
have charged? Has the American public's concern about
environmental quality diminished, or was it, in fact,
exaggerated from the beginning? The answer in both
cases is a qualified "Ho", based on the results of
recent attitude and opinion surveys:
• Cantril and Roll found that, in contrast to the
results of previous national surveys conducted in 1959 and
1964, pollution "emerged distinctly" as a new national
concern in 1971.81 Nevertheless, fear about pollution
still ranked well below apprehension about war, national
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disunity, economic instability, communism, and lack of
law and order.
• Watts and Free replicated the Cantril and Roll
study in 1972 with a national probability sample of 1806
respondents.82 Their findings indicated that the environment
was unquestionably a major concern of the American public;
however, they also found evidence that a vigorous envi-
ronmental "backlash" had developed with government,
industry, and the scientific community. Support for
environmental reform appeared uniform across all population
strata, with greatest concern expressed by the young,
the well-educated, suburbanites, professional and business
groups, Westerners, Catholics, political independents,
and liberals; less concern was noted among those with little
education, little income, and who reside in rural areas:
Looking...at the entire range of environmental
issues, it would appear that the public... would
not only condone, but indeed welcome, a considerable
new investment in solving the problems of air and
water pollution and solid waste disposal. The
people remain leery, however, about more sweeping
and revoluntionary attacks on environmental
problems, if these approaches assume overtones
of governmental control through such devices as
officially limiting economic or technical growth
or inhibiting an increase in population.8J
• Tognacci and his associates interviewed 141 randomly
selected subjects in Boulder, Colorado to find out if
environmental concern is consistent across major population
subgroups.84 While their results were similar to those
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reported by Watts and Free (persons expressing the most
concern about environmental quality were generally younger,
better educated, more liberal, and higher in socio-economic
status), they arrived at a considerably more pessimistic
conclusion:
Taken together, our findings suggest that the
ability of the ecology movement for unifying
a diverse constituency has perhaps been
overrated. At least at this point in time,
those persons most concerned about environmental
issues appear to reflect the same configuration
of social and psychological attributes
which have traditionally characterized individuals
active in civic, service, and political
organizations . . . Recent increments in
public concern about ecology may merely reflect a
more intense commitment by this relatively
select group of people rather than broad increases
in sensitivity to environmental problems among the
general citizenry.85
Tognacci's findings underscore one additional problem
which is both national and international in character: the
age-old battle between "haves" and "have nots". The
Stockholm Conference indicated all too clearly that the
developing nations perceive environmental concern as
the "rich man's dilemma". Worse, some countries
consider it an "imperialist plot" to prevent poorer
countries from reaching full potential. In sum, unless
environmental issues can be shown to apply to a broad
spectrum of the American public/ and to transcend national
boundaries, the future of environmentalism may be in jeopardy
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REFERENCES
1. Lloyd Free and Hadley Cantril, The Political Beliefs
of Americans (New York: Simon and Schuster,1968),
pp. 94-112.
2. James Ridgeway, The Politics of Ecology (New York:
E.P. Dutton & Co., Inc., 1971) pp. 118-119.
3. The Committee of Scientists, "The Torrey Canyon—Report
of the Committee of Scientists on the Scientific
and Technological Aspects of the Torrey Canyon Disaster,"
available from Her Majesty's Stationery Office, (1967),
48 pp.
4. Julian McCaull, "Tae Black Tide", Our World in Peril;
An Environmental Review. Sheldon Novick and Dorothy
Cottrell, eds. (Greenwich, Conn.: Fawcett Publications,
Inc., 1971), pp. 51-71.
5. Walter J. Hickel, Who Owns America? (New York: Prentice
hall, Inc., 1971), p. 87.
6. Ibid, p. 91.
7. Ibid, p. 105.
8. Cecile Trop and Leslie Roos, "Public Opinion and the
Environment", The Politics of Ecosuicide. Leslie Roos,
ed. (New York: Holt, Rinehart, & Winston, Inc., 1971),
p. 54.
9. Lloyd Free and Hadley Cantril, The Political Beliefs of
Americans, p. 105.
10. Cecile Trop and Leslie Roos, "Public Opinion and the
Environment", pp. 55-56.
11. J. Clarence Davies, The Politics of Pollution (New York:
Pegasus, 1970), pp. 78-82.
12. Cecile Trop and Leslie Roos, "Public Opinion and the
Environment", p. 60.
13. Ibid, p. 62
-------
VII-54
14. Frank Egler, "Pesticides — in Our Ecosystem", The
Subversive Science. Paul Shepard and Daniel McKinley,
eds. (Boston: Koughton Mifflin Co., 1969X, p. 251.
15. Ibid, pp. 250-251.
16. Philip Converse, Aage Clausen, and Warren Miller,
"Electoral Myth and Reality: the 1964 Election,"
American Political Science Review, 49, (1965), pp. 321-336.
17. John Maloney and Lynn Slovonsky, "The Pollution Issue:
A Survey of Editorial Judgments," The Politics of Ecosuicide,
Leslie Roos, ed. (New York: Holt, Rinehart, & Winston,
Inc., 1971), pp. 64-78.
18. Max Gunther, "Where Does Television Stand on Ecology",
TV Guide, August 4, 1972, p. 7.
19. Joseph Klapper, "The Social Effects of Mass Communication",
The Science of Human Communication. Wilbur Schramm, ed.
(New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1963) pp. 65-76.
20. "Issue of the Year: The Environment", Time, January 4, 1971
21. Cecile Trop and Leslie Roos, "Public Opinion and the
Environment", p. 57.
22. Richard Scammon and Ben Wattenberg, The Real Majority
(New York: Berkeley Publishing Corporation, 1970) ,
p. 299.
23. J. Clarence Davies, The Politics of Pollution, p. 17.
24. John Steinhart, "The Making of Environmental POlicy: f
The First Two Years", Environmental Impact Analysis:
Philosophy and Methods . Robert Ditton and Thomas
Goodale , eds . (Madison, Wisconsin: University of
Wisconsin Sea Grant Program, 1972) , pp. 5-21.
25. Michael Bar one, Grant Ujifusa, and Douglas Matthews,
The Almanac of American Politics (Boston: Gambit, Inc.,
1972) , p. viii.
26. Davies, The Politics of Pollution, p. 70.
27. Michael Barone, Grant Ujifusa, and Douglas
The Alamnac of American Politics, p. 895.
-------
VII-55
28. J. Clarence Davies, The Politics of Pollution, pp. 70-71.
29. Ibid, p. 71.
30. Ibid, p. 71.
31. John Steinhart, "The Making of Environmental Policy:
The First Two Years", p. 7.
32. Elizabeth Boswell, Federal Programs Related to Environment,
(Washington, D. C.:Library of Congress, 1970), p. 7-8.
33. John Steinhart, "The Making of Environmental Policy:
Tne First Two Years", p. 13.
34. J. Clarence Davies, The Politics of P6llutiony pp. 71-72.
35. Ibid, p. 72.
36. Elizabetn Boswell, Federal Programs Related to Environment, p. 1,
37. Ibid, pp. 1-2.
38. Walter Hickel, Who Owns America?, p. 213.
39. Susan Abbasi, Federal Environmental Activities, (Washington,
D. C.: Library of Congress, 1972), p.5~,
40. Carolyn Harris, In Productive Harmony (Washington, D. C.:
Environmental Protection Agency, 1972), p. 1.
41. Council on Environmental Quality, Environmental Quality:
The First Annual Report of the Council on Environmental
Quality, (Washington, D.C.: U. S. Government Printing
Office, 1970), pp. 243-246.
42. Ibid, pp. 243-249.
43. Elizabetn Boswell, Executive Reorganization for Environmental
Affairs (Washington, D. C.: Library of Congress, 1971), p. 5.
44. Ibid, p. 7.
45. Science, May 1, 1970, p. 558.
46. Walter Hickel, Who Owns America?, p. 220.
47. Elizabeth Boswell, Executive Reorganization for Environmental
Affairs, p. 8.
48. Susan Abbasi, Federal Environmental Activities, p. 2.
49. J. Clarence Davies, The Politics of Pollution, p. 72.
-------
VII-56
50. John Steinhart, "The Making of Environmental Policy;
The First Two Years", pp. 16-17.
51. The President's Advisory Council on Executive Organization,
Memorandum for the President: The Establishment of a
Department of Natural Resources (Washington, D. C. ;
Executive Office of the President, May 12, 1970), p. 5.
52. Elizabeth Boswell, Executive Reorganization for
Environmental Affairs, p. 13.
53. Ibid, p. 13.
54. Ibid, p. 15.
55. The President's Advisory Council on Executive Organization,
Memorandum for the President; The Establishment of a
Department of Natural Resources, p. 3.
56. Edmund S. Muskie, "Introduction" to J. Clarence Davies,
The Politics of Pollution, p. x.
57. Walter Hickel, Who Owns America?/ p. 243.
58. Elizabeth Boswell, Executive Reorganization for Environmental
Affairs, p. 16.
59. Edward Wenk, The Politics of the Ocean, (Seattle: University
of Washington Press, 1972).
60. Elizabeth Boswell, Executive Reorganization for Environmental
Affairs, pp. 16-17.
61. Robert Gillette, "Politics of the Ocean: View from the
Inside", Science, November 17, 1972, pp. 729-730.
62. The President's Advisory "Council on Executive
Organization, Memorandum for the President: The
Establisnment of a Department of Natural Resources, p. 12.
63. John Steinhart, "The Making of Environmental Policy:
The First Two Years", p. 16.
64. Elizabeth Boswell, Executive Reorganization for
Environmental Affairs, pp. 20-21.
65. James Rathlesberger/ Nixon and the Environment (New York:
Taurus Communications, Inc., 1972), p. 11.
-------
VII-57
66. John Walsh/ "Environmental Legislation: Last Word
from Congress", Science, November 10, 1972, pp. 593-594.
67. Ibid, p. 594.
68. Fred Anderson, Address to the Interprofessional Council
on Environmental Design, Airlie, Va., November 28, 1972.
69. Harold Green, Panel discussion presented at the American
Association for the Advancement of Science, Washington,
D. C., December, 1972.
70. Marvin Zeldin, "Will Success Spoil NEPA?", Audubon,
July 1972, p. 108.
71. Harold Green, op cit.
72. Marvin Zeldin, "Will Success Spoil NEPA," p. 107.
73. "Environment Law Ignored, Departing Nixon Aides Say",
Washington Star, September 17, 1972.
74. Marvin Zeldin, "Will Success Spoil NEPA," p. 106-107.
75. Carolyn Harris, In Productive Harmony, pp. 10-12.
76. Richard Scammon and Ben Wattenberg, The Real Majority,
pp. 333-334.
77. Marvin Zeldin, "The World Sets Out to Rescue Its Earth",
Audubon, September 1972, pp. 116-122.
78. Luther Carter, "Earl L. Butz, Counselor for Natural
Resources: President's Choice a Surprise for
Environmentalists," Science, January 26, 1973, p. 359.
79. The Conservation Foundation, "Wanted: A Coordinated, Coherent
National Energy Policy Geared to the Public Interest," CF_
Letter, June 1972, pp. 1-12.
80. Peter G. Peterson, "The Environment and the Economy:
Joint Progress or Parochial Negativism", Address presented
at the National Environmental Information Symposium of
The Environmental Protection Agency, Cincinnati, Ohio,
September 1972.
-------
VII-58
81. Albert Cantril and Charles Roll/ Hopes and Fears of
The American People (New York: Universe Books/ 1971)
82. William Watts and Lloyd Free/ State of the Nation
(New York: Universe Books/ 1973) .
83. Ibid/ p. 154.
84. Louis Tognacci, Russell Weigel/ Marvin Wideen, and
David Vernon/ "Environmental Quality: How Universal
is Public Concern?", Environment and Behavior, 4, 1,
(March 1972), pp. 73-86.
85. Ibid, p. 85.
-------
APPENDIX A
AUTHORS AND PARTICIPANTS
1972 EPA SUMMER FELLOWS PROGRAM
-------
A-2
QUALITY OF LIFE
AUTHORS
Kenneth E. Hornback, Team Leader
East Lansing, Michigan
University of Iowa (Iowa City) B.S. (Sociology)
Northern Illinois University (De Kalb) M.A. (Sociology)
Michigan State University (E. Lansing) PhD. anticipated 1973 (Sociology)
Joel Guttman
St. Louis Park, Minnesota
University of Chicago, A.B. anticipated 1974 (Economics)
Harold L. Himmelstein
Kansas City, Missouri
University of Kansas (Lawrence) B.A. 1968 (History-American Government)
University of Kansas, M.A. 1972 (Mass Communications)
Ann Rappaport
Schenectady, New York
Wellesley College, B.A. anticipated 1973 (Asian Studies)
Roy Reyna
San Antonio, Texas
Our Lady of the Lake College (San Antonio) B.A. 1972 (Biochemistry)
COUNSELER
Allan Feldt
Department of Urban Simulation
University of Michigan
Ann Arbor, Michigan
-------
A-3
POLLUTION AND THE MUNICIPALITY
AUTHORS
Pamela C. Cooper, Team Leader
Los Angeles, California
University of Southern California, B.A. 1969 (Sociology)
University of Southern California, PhD anticipated 1973 (Demography,
Urban Studies)
Samuel J. Kursh
Washington, D.C.
University of Delaware (Wilmington), B.B.A. 1969 (Business Administration)
George Washington University, M.B.A. 1971
George Washington University, PhD anticipated 1973 (Management Science)
Jeanie Rae Wakeland
Los Alandtos, California
Pitzer College (Claremont, California), B.A. 1972 (Environmental Studies)
University of Oregon, M.S. anticipated 1973 (Journalism)
Margo Van Winkle
Monroe, Washington
Huxley College (Bellingham, Washington), B.S. 1972 (Environmental Health)
Mary A. Zoller
Little Falls, New York
Smith College (1969-1970)
University of Pennsylvania, B.A. anticipated 1973 (Biochemistry)
COUNSELER
Walter Lewis
Department of Public Administration
American University
Washington, D.C.
-------
A-4
CONSUMPTION DIFFERENTIALS AND THE ENVIRONMENT
AUTHORS
Mary Beth Olsen, Team Leader
Venice, California
University of Southern California (Los Angeles), B.A. 1971 (Sociology)
University of Southern California, PhD anticipated 1975 (Sociology)
Ethan E. Bickelhaupt
Buhl, Idaho
The College of Idaho (Caldwell, Idaho) B.S. anticipated 1974 (Zoology,
Chemistry, History)
Donnie H. Grimsley
Logan, Utah
Brigham Young University (Provo, Utah), A.B. 1967 (Political Science)
University of Utah (Salt Lake City, Utah), J.D. 1971 (Law)
Utah State University (Logan) M.B.A. anticipated 1973 (Business Administration
Cherie S. Lewis
University Heights, Ohio
University of Michigan (Ann Arbor), B.A. 1972 (Chinese/Near Eastern Studies)
Pamela Scott
Waukomis, Oklahoma
Westmor College (Le Mars, Iowa), B.S. 1972 (Sociology)
Utah State University, 1972 (Sociology)
COUNSELER
Ronald Ridker
Department of Population and Growth
Resources For the Future
Washington, D.C.
-------
A-5
OUTDOOR RECREATION AND THE ENVIRONMENT
AUTHORS
Benno Kimmelman, Team Leader
Oak Ridge, Tennessee
Yale University, B.A. 1972 (History)
Yale Law School, 1972 -
Keith Bildstein
Warren, New Jersey
Muhlenberg College (Allentown, Pa.), B.S. 1972 (Biology)
Rutgers University, 1972 (Environmental Behavior)
Paul Bujak
Laramie, Wyoming
University of Wyoming (Laramie, Wy.), B.A. 1970 (Geology)
University of Wyoming, 1970 (Geography)
William Horton
Knoxville, Tennessee
University of Tennessee (Knoxville), B.A., December 1972 (Psychology)
Mary Savina
Stamford, Connecticut
Carleton College (Northfield, Minnesota), B.A. 1972 (History and Geology)
COUNSELER
Charles Cicchetti, Economist
Institute for Environmental Studies
University of Wisconsin
Madison, Wisconsin
-------
A-6
ENVIRONMENTAL MANAGEMENT
AUTHORS
Larry A. Nelsen, Team Leader
Oklahoma City, Oklahoma
Alma College (Alma, Michigan), B.A. 1971 (Economics and Foreign Service,
Mathematics)
Tulane University (New Orleans, La.), 1971 (Economics)
Robert Blacksberg
Elmsfor, New York
University of Chicago, A.B. 1972 (Mathematics)
Harvard Law School, 1972 -
Michael Freemark
PhiladeIphia, Pennsylvania
Brandeis University (Waltham, Mass.), B.A. 1972 (Biology)
Temple University Medical School (Philadelphia), 1972 -
Karn Otteson
Bloomington, Indiana
Indiana University (Bloomington), A.B. 1971 (Political Science and History)
Indiana University, M.A. anticipated 1974 (The Environment)
Katherine Platt
Devon, Connecticut
Sarah Lawrence College (Bronxville, New York), B.A. 1972,(Liberal Arts)
COUNSELER
Ifan Payne
Environmental Psychologist
University of Maryland
College Park, Maryland
-------
A-7
SUMMARY OF
EPA SUMMER FELLOWS FINAL REPORTS
AUTHORS
Maury Seldin, Director
Homer Hoyt Institute
Washington, B.C.
John Kokus, Deputy Director
Homer Hoyt Institute
Washington, D.C.
-------
A-8
NEPA AND THE ENVIRONMENTAL MOVEMENT; A BRIEF HISTORY
AUTHORS
Lynn G. Llewellyn, Research Psychologist
Technical Analysis Division
National Bureau of Standards
Washington, D.C.
Clare Peiser, Operations Research Analyst
Technical Analysis Division
National Bureau of Standards
Washington, D.C.
-------
APPENDIX B
BIBLIOGRAPHY
-------
APPENDIX B*
BIBLIOGRAPHY
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-------
B-2
Ayres, Robert U., and Allen V. Kneese. "Economic and Ecological Effects
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-------
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-------
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-------
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